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1
Davis, Tracy C. "Actresses and Prostitutes in Victorian London." Theatre Research International 13, no. 3 (1988): 221–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300005794.
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Despite the tendency for Victorian performers to be credited with increasing respectability and middle-class status and for actors to receive the highest official commendations, the popular association between actresses and prostitutes and belief in actresses' inappropriate sexual conduct endured throughout the nineteenth century. In the United States, religious fundamentalism accounts for much of the prejudice, but in Great Britain, where puritanical influences were not as influential on the theatre, other factors helped to preserve the derogatory view of actresses. In certain times and places actresses did have real links with the oldest of all ‘women's professions’, but the notion that the dual identity of Roman dancers or the exploits of some Restoration performers justify the popular association between actresses and prostitutes in the Victorian era is patently insufficient. The notion persisted throughout the nineteenth century because Victorians recognized that acting and whoring were the occupations of self-sufficient women who plied their trades in public places, and because Victorians believed that actresses' male colleagues and patrons inevitably complicated transient lifestyles, economic insecurity, and night hours with sexual activity. In the spirit of Gilbert and Gubar's axiom that experience generates metaphor and metaphor creates experience, the actress and the prostitute were both objects of desire whose company was purchased through commercial exchange. While patrons bought the right to see them, to project their fantasies on them, and to denigrate and misrepresent their sexuality, both groups of women found it necessary constantly to sue for men's attention and tolerate the false imagery. Their similarities were reinforced by coexistence in neighbourhoods and work places where they excited and placated the playgoer's lust in an eternal loop, twisted like a Mobius strip into the appearance of a single surface.
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RAO, NANCY YUNHWA. "The Public Face of Chinatown: Actresses, Actors, Playwrights, and Audiences of Chinatown Theaters in San Francisco during the 1920s." Journal of the Society for American Music 5, no. 2 (April 14, 2011): 235–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196311000046.
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AbstractIn the twentieth century, elaborate and prosperous Chinatown theaters in New York and San Francisco (from the 1920s to the early 1930s) constituted a golden age of Cantonese opera in the United States, a vivid musical life that has been almost completely expunged from U.S. cultural memory. Seeking a historical narrative for this musical past—preserving those vivid sonorities and glamorous images that “threaten to disappear irretrievably”—entails an examination of the actresses, actors, musicians, and playwrights who enlivened the stages of these opera theaters, as well as the audiences who flocked to see them. In particular, this study sheds light on the significance of the performers named on the daily playbills and pictured in newspapers or on immigration bond papers. The images and sonorities extend beyond the bounds of the theaters to epitomize the Chinese community. The study not only offers a significant window into the interior layers of the music lives of Chinese America, but also reflects on the Chinatown community's sense of its musical and artistic self.
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Speaks, Hannah, Alyssa Falise, Kaitlin Grosgebauer, Dustin Duncan, and Adam Carrico. "Racial Disparities in Mortality Among American Film Celebrities: A Wikipedia-Based Retrospective Cohort Study." Interactive Journal of Medical Research 8, no. 4 (December 10, 2019): e13871. http://dx.doi.org/10.2196/13871.
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Background In the United States, well-documented racial disparities in health outcomes are frequently attributed to racial bias and socioeconomic inequalities. However, it remains unknown whether racial disparities in mortality persist among those with higher socioeconomic status (SES) and occupational prestige. Objective As the celebrity population is generally characterized by high levels of SES and occupational prestige, this study aimed to examine survival differences between black and white film celebrities. Methods Using a Web-based, open-source encyclopedia (ie, Wikipedia), data for 5829 entries of randomly selected American film actors and actresses born between 1900 and 2000 were extracted. A Kