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1

Ortuño Mengual, Pedro, and Virginia Villaplana Ruiz. "Activismo Transmedia. Narrativas de participación para el cambio social. Entre la comunicación creativa y el media art." Obra digital, no. 12 (February 28, 2017): 123–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.25029/od.2017.123.12.

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El artículo propone una revisión de prácticas activistas mediáticas, origen de las formas participativas de la narrativa transmedia, en relación al lugar y la acción política. La implantación de las redes digitales ha permitido el desarrollo de una cultura red. Se analizan prácticas artísticas de colectivos activistas y las nuevas propuestas desarrolladas con dispositivos móviles vía GPS y webdoc. En este sentido, se proponen tres líneas discursivas sobre el activismo transmedia: las aperturas narrativas del territorio y la ciudadanía, las políticas de acción y representación colectiva, y finalmente, la expresión de la experiencia mediante el testimonio.Transmedia activism. Participatory narratives for social changeAbstractWe propose a review of media activist practices giving rise to participative transmedia narratives in relation to political action and location. Digital networks have allowed the development of a network culture. We discuss artistic practices of activist groups and new proposals made via GPS with mobile devices and web documentaries. We identify three kinds of discourse in transmedia activism: narratives that open up to the regionand its inhabitants, policies for collective action and representation, and the expression of experiences through witness.Keywords: Transmedia, activism, participatory media practices, discursive communication, creative communication, social artpp. 123-144
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Schrader, Timo. "The Colors of Loisaida: Embedding Murals in Community Activism." Journal of Urban History 44, no. 3 (March 15, 2017): 519–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144217699173.

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This article delves into an overlooked ingredient in community activism between the period of the Great Society and Reaganomics. In the midst of the shift from housing disinvestment to gentrification, communities across the United States sought out any means necessary to fight forced displacement. The community mural was one of the most creative tools activists employed to claim their stake in a neighborhood. This article demonstrates how these community murals were deeply embedded within activist projects, not simply as an afterthought but as a crucial catalyst to provoke action among the residents of a neighborhood, especially its young people. Loisaida (Spanglish for Lower East Side) was a pioneering neighborhood where activists democratized art as a means to politicize neighborhood space and organize an entire community. As murals play important roles for struggling communities across the world now, this article traces their role in community activism back to the U.S. mural movement.
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Cooper, Jayson, and Jennifer Sandlin. "Learning and Experiencing Intra-active Public Pedagogies in Melbourne’s Laneways: Becoming Part of the Palimpsest." Journal of Public Pedagogies, no. 5 (November 10, 2020): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.15209/jpp.1215.

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Through an analysis of street art in Melbourne, Australia, we re-think pedagogies in the interest of publicness as being activist, experimental, and demonstrative, showing how these aspects can be problematised through a new materialist lens. In doing so, we begin to flesh out what we are calling a pedagogy of intra-action. We first briefly define street art, discussing how it has been presented as a democratising practice much in the spirit of Gert Biesta’s ‘pedagogy in the interest of publicness’. We then provide a brief historical overview of street art in Melbourne as well as present some current issues surrounding it. Finally, we consider the phenomenon of street art with new materialist theories, using Karen Barad’s idea of intra-action to re-think Biesta’s ideas about how pedagogies in the interest of publicness are activist, experimental, and demonstrative. In this paper, we seek to further understand Gert Biesta’s pedagogy in the interest of publicness.
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McClish, Carmen L. "Orange Houses and Tape Babies: Temporary and Nebulous Art in Urban Spaces." Culture Unbound 2, no. 5 (December 17, 2010): 847–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.10244847.

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This essay argues that the disruption of the routine ways we engage with our cities is necessary for democratic activity and public participation. Building on research that examines the relationship between public spaces and democratic action, I explore temporary forms of creative street installation as interrupting the marketing pleas that have become the only authorized forms of visual art in our cities. I argue that tactics in urban spaces that are temporary and provide nebulous meanings are necessary to grab our attention and make us linger. I propose that these forms of engagement act in the same way as people performing or playing in public spaces. I specifically employ Yi-Fu Tuan’s theoretical notions of space and movement and Margaret Kohn’s discussion of the significance of presence in public spaces to examine the creative ways we engage with and experience our cities. I examine two activist/artist projects: Mark Jenkins’ tape installations and Detroit Demolition. My analysis of these two sites demonstrates the importance of citizens engaging in their urban spaces. By creating temporary artwork that is nebulous in meaning, activists/artists are interrupting the routine ways we experience our cities.
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Giordano, John. "After the Solidarity and Consensus Debates: Habermas, Rorty and Fraser as Pragmatist Sources for Activist Dialogical Art." Contemporary Pragmatism 14, no. 4 (November 17, 2017): 439–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18758185-01404003.

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This paper poses a relationship between pragmatist understandings of intersubjective communication and long-term “dialogical art” practices promoting social change. Art historian Grant Kester contends that two dialogical art projects by Suzanne Lacy and Austrian Art collective WochenKlausur reflect Habermas’ theory of communicative action through which the “better argument” is universally validated. Kester simultaneously acknowledges such projects inculcate non-competitive modes of intersubjective exchange that appear contrary to Habermas. I look at the “philosophical narrative” debates between Richard Rorty and Habermas to suggest that Rorty’s eschewal of Habermasian rationalization in favor of affective modes of contingent solidarity, taken with Nancy Fraser’s understanding of enmeshed public/private discourse in the context of feminist counterpublics, draws out the political-ethical orientation of activist dialogical art practices.
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Marjanić, Suzana. "Od devedesetih: aktivističke i artivističke prakse – hrvatski slučaj." Poznańskie Studia Slawistyczne, no. 17 (November 6, 2019): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pss.2019.17.6.

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The article documents the relation of performance art, actions, interventions, happenings, and the democracy of capital for the ruling power through double optics. The first optics constitutes a niche within which art is treated as a crime, as in the case of e.g. the individual guerrilla action Black Peristyle (Crni Peristil) from 1998, the author of which was summoned for interrogation at the Department for Terrorism and War Crimes.The second optics constitutes a niche within the framework of which art engagingly views what is political, what is criminal, what is taking place in this Balkan planetarium of ours – thus demonstrating that personal is (indeed) political – on the example of the independent scene on the one hand (Močvara Club and ATTACK!; I only address the independent scene of Zagreb on this occasion), but also the concept of “Green Democracy” (whereby I used the syntagma by Vandana Shiva) on the example of the activist practice of Animal Friends, as well as the examples of the artistic practice of multimedia artist Ivan Mesek, who also sought to indicate the suffering of animals on the barbed wire (Hungarian-Croatian and Slovenian-Croatian borders). With the aforementioned examples from the niche of animal rights, I sought to document the refugee crisis on the Balkan Route through the optics of equalising speciesism (species-based discrimination) and racism.
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Ben-Shaul, Daphna. "The Performative Return: Israeli and Palestinian Site-Specific Re-enactments." New Theatre Quarterly 32, no. 1 (January 7, 2016): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x15000846.

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In this article Daphna Ben-Shaul explores politically engaged Israeli and Palestinian site-specific re-enactments that pursue what she terms a ‘performative return’. This includes performed aesthetic and political re-enactments of real-life events, which bring about a re-conceptualization of reality. Three contemporary cases of return are discussed with regard to the historical precedent of Evreinov’s 1920 The Storming of the Winter Palace. The first is an activist, unauthorized return to the village of Iqrit in northern Israel by a group of young Palestinians, whose families were required to leave their homes temporarily in the 1948 war, and have since not been allowed to return. The second is Kibbutz, a project by the Empty House Group, which involved an unauthorized temporary settlement on an abandoned site in Jerusalem. The third is Civil Fast, a twenty-four-hour action by Public Movement, which was hosted mainly on a central public square in Jerusalem, integrated into the urban flow. The article draws attention to the fine line these actions straddle between political activism and aesthetic order, and explores their critical and performative effectiveness. Daphna Ben-Shaul is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Theatre Arts, Tel Aviv University. Her current research on site-specific performance in Israel is funded by a grant from the Israeli Science Foundation. She is the editor of a book on the Israeli art and performance group Zik (Keter, 2005), and has published articles in major journals.
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Siles, Silvia. "El arte y la creatividad como nuevas formas de bienestar. Primera fase de ARTYS La Experimental, proyecto de Arte y Salud Comunitaria en la Colonia Experimental de Villaverde Alto (Madrid)." eari. educación artística. revista de investigación, no. 10 (December 20, 2019): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/eari.10.12608.

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Resumen: El presente artículo tiene como objetivo describir la primera fase del proyecto de investigación ARTYS La Experimental, un proyecto de Arte y Salud comunitaria, que se lleva a cabo en la Colonia Experimental del barrio madrileño de Villaverde Alto. Se trata de una propuesta práctica diseñada durante el proceso por todas las personas implicadas en él. De esta manera, pretende crear nuevas oportunidades para mejorar el bienestar y la salud de un colectivo concreto a través de la creatividad y promover el uso de las prácticas artísticas como vehículo para mejorar la calidad de vida de la vecindad. Además, parte de los preceptos del arte basado en la comunidad, las prácticas artísticas colaborativas, el arte activista, la promoción de la salud comunitaria a través de los activos en salud, la metodología de investigación-acción participativa y la intervención comunitaria. Se trata de la fase inicial de un proceso que tiene como protagonista acciones artísticas en el espacio público, la participación activa y la toma de decisiones colectiva y que ha tenido lugar desde mayo de 2017 y hasta finales de enero de 2018. Por último, se presenta un análisis y una discusión de los resultados obtenidos hasta el momento de la publicación de este texto. Palabras clave: arte basado en la comunidad, prácticas artísticas colaborativas, salud comunitaria, activos en salud, investigación-acción participativa, espacio público. Abstract: The purpouse of this paper is to describe the first phase of the research project ARTYS La Experimental, which is an Art & Community Health Project that took place in La Colonia Experimental, a neighborhood located in Villaverde Alto in the province of Madrid. The practical proposal is designed during the process by the people involved in it. Thus, the project intends to create new opportunities for a collective group to improve their health and wellbeing across the creativity and the artistic practices as a way of increasing the neighborhood’s quality of life. The project is based on the community art-based projects, collaborative arts, activist art, community health promote through health assets, action-research participative method and community intervention. This phase of the research process has been developed from May 2017 to the end of January 2018 which includes artistic actions in the public space, active participation and collective decision-making as key protagonists. Lastly, analysis and disscusion of the results achieved to date are written in this publication. Keywords: community art-based projects, collaborative arts, community health, health assets, action-research participative, public space. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/eari.10.12608
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Skórzyńska, Agata. "Czy możliwe jest kulturoznawstwo aktywistyczne? Partycypacja w perspektywie filozofii praxis." Prace Kulturoznawcze 19 (September 15, 2016): 15–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0860-6668/19.2.

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Is methodological activism in culturalstudies possible? Participation inthe perspective of the philosophy of praxisThe main aim of the paper is to refine and highlight one of the topics of this book, which is the overlap of several different understandings of cultural participation: 1 based on cultural theories and traditional, continental cultural studies discourses, where participation was usually understood as acontribution of the subject to the collective systems of beliefs; 2 based on the “critical theories” of culture, British cultural studies, political philosophy and critique or art theory and practice, where the term participation is often used to explain agrassroot, bottom-up activity, civic participation and acontribution of individuals and groups to public domain, 3 based on the political philosophy and the political practice, 4 based on contemporary theory and critique of art practices, empirical social research of cultural participation. All of these understandings have a lot in common, they are negotiable as well. What differentiates them, possibly, is the concept of social/cultural change which they involve. However, the concept of relation between action, knowledge and beliefs which they assume is far more important. The theoretical perspective, which in my opinion can serve as a way to negotiate these approaches, is modern philosophy of praxis and contemporary theories of social practice. I discuss whether there is apossibility to integrate these discourses in the model of activist research for Polish cultural studies in the context of increasingly intensifying debates around the performativity of cultural research and the need to “came back to the rough ground” of social practice.
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Gould, Deborah. "Life During Wartime: Emotions and The Development of Act Up." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 7, no. 2 (June 1, 2002): 177–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.7.2.8u264427k88vl764.

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Focusing on the street AIDS activist movement ACT UP, this article explores the question of social movement sustainability. Emotions figure centrally in two ways. First, I argue that the emotion work of movements, largely ignored by scholars, is vital to their ability to develop and thrive over time. I investigate the ways AIDS activists nourished and extended an "emotional common sense" that was amenable to their brand of street activism, exploring, for example, the ways in which ACT UP marshaled grief and tethered it to anger; reoriented the object of gay pride away from community stoicism and toward gay sexual difference and militant activism; transformed the subject and object of shame from gay shame about homosexuality to government shame about its negligent response to AIDS; and gave birth to a new "queer" identity that joined the new emotional common sense, militant politics, and sexradicalism into a compelling package that helped to sustain the movement. Second, I investigate the emotions generated in the heat of the action that also helped the street AIDS activist movement flourish into the early 1990s.
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Campbell, Madeleine, and Laura González. "“Wozu Image?” / What’s the Point of Images? Exploring the Relation between Image and Text through Intersemiotic Translation and Its Embodied Experience." Open Cultural Studies 2, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 686–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2018-0062.

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Abstract “Wozu Image?” is a two-hour workshop held as part of “(e)motion,” the second Cultural Literacy in Europe (CLE) Biennial Conference which took place in Warsaw on May 10-12, 2017. In our session, we expanded the themes of the “Wozu Poesie?” exhibition, first held in Berlin in 2013, which, with thanks to Haus für Poesie (formerly Literatur Werkstatt Berlin), was shown as part of the conference. The workshop explored, through intersemiotic translation and its embodied experience, the relation between image and text, and what it means to put oneself in the picture. In this paper, we contextualise this artivism, or metaphorical “act of war,” in relation to photography. Artivism is a composite word that denotes “an activist action directed to creating change through the medium and resources of art” (Poposki 718). We report and record the processes and outcomes of the workshop with the aim of opening up intersemiotic translation (translation as encounter and experience across different media) to explorations beyond words and across disciplines. Specifically, we explore the production of text in relation to images as a way of thinking through a problem and answering questions, and the composition of an image as a way to embody thoughts on cultural literacy.
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Malaieva, Tetiana. "The method of double repetition action in the art of piano playing as an artistic and expressive technique." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: Philosophy, culture studies, sociology 9, no. 18 (2019): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2849-2019-9-18-57-62.

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This article is a deep study of the technical possibilities of the modern piano and the use of this knowledge in the musical and pianistic development of the personality. The history of the modern piano begins in the XIX century. In 1823, Sebastien Erar in Paris invented the mechanism of double rehearsal. It was a double rehearsal that marked the beginning of a new history of the modern piano. Its main task is to achieve the sensation of closing a fingertip with a string. Similarly, as the ligaments of the vocalist close or the bow with the string of the violinist. Double rehearsal is a thin spring mechanism that allows you to repeatedly press a key from half or a quarter of a key's stroke without lifting your finger from the key.This mechanism drives the hammer, and the damper remains motionless. This creates a pedal sound effect. Possession of a double rehearsal allows the pianist to understand that any touch to the keyboard affects the quality and color of the sound. Touching the keyboard is called Touche - unfortunately a forgotten professional concept. Frederic Chopin owned an excellent touche, for which he was called the "Singer of the piano." Famous musician, conductor, pianist, composer, music theorist, philosopher, human rights activist, Honored Artist of Russia Mikhail Arkadyev is considered a modern researcher of double rehearsal. Mastering a double rehearsal is achieved by repeating a single sound or akorda of three, four sounds on a legato without using the right pedal. Therefore, it is necessary to learn from the very beginning and the first touch. There are many examples of the use of double rehearsal in music literature. It can be any repetition of the same sounds. She creates a variety of musical images. Possession of a double rehearsal contributes to the technical freedom of the pianist, aesthetic and physical support when playing the piano. The research of the ordered topic revealed that the sophisticated mechanism of the double rehearsal is the first and true "soul of the piano" (pedal - "friend") She (double rehearsal) contributes to the technical maintenance of the perfect performance of the musical work and requires a painstaking work as a music teacher, and his students. And this must be done from the beginning of education and education of music school students. As a conclusion of the study, it should be emphasized that today in education the personal-oriented pedagogy comes to the fore. Therefore, the upbringing, development, formation of individual and personal qualities in pupils with the means of music should occupy the current place in the work of musical schools. And this only confirms the relevance of the topic of research and requires its further development.
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Szadkowski, Krystian, and Jakub Krzeski. "The future is always-already now: Instituent praxis and the activist university." Policy Futures in Education 19, no. 5 (April 19, 2021): 554–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14782103211003445.

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In this paper, we place the issue of university activism in the context of constituent and constituted power. By this we mean the ever-present danger that activists’ demands will be co-opted and concurrently deactivated. To mitigate this risk, we develop a set of conceptual tools that enables thinking about the activist university in terms of instituent praxis; that is, an open process of co-becoming of an institution and its actors through the continuous co-production of rules that drive their actions. Contrary to the view of the university as something instituted, the activist university that we propose emphasises the possibility of sustaining the process of acting and its underlying rules, rather than the result of the act. The activist university is understood here as a crack that leaves the instituted university open every time the self-production of its subject emerges by the self-transformation of the actors in the very course of their activities. We observe a chance for grounding instituent praxis in the ontological shift in thinking the activist university from being to co-becoming, as this will allow for reclaiming the future for the university and its broader ecology.
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Besta, Tomasz, and Anna Maria Zawadzka. "Expansion of the self of activists and nonactivists involved in mass gatherings for collective action." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 22, no. 2 (November 13, 2017): 182–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430217735903.

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Three studies were carried out in natural settings of mass gatherings to examine the interplay between activist identity and self-expansion and their relationship with willingness to engage in future collective actions. Study 1 was conducted among activists and supporters of equal rights for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals; Study 2 involved participants in a nationwide charity event; and Study 3 included members of a religious group. The results showed a statistically significant positive relationship between self-perceived activist identity and collective action (CA) tendency (Studies 1, 2, and 3). Moreover, the interaction between activist identity and self-expansion plays a role in predicting CA, with self-expansion related to willingness to engage in progroup behaviors when activist identity is low but not when activist identity is high (Studies 2 and 3). This interaction statistically significantly predicted collective action tendency when nonmaterialistic relational self-expansion and nonrelational self-expansion were considered but not when materialistic self-expansion was tested (Study 3).
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Cassegård, Carl. "Lovable Anarchism: Campus Protest in Japan From the 1990s to Today." Culture Unbound 6, no. 2 (April 17, 2014): 361–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.146361.

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This is a paper on the transformation of campus activism in Japan since the 1990’s. Japan’s so-called freeter movements (movements of young men and women lacking regular employment) are often said to have emerged as young people shifted their base of activism from campuses to the “street”. However, campuses have continued to play a role in activism. Although the radical student organisations of the New Left have waned, new movements are forming among students and precarious university employees in response to neoliberalization trends in society and the precarization of their conditions. This transformation has gone hand in hand with a shift of action repertoire towards forms of direct action such as squatting, sitins, hunger strikes, and opening “cafés”. In this paper I focus on the development of campus protest in Kyoto from the mid-1990s until today to shed light on the following questions: How have campus-based activists responded to the neoliberalization of Japanese universities? What motivates them to use art or art-like forms of direct action and how are these activities related to space? I investigate the notions of space towards which activists have been oriented since the 1990’s, focusing on three notions: official public space, counter-space and no-man’s-land. These conceptions of space, I argue, are needed to account for the various forms campus protest has taken since the 1990s.
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Mateos, Concha, and Ana Sedeño. "Video artivism: The poetics of symbolic conflict." Comunicar 26, no. 57 (October 1, 2018): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c57-2018-05.

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The relationship between signs and human action is one of the most widely studied theories in art and communications. Humans are constantly producing new discourse and new discursive devices and the issue of the relationship between signs / action not only remains open, but is branching off and forming hybrids with other matters. This work explores one of its branches. We performed theoretical research on the foundations of video artivism, with the aim of achieving a conceptual definition. Firstly, the purpose of the study is defined and the historical background and basic sources of influence described in order to trace a map of its fields of application in teaching practices and empirical research. The results therefore come from a bibliographic review of academic as well as artistic and activist sources, which were based on sections of the differentiating features they respectively recognize and self-recognize as artivist. Six identified features are described: the intervention function, the hybrid code, against domination, disruption, disavowal and subversion, which are aimed at establishing processes, procedures, subjects and the specific forms in which artivism has an impact on society. The article also refers to selected cases as a conceptual sample of the theoretical assumptions made and to describe their capacity of transformation. La relación entre los signos y la acción humana representa uno de los asuntos más estudiados en el campo del arte y la comunicación. Y el ser humano no para de producir nuevos discursos y nuevos dispositivos discursivos, por lo cual, la pregunta sobre esa relación signos/acción no solo sigue abierta, sino que se ramifica e hibrida hacia otros materiales. Este trabajo explora una de sus ramas. Realizamos una indagación teórica de los fundamentos del videoartivismo, con el objetivo de realizar una delimitación conceptual. Para ello, se define el objeto de estudio, se describen los antecedentes históricos y fuentes básicas de influencia que permiten trazar un mapa de sus campos de aplicación en prácticas docentes o investigaciones empíricas. Se presentan resultados de una revisión bibliográfica de fuentes académicas, y también artísticas y activistas, a las que se ha interrogado a partir de una rúbrica sobre los rasgos diferenciales con los que respectivamente reconocen y se autorreconocen como artivistas. Se describen seis rasgos identificados: función de intervención, código híbrido, contra dominación, disruptividad, desautorización y subversión, que pretenden fijar los procesos, procedimientos, sujetos y forma específica en que el artivismo impacta en la sociedad. En paralelo, el texto remite casos seleccionados como muestra conceptual de ratificación de los supuestos teóricos, con los que describir su capacidad de transformación.
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Allam, Nermin. "Activism Amid Disappointment: Women’s Groups and the Politics of Hope in Egypt." Middle East Law and Governance 10, no. 3 (October 23, 2018): 291–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01003004.

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In this paper, I provide preliminary answers to two main questions, namely: How did the politics of disappointment unfold among female activists after the 2011 Egyptian uprising and specifically under the current regime? And what were the effects of the strong sense of emotional disappointment on women’s activism and collective action? The study is situated within the literature on emotions and contentious politics. Utilizing the rich theoretical tools found in the literature, I argue that disappointment did not mark the end of politics and activism among women’s groups in Egypt. The data for this paper was gathered from semi-structured interviews with female activists, protestors, and leaders of women’s rights groups. The data gathered was analyzed within the prism of critical discourse analysis in an attempt to empirically investigate how activists move both forward and backward as they navigate their own emotions in addition to a crippling political system. It is true that the situation is complicated and activism is restricted in Egypt, however, the essence of this research is ignited by participants’ affirmation that their experience in the uprising has changed them, and that “things cannot go back to the old days,” notwithstanding their disappointment over the turn of events. A focus on hope and disappointment places the experiences of activists squarely in our analysis. It allows researchers to reclaim the voices of female activists in explaining the challenges and opportunities that developed post the uprising and how these developments influenced and shaped their experience, movement, and mobilization.
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Van den Bossche, Stefan. "De sociale cultuurkritiek van Achilles Mussche. Een internationaliserende en tagoreaanse lezing van de dichtbundel 'De Twee Vaderlanden' (1927)." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 71, no. 2 (June 6, 2012): 141–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v71i2.12262.

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Uit de nalatenschap van dokter Alfons Bruwier (1857-1939) dook een brief van 15 februari 1877 op, geschreven door een zekere Romain Dewilde. Samen met Albrecht Rodenbach, Constant Lievens, Aloïs Bruwier e.a. behoorde hij tot de zgn. ‘Wonderklasse’ van Hugo Verriest, uit het schooljaar 1875-1876. De brief situeert zich dus in volle ontstaan van de Blauwvoeterie. De brief werd geschreven in het Klein Seminarie van Roeselare, op de afdeling Wijsbegeerte, waar Lievens de allereerste opleiding tot het priesterschap volgde. De aanleiding tot deze brief was de voordracht van Hugo Verriest, op 3 februari 1877 in Leuven, voor het genootschap Met Tijd en Vlijt over Leven en Dood in de Letterkunde en de Taal, nog datzelfde voorjaar in brochurevorm uitgegeven. De voordracht zelf was een belangrijke opstap naar de formulering van een eigen esthetica bij Verriest. De indruk die deze priesterleraar naliet bij zijn oud-leerlingen Albrecht Rodenbach, Constant Lievens en Alfons Bruwier, was overweldigend. Verriest benadrukte de groeikracht uit eigen Vlaams leven en zei in Leuven: “onze taal herwordt in onze herwordende jonkheid en volk”. Precies dat wat de briefschrijver met overtuiging beweerde: “In ons ligt er een leven dat eigen is.” Voorafgaand aan die brief van 15 februari waren er twee antecedenten. In oktober 1876 stuurde Rodenbach een gedicht aan Lievens, over hun beider toekomst, elk langs hun eigen levensbaan, “voor God en 't Vlaamsche land”. In december schreef Lievens dan een brief aan een ander oud-klasmakker in Leuven, boordevol herinneringen aan dit gedicht en aan de spanningen van het voorgaande schooljaar, bij het ontstaan van de Blauwvoeterie aan het Klein Seminarie van Roeselare. Het gedicht van Rodenbach en de voordracht van Verriest hebben de Roeselaarse groep sterk beroerd.________The socio-cultural criticism of Achilles Mussche. An internationalizing and Tagorean reading of the anthology of poetry 'De Twee Vaderlanden' (='The Two Fatherlands') (1927)The anthology of poetry The Two Fatherlands (1927) was seen as the late debut of Achilles Mussche. The poet capitalized on the prevailing cultural criticism. His activism had remained ‘un-germanised’ and revolutionary. In his work, he reconciled an individual with a strong Flemish social movement. This became the basis of a personal cultural criticism, founded on a strong desire for justice and on both Western and Eastern sources of inspiration. The influence of a poet like Rabindranath Tagore is notable in this respect. Mussche reinterpreted and integrated Tagore’s values and made them more explicit from the perspective of his Flemish political persuasion and post-war experiences to turn them into a social and internationally oriented involvement. This consisted of a post-activist and cultural critical course of action that bore a close resemblance to the original meaning of activism, like the communal art which once upon a time was presented in Der Aktion and which caught on in our regions as humanitarian expressionism. In The Two Fatherlands, Mussche showed a purely human, and on occasion loud-voiced and poignant social commitment.
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Douglas, Susan Jane. "Acceptable Terrorist Actions: Art, Activism, and ATSA." International Journal of the Arts in Society: Annual Review 2, no. 2 (2007): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1833-1866/cgp/v02i02/35381.

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Koubek, Martin. "What’s in a name again? The identity frames and mobilisation strategies of Czech Romani and Pro-Romani activists." Ethnicities 17, no. 6 (May 19, 2017): 816–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796817709845.

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The aim of this study is to empirically analyse the relationship of collective identity frames to the mobilisation strategies of the Czech Romani and pro-Romani activists over the past two decades. After all, most existing analyses merely implicitly assume that this relationship exists, and explain the relationship as the result of a given political opportunity structure, but they do not examine these frames more closely. Using frame and claim-making analysis, the text traces the diachronic and synchronic development of self-naming frames and the collective action repertoire in five-year intervals (1992, 1997, 2002, 2007, and 2012). It shows that, whereas self-naming significantly changes, the activists’ action repertoire does not. Thus, the frequently postulated relationship between self-naming, strategies and activists’ priorities is not confirmed. However, the analysis does reveal that certain claims and frames are connected with certain strategies and repertoire patterns. The paper concludes with a discussion of reasons for this diversification of activist framings, which may be the result of efforts to focus on different target audiences within the multiplicity of opportunity structures and a response to the (new) availability of external sources of funding in Central and Eastern Europe countries.
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Knauft, Bruce. "On the Political Genealogy of Trump after Foucault." Genealogy 2, no. 1 (January 15, 2018): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy2010004.

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How would Foucault have viewed Trump as President, and Trumpism in the US more generally? More realistically, how can we discern and insightfully apply genealogical insights after Foucault to better comprehend and act in relation to our current political situation in the US? Questions of factuality across a base register of asserted falsehoods are now prominent in American politics in ways that put assertions of scholarly objectivity and interpretation in yet deeper question than previously. The extent, range, and vitriol of alt-Right assertions and their viral growth in American media provoke progressivist resistance and anxiety, but how can this opposition be most productively channeled? This paper examines a range of critical perspectives, timeframes, and topical optics with respect to Trump and Trumpism, including nationalist, racist, sexist, class-based, and oligarchical dimensions. These are considered in relation to media and the incitement of polarized subjectivity and dividing practices, and also in relation to Marxist political economy, neoliberalism/neoimperialism, and postcolonialism. I then address the limit points of Foucault, including with respect to engaged political activism and social protest movements, and I consider the relevance of these for the diverse optics that political genealogy as a form of analysis might pursue. Notwithstanding and indeed because of the present impetus to take organized political action, a Foucauldian perspective is useful in foregrounding the broader late modern formations of knowledge, power, and subjectivity within which both Rightist and Leftist political sensibilities in the US are presently cast. At larger issue are the values inscribed through contemporary late modernity that inform both sides of present divisive polarities—and which make the prognosis of tipping points or future political outcomes particularly difficult. As such, productive strategies of activist opposition are likely to vary under alternative conditions and opportunities—including in relation to the particular skills, history, and predilection of activists themselves. If the age of reason threatens to be over, the question of how and in what ways critical intellectualism can connect with productive action emerges afresh for each of us in a higher and more personal key.
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Lowe, Pam, and Graeme Hayes. "Anti-Abortion Clinic Activism, Civil Inattention and the Problem of Gendered Harassment." Sociology 53, no. 2 (March 23, 2018): 330–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038518762075.

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In the UK, there is evidence of a recent increase in anti-abortion activism outside clinics. In response, abortion service providers have called for the introduction of ‘buffer’ zones to protect women from ‘harassment’ while accessing abortion services. Drawing on two datasets – extensive ethnographic fieldwork, and a content analysis of clinic client comment forms – we deploy Goffman’s concept of ‘civil inattention’ to further our understanding of the material practice of anti-abortion clinic activism. We find that although anti-abortion activists understand their own actions to be supportive, practices of religious observance outside clinics inescapably draw attention to the site and to the act of accessing healthcare, inherently challenging normative expectations of privacy and confidentiality. Our analysis suggests that anti-abortion activism outside clinics consequently violates social rules governing encounters with strangers in specific places and reinforces gendered hierarchies. As such, they are often experienced as acts of gendered harassment.
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Dombroski, Kelly. "Hybrid activist collectives: reframing mothers’ environmental and caring labour." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 36, no. 9/10 (September 12, 2016): 629–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-12-2015-0150.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to use a case study of an online parenting forum to theorise how mothers’ everyday environmental and caring labour is a form of environmental and social activism in the home, that while not organised as such, is still collectivised in a “hybrid activist collective”. Design/methodology/approach Using ethnographic data and content analysis from an online parenting forum for the nappy-free infant hygiene practice known as “elimination communication”, the author compares the matters of key concern arising for this group of mothers with economic activist concerns as identified by Gibson-Graham et al. (2013) in their community economies work. Findings The paper finds a high degree of resonance between the key concerns of the elimination communication forum members with the key concerns of community economies. Furthermore, the author identifies the components of what might comprise a “hybrid activist collective” of mothers and others undertaking direct action for environmental and social change. Social implications Mothers and others acting for social and environmental change through domestic practices should be recognised for their important environmental and caring labour. Originality/value The paper proposes the “hybrid activist collective” as a way of understanding the human and non-human elements that gather together to act for environmental and social change in a collectivised, but not formally organised manner.
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Tan, Jia. "Digital masquerading: Feminist media activism in China." Crime, Media, Culture: An International Journal 13, no. 2 (May 22, 2017): 171–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741659017710063.

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In March 2015, five young feminists were detained and accused of “disturbing public order” through their plan to circulate messages against sexual harassment in public transportation. This article focuses on the feminist media practices before and after the detention of the Feminist Five to shed light on the dynamics between state surveillance and incrimination, media activism, and feminist politics in China. Exploring the practices of the Youth Feminist Action School, it argues that the role of media in this new wave of feminist activism can be better understood as a form of “digital masquerading” in three ways. First, this captures the self-awareness and agency of feminists in their tactical use of media to circumvent censorship. Masquerading in the digital era is an active and self-conscious act leveraging the specificity of media practice to set the media agenda, increase public influence, and avoid censorship. Second, masquerading refers to the digital alteration of images in order to tactically represent women’s bodies in public spaces while circumventing censorship and possible criminalization. It highlights the figurative and the corporeal in online digital activist culture, which are oftentimes overlooked in existing literature. Third, while the masquerade in psychoanalytic theory emphasizes individualized gendered identity, the notion of digital masquerade points to the interface between the medium and the subjects, which involves collective efforts in assembling activist activities and remaking publicness.
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da Rosa, Laís Cardoso, and Ana Maria Rodriguez Costas. "Manifesto-ação, Paulínia, Brazil: Activism in walking as a dancing action." International Journal of Education Through Art 17, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 187–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/eta_00057_1.

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We have been investigating practices of walking as a dancing action since 2017, and experiencing its political and pedagogical potential. In this sense, walking, besides being a strategy for artistic creation, is also a construction of embodied knowledge and incorporated citizenship. In Brazil in 2020, with a presidency that threatens art, culture, education and democracy, occupying the streets and walking through them have never been so necessary. Thus, we present in this article, based on the practices of walking as a dancing action we have been investigating, a Manifesto-ação that proposes local actions for discovering ways to keep going on the street in Brazil today.
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Risley, Amy. "Think Globally, Act Locally: Community-Engaged Comparative Politics." PS: Political Science & Politics 52, no. 4 (April 12, 2019): 733–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096519000544.

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ABSTRACTThis article describes how comparative politics specialists can adopt community-engaged strategies and other innovative pedagogies to emphasize local–global connections. It discusses a comparative course on urban social movements that requires sustained, community-based learning. Students are placed in organizations advocating for refugee families, Latinx communities, and people in situations of homelessness. Engagement with community partners supports student learning in meaningful ways. Students apply social-movement theory to real-world situations, develop an understanding of activists and the communities they seek to empower, and gain intercultural competency by working with diverse groups. They also grapple with different modes of social action and models of citizenship. Most important, students learn to investigate activism comparatively through analysis of overseas cases. Bridging the local and the global in a single semester can be an arduous task, but undergraduates have embraced this challenge.
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de Moor, Joost, Sofie Marien, and Marc Hooghe. "WHY ONLY SOME LIFESTYLE ACTIVISTS AVOID STATE-ORIENTED POLITICS: A CASE STUDY IN THE BELGIAN ENVIRONMENTAL MOVEMENT*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 22, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 245–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-22-2-245.

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Lifestyle politics are often defined as a political strategy used to avoid state-oriented politics. However, recent studies indicate that in some cases, lifestyle activists engage in actions that target the state. This study investigates why some lifestyle activists combine these forms of engagement, while others do not. We explore whether such differences can be explained by variations in activists' perceptions of the political opportunity structure. In particular, we consider whether perceptions of input structures and output structures offer relevant predictors for combining lifestyle politics with state-oriented actions. The article presents an in-depth case study of a Belgian environmental lifestyle movement organization, using a mixed methods approach including participant observation, qualitative interviewing, and surveys. The findings reveal that lifestyle activists' perceptions of the openness of the system matter, but that beliefs in the state's ability to act are more diverse and therefore have a stronger effect on activists' propensity for state-oriented action.
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Mathers, Andrew. "Renters Rising! Extending the analysis of housing activism in Europe to the UK." Araucaria, no. 46 (2021): 147–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2021.i46.08.

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The material effects of austerity in the United Kingdom (UK) have generated a resurgence of activist initiatives in the field of housing central to which is ACORN that has developed into a federated organisation contesting housing practices and policies at both local and national levels. ACORN is used to expand the examination of housing activism in Europe beyond the cases in Spain and Germany to the UK (Ordonez et al, 2015). This article also utilises the qualitative methodology of a comparative case study and the framework of ideological and social backgrounds, political repertoires and political logics to present and analyse ACORN. While ACORN displays striking similarities to other cases, it also represents a different trajectory in housing activism that combines direct action with an engagement with party politics as social democracy seeks to return to its roots.
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Załuski, Tomasz. "Reworking Effectiveness: Art as a Politic of Redistribution – Some Remarks from a Polish Perspective." Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 81, no. 4 (December 18, 2018): 555–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zkg-2018-0041.

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Abstract This article critically reworks the issue of the social impact of art in terms of its ‘effectiveness’. The study shows art’s general economy by taking into account a number of ambivalences, difficulties, and deficiencies related to art activities that turn towards the social, political, economic, and cultural exterior of the field of artistic production. Finally, it tries to mount a careful, complex, and balanced defense of their potentials. Reframing and grounding the discussion on artistic activism in selected concepts from political theory, the author argues that if artistic practices are to be socially effective, art needs to be understood and practiced as a politic of redistribution. A way of practicing such a politic is to be sought in understanding and performing action as susceptible to interception. This entails responsibility for the usage of an action, for co-actions that accompany it, and for potential alliances with intercepting subjects.
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B Nielsen, Gritt. "Radically democratising education? New student movements, equality and engagement in common, yet plural, worlds." Research in Education 103, no. 1 (May 2019): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034523719842605.

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This article investigates the relation between democracy and education in the context of radical student activism. Drawing upon participant observation and interviews with left-wing student activists in New Zealand in 2012 and 2015, it argues that a one-sided preoccupation with the student activists’ public actions as attempts to unleash disruptive forces of the political risks ignoring the undecidability and profoundly experimental and educative aspects of their activities. By paying attention to the less publicly visible social settings – or ‘free spaces’ – shaped by ideals of flat, horizontal democracy, the article shows how the students continuously mediate their radicality by negotiating and balancing a sense of ‘responsibility to act’ with a sense of ‘responsibility to otherness’. Democratic engagement thereby not only becomes a question of ‘disruptive’ political influence; it also comes to revolve around the continuous creation of spaces for collective self-education and experimentation with the conjuring of a common – yet plural – world.
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Albin-Clark, Jo. "‘I felt uncomfortable because I know what it can be’: The emotional geographies and implicit activisms of reflexive practices for early childhood teachers." Contemporary Issues in Early Childhood 21, no. 1 (October 14, 2018): 20–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463949118805126.

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Reflexivity is recognized as an important constituent in how teachers build their professional knowledge and develop their pedagogical practice. However, less is known about the function that emotions play in the reflexive process and how these emotions can act as a catalyst to mobilize action that can create spaces for small activisms. Implicit activisms are here understood to involve small-scale gestures, such as speaking against discrimination, that can support notions of social justice. In this article, a reading of emotions is undertaken to explore how emotions such as discomfort can influence the speed and type of reaction for an early childhood specialist teacher during peer-to-peer mentoring. The concept of emotional geography is used to understand the way emotions relate to the distancing of others in one teacher’s professional life and mobilize small-scale activism that can be interpreted as politically motivated.
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Martín Prada, Juan. "Network culture and the aesthetics of dissension." Escritura e Imagen 16 (December 16, 2020): 271–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/esim.73038.

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This article addresses the complex relationship between digital activism and Internet art, from the initial proposals in the 1990s up to the present day. The analysis focuses on those projects that have most impacted the convergence of net art and “net-activism” during this period, with a particular emphasis on the relationship between artistic practice and hacktivism. Likewise, phenomena such as virtual sit-ins, DDOS-based strategies and several others that have emerged in the new context of social networks and participatory online platforms (memes, flash mobs, etc.) are analysed, in order to reflect on the new practices of social media art and their potential for specific critical action.
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Ordaz, Jessica. "“AIDS Knows No Borders”." Radical History Review 2021, no. 140 (May 1, 2021): 175–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8841766.

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Abstract This article explores the intersection between migrant detention and HIV/AIDS from the 1980s to the present. “AIDS Knows No Borders” centers histories of exclusion, detention, and deportation. The first part discusses immigration policy that made AIDS screening mandatory as part of the asylum process and the activism that resulted in protest of these measures. AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power/Los Angeles (ACT UP/LA), a grassroots direct-action organization, opposed this legislation throughout the 1980s and 1990s. Activists highlighted the global nature of AIDS; challenged misinformation; conducted guerilla theater, phone zaps, and die-ins; and held demonstrations against the INS, the use of immigration detention, and their treatment of migrants with HIV/AIDS. The article then moves to discuss more contemporary testimonies from HIV/AIDS-positive detention migrants.
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Kolářová, Marta. "Fairies and Fighters: Gendered Tactics of the Alter-Globalization Movement in Prague (2000) and Genoa (2001)." Feminist Review 92, no. 1 (July 2009): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.2009.8.

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This paper examines gender aspects of tactics of the alter-globalization movement. Focusing mainly on two transnational collective actions in Prague in 2000 and in Genoa in 2001, the research draws on participant observation, interviews with activists and analysis of the movement's alternative media. The feminist activism within the movement, the gendered tactics and their representation in the alternative media are analysed using the concept of diffusion. Although feminists are involved in the protests, and local Czech feminist activism was incited by the international mobilizations in Prague in 2000, they are often marginalized because of the emphasis on masculine confrontational and violent tactics used in demonstrations. The movement's alternative media further reproduce gender stereotypes. The visual representations of the tactics are traditionally gendered – women are depicted as fairies, men as fighters; this is because the movement does not want to appear weak and feminine, and seeks to be effective.
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Fish, Julie, Andrew King, and Kathryn Almack. "Queerying activism through the lens of the sociology of everyday life." Sociological Review 66, no. 6 (February 9, 2018): 1194–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026118758576.

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The approaching 30th anniversary of the introduction of the 1988 Local Government Act offers an opportunity to reflect on the nature of lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) activism in Britain. The protests against its implementation involved some of the most iconic moments of queer activism. Important though they are, these singular, totemic moments give rise to, and are sustained by small, almost unobtrusive acts which form part of LGB people’s everyday lives. This article aims to contribute to a re-thinking of queer activism where iconic activism is placed in a synergetic relationship with the quieter practices in the quotidian lives of LGB people. The authors interrogate a series of examples, drawn from three studies, to expand ideas about how activism is constituted in everyday life. They discuss the findings in relation to three themes: the need to forge social bonds often forms a prompt to action; disrupting the binary dualism between making history and making a life; and the transformative potential of everyday actions/activism. The lens of the sociology of everyday life (1) encourages a wider constituency of others to engage in politics, and (2) problematises the place of iconic activism.
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Duffy, Deirdre Niamh. "From Feminist Anarchy to Decolonisation: Understanding Abortion Health Activism Before and After the Repeal of the 8th Amendment." Feminist Review 124, no. 1 (March 2020): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0141778919895498.

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This article analyses abortion health activism (AHA) in the Irish context. AHA is a form of activism focused on enabling abortion access where it is restricted. Historically, AHA has involved facilitating the movement of abortion seekers along ‘abortion trails’ (Rossiter, 2009). Organisations operate transnationally, enabling access to abortion care across borders. Such AHA is a form of feminist anarchism, resisting prohibitions on abortion through direct action. However, AHA work has changed over time. Existing scholarship relates this to advancements in medical technology, particularly the emergence of telemedicine and the increased use of early medical abortion. This article goes beyond those explanations to explore how else AHA has changed by comparing the work of AHA before and after the Republic of Ireland’s referendum on abortion in May 2018. Based on this, I argue that there is a visible shift in the politics of AHA. Drawing on qualitative data from research on AHA organisations along the Liverpool–Ireland Abortion Corridor, specifically those based outside Ireland, the article argues that in the aftermath of the referendum, Irish AHA has increasingly moved towards decolonising feminist activism, thus drawing attention to the relationship between abortion health activists (AHAs) and broader political discourses entangled with abortion law reform.
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Moschieri, Caterina, and Johanna Mair. "Successful Divestitures Need Proper Cultivation: From Trash to Treasure." IESE Insight, no. 9 (June 15, 2011): 50–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/002.art-1970.

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Parigi, Paolo, and Rachel Gong. "From grassroots to digital ties: A case study of a political consumerism movement." Journal of Consumer Culture 14, no. 2 (June 9, 2014): 236–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469540514526280.

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New grassroots organizations that target ethical consumer choices and behavior represent a departure from traditional social movement organizations. In this article, we study the activists of one of these organizations and show that social network ties formed mainly online greatly reinforce commitment toward the goals of the movement. We suggest that online ties, that is, digital ties, are important for political consumerism movements because they create audiences for private actions. It is because of the presence of these audiences that the individual participants can reinterpret their actions into public ones. We used an online survey to collect data on the users of the Transition US social website on Ning.com. Over half of the respondents have experiences with political activism. However, their responses indicate that they are dissatisfied with traditional means of political participation (e.g. rallies) and prefer non-contentious collective actions (e.g. local gardening). Respondents perceive community organizing to be the most effective way to bring about social change, deprioritizing connections to local government. Furthermore, respondents who formed digital ties with other activists were significantly more likely than respondents who had no ties with other activists to adopt consumer changes consistent with the goals of the movement. We interpreted this finding as an indicator that digital ties share some of the characteristics of strong ties, and we explored this similarity in this article.
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Anaf, Julia, Fran Baum, Matthew Fisher, and Sharon Friel. "Civil society action against transnational corporations: implications for health promotion." Health Promotion International 35, no. 4 (August 22, 2019): 877–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapro/daz088.

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Abstract Transnational corporations (TNCs) shape population health both positively and negatively through their national and international social, political and economic power and influence; and are a vital commercial determinant of health. Individual and group advocacy and activism in response to corporate products, practices or policy influences can mediate negative health impacts. This paper discusses the unequal power relations existing between TNCs that promote their own financial interests, and activists and advocates who support population and environmental health by challenging corporate power. It draws on interview data from 19 respondents who informed 2 health impact assessments conducted on TNCs; 1 from the fast food industry, and 1 from the extractive industries sector. It reveals the types of strategies that civil society organizations (CSOs) have used to encourage TNCs to act in more health promoting ways. It discusses the extent to which these strategies have been effective, and how TNCs have used their power to respond to civil society action. The paper highlights the rewards, and the very real challenges faced by CSOs trying to change TNC practices related to health, within a neoliberal policy environment. It aims to provide evidence for socially oriented actors to inform their advocacy for changes in public policy or corporate practices that can contribute to improving population health and equity and tackling commercial determinants of health.
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Ressler, Oliver, and Bruce Barber. "Revitalizing Debates around Collective Action and Democracy: A Conversation between Oliver Ressler and Bruce Barber." Journal of Visual Culture 14, no. 2 (August 2015): 224–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470412915592871.

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This text is the result of a discussion conducted via email between Oliver Ressler and Bruce Barber during March 2014. The topics were wide ranging and focused upon material presented by Ressler in his invited lecture at NSCAD University as part of the Public Lecture series. Key topics explored in the conversation include Austrian politics, art and activism, interventionism, collaboration, operative and engaged art practice, the ‘coming community’ (Agamben), ‘Dark Matter’ of the art world (Sholette) and specific projects: Robbery (2008), The Bull Laid Bear (2008) What Is Democracy? (2011), and We Have a Situation Here (2011).
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HANSON, REBECCA, and PABLO LAPEGNA. "Popular Participation and Governance in the Kirchners' Argentina and Chávez's Venezuela: Recognition, Incorporation and Supportive Mobilisation." Journal of Latin American Studies 50, no. 1 (March 6, 2017): 153–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x17000074.

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AbstractHow did governance in Kirchner's Argentina and Chávez's Venezuela interact with popular mobilisation? How have popular sectors engaged with and participated in Left-of-centre governance? Using ethnographic data, we argue that the answers to these questions lie in three social mechanisms that we call recognition, incorporation and selective mobilisation. We analyse how activists and participants interpreted and contested these mechanisms, paying attention to how they informed the everyday life of activism and the situated actions of participants. Underscoring their socially embedded and path-dependent nature, we argue that these mechanisms shaped mobilisation differently in each country.
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dos Santos, Sônia Beatriz. "Controlling black women’s reproductive health rights: An impetus to black women’s collective organizing." Cultural Dynamics 24, no. 1 (March 2012): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0921374012452809.

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This article analyzes how the Brazilian state’s control of black women’s reproductive health rights shaped the emergence of the black women’s movement and organizations, particularly the rise in black women’s non-governmental organizations (NGOs). To understand the circumstances surrounding the state’s regulatory practices’ impact on reproductive health, I recount the history of the implementation of family planning policies of the 1960s through the 1980s and interrelated social action in the country. The essay focuses on the activism of the black women’s movement during the historical period from the 1960s to the 1980s, identifying their struggles around issues of reproductive health rights. I examine the political divergences black women activists encounter with state institutions and representatives, the broader black movement, the mainstream feminist movement, and other important social and political forces.
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Natanel, Katherine. "Resistance at the Limits: Feminist Activism and Conscientious Objection in Israel." Feminist Review 101, no. 1 (July 2012): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.2011.51.

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This article investigates the relationship between feminism and conscientious objection in Israel, evaluating the efficacy of feminist resistance in the organised refusal movement. While recent feminist scholarship on peace, anti-occupation and anti-militarism activism in Israel largely highlights women's collective action, it does so at the risk of eliding the relations of power within these groups. Expanding the scope of consideration, I look to the experiences of individual feminist conscientious objectors who make visible significant tensions through their accounts of military refusal and participation in the organised conscientious objection movement. Drawing on original ethnographic research, this article problematises feminist activism in the organised Israeli refusal movement through three primary issues: political voice; privilege; and the realisation of gender agendas. Using Michel Foucault's conceptualisation of power as it has been critiqued and qualified by feminist scholars, I consider the ways in which resistance may be both multiple and a diagnostic of power, allowing activists and academics not only to envision new avenues for social change, but also to recognise their constraints. Critically, feminist theories of intersectionality enrich and complicate this Foucauldian approach to power, providing further modes of critique and strategy in the context of feminist activism in Israel. Ultimately, I argue not only for engagement with the limits of power, but also attention to their function, as in theory and praxis these boundaries critically inform our theorising on gender and resistance.
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44

Waltham-Smith, Naomi. "Giving the Microphone to the Other." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 7, no. 2 (April 2020): 216–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2019.40.

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This response to Pooja Rangan’s bold provocation in Immediations reflects, from a Derridean standpoint, on the impossible responsibility of speaking for the other. In particular, it examines the role played by the microphone as technological prosthesis for the voice in activist practices of audio documentary, analyzing the actions of performance artist Sharon Hayes and sound art collective Ultra-red.
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45

Tunali, Tijen. "The right to urban public space and aesthetic dissensus for democratic citizenship." Journal of Urban Cultural Studies 8, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 247–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jucs_00044_1.

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In the last three decades, across the world, there have emerged mass movements, uprisings and revolts targeting neo-liberal global capitalism and its radical reorganization of urban hierarchies. As a result, cities have become the central stage for sociopolitical struggles. While the scholarship on new social movements has recognized the aesthetic potential of political organizing since the beginning of the anti-globalization movement in 1999, new approaches are needed to understand the aesthetic dissensus of contemporary activism within the urban space. This article theorizes aesthetics as a potentially radicalizing force in proposing a democratic citizenship in the city. Indebted to the theories of Henri Lefebvre, David Harvey, James Holston, Mark Purcell and Jacques Rancière, it discusses the new synthesis of political and aesthetic forms, action and experience in urban social movement praxis. Taking Gezi Park resistance in Turkey (2013) as a case study, it seeks to understand the relationship of activist aesthetics to changing practices and conceptions of citizenship.
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46

Smirnova, Tatiana. "Student activism in Niger: subverting the ‘limited pluralism’, 1960–83." Africa 89, S1 (January 2019): S167—S188. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000967.

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AbstractThis article revisits the modern political history of Niger during the 1960s to the 1980s through an analysis of relations between student activists and government authorities. It explores how a student organization, the Union des Scolaires Nigériens (USN), managed to bypass multiple layers of political control to become a well-structured political movement, capable of seriously challenging the legitimacy of the authorities. Specifically, the article examines interactions between the USN and different bodies of political power, including the Diori and Kountché governments, in the larger context of regional solidarities and the Cold War. It analyses key moments of this struggle by showing how two generations of student leaders (those of the 1960s to early 1970s and the late 1970 to early 1980s) nourished the creation of specific windows of political action, which found various outlets for expression depending on the form of state power as well as the form and methods of activist work.
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47

Tully, Clare T. "A Proposal For A Nonreinstatement Rule In Unfair Labor Practice Cases Involving Patient Abuse." American Journal of Law & Medicine 11, no. 3 (1985): 319–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s009885880000887x.

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AbstractNursing home discharges of employees based on patient abuse raise a difficult issue when the motivating factor for the disciplinary action is union activism. A tension is created between the rights of employees to engage in protected concerted activity and the rights of patients to quality care. In 1974, Congress passed the Health Care Institutions Amendments, which granted to non-profit health care workers collective organizing and bargaining rights substantially similar to those which workers in other industries had enjoyed for decades under the National Labor Relations Act. Congress intended to give health care workers only that degree of parity, however, which is compatible with the provision of high quality patient care. The agency charged with enforcing the Act, the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), has failed to distinguish employee misconduct in industrial settings from patient abuse in health care institutions when fashioning remedies for discriminatorily discharged union activists. The NLRB typically has ordered the reinstatement, with back pay, of the patient abuser as the patient’s primary care-giver. This Article suggests that a front pay remedy is more appropriate to these cases because it protects the patient’s right to be free from abuse without sacrificing employee unionization rights.
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48

Vandermoere, Frédéric, Robbe Geerts, and Raf Vanderstraeten. "Can Sustainable Consumption Trigger Political Activism? An Empirical Investigation of the Crowding-in Hypothesis." Sustainability 12, no. 21 (October 31, 2020): 9082. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12219082.

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In this article, we address the question whether political activism can be triggered by sustainable consumption. Specific attention is given to the crowding-out and crowding-in hypotheses. The first hypothesis is driven by a conflict view as it assumes that sustainable consumerism displaces the willingness to act collectively. In contrast, the latter hypothesis—crowding-in—frames conscious consumption as a potential political act whereby individual sustainable consumption may trigger political acts such as signing a petition, demonstrating, and voting. To address this issue, German survey data were analyzed (n = 936). Our analysis appears to confirm the crowding-in hypothesis. However, the results of multiple logistic regression analyses also show that the relation between sustainable consumption and political activism depends on the type of political action. Particularly, sustainable consumption does not relate to traditional political actions such as voting, but it does relate positively to less conventional (e.g., attending a demonstration) and online forms of political engagement (e.g., social media activism). Our findings also indicate that the positive association between sustainable consumption and less conventional politics may be moderated by educational attainment, suggesting that it is weakest among less educated groups. The paper ends with the empirical and theoretical conclusions that can be drawn from this study, and indicates some directions for future research.
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49

Aladro-Vico, Eva, Dimitrina Jivkova-Semova, and Olga Bailey. "Artivism: A new educative language for transformative social action." Comunicar 26, no. 57 (October 1, 2018): 09–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c57-2018-01.

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This study describes the concepts, historical precedents, language and fundamental experiences of artivism. It shows the research activities from two main universities (Complutense de Madrid in Spain and Nottingham Trent in UK) as well as other cultural institutions (Élan Interculturel from France and Artemiszio from Hungary), which have explored the educational potential of artivism as a new way of achieving social engagement using innovation and artistic creation. The paper defines precisely artivism as a new language which appears outside the museums and art academies, moving towards urban and social spaces. Artivism is a hybrid form of art and activism which has a semantic mechanism to use art as a means towards change and social transformation. The analysis collects some central experiences of the artivist phenomenon and applies semantic analysis, archiving artivist experiences, and using urban walks and situational research, analyses the educational and formative potential of artivists and their ability to break the classroom walls, and to remove the traditional roles of creator and receptor, student and professor, through workshop experiences. Finally, it reflects upon the usefulness of artivism as a new social language and an educational tool that breaks the traditional roles of social communication. Este estudio describe los conceptos, antecedentes, lenguaje y experiencias fundamentales del artivismo, a partir de las actividades de estudio en la Universidad de Nottingham Trent y en la Universidad Complutense de Madrid, con la colaboración de otras entidades culturales como la francesa Élan Interculturel (Francia) y Artemiszio (Hungría), explorando la capacidad educativa de nuevas formas de compromiso social mediante la innovación y creación artística. El artículo acota y define el artivismo como un nuevo lenguaje que surge del desborde de la creación artística académica y museística, hacia los espacios y lugares sociales. El artivismo, hibridación del arte y del activismo, tiene un mecanismo semántico en el que se utiliza el arte como vía para comunicar una energía hacia el cambio y la transformación. El análisis recoge algunas de las principales experiencias en artivismo mediante diversas técnicas –estudio de ejemplos de artivismo mediante análisis semántico, realización de archivo de fenómenos artivistas siguiendo metodologías de paseos urbanos e investigación situacional, y estudio de la capacidad didáctica y formativa de los artivistas y sus trabajos por su facilidad para romper los muros de las aulas e invertir los roles de creador y espectador, alumno y profesor, mediante experiencias en talleres– para de esta manera reflexionar finalmente sobre la utilidad del artivismo como nuevo lenguaje social y como herramienta educativa, capaz de romper los roles tradicionales de la comunicación social.
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Grant, Peter R., and Heather J. Smith. "Activism in the time of COVID-19." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 24, no. 2 (February 2021): 297–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430220985208.

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In many countries, COVID-19 has amplified the health, economic and social inequities that motivate group-based collective action. We draw upon the SIRDE/IDEAS model of social change to explore how the pandemic might have affected complex reactions to social injustices. We argue that the virus elicits widespread negative emotions which are spread contagiously through social media due to increased social isolation caused by shelter-in-place directives. When an incident occurs which highlights systemic injustices, the prevailing negative emotional climate intensifies anger at these injustices as well as other emotions, which motivates participation in protest actions despite the obvious risk. We discuss how the pandemic might shape both normative and non-normative protests, including radical violent and destructive collective actions. We also discuss how separatism is being encouraged in some countries due to a lack of effective national leadership and speculate that this is partially the result of different patterns of social identification.
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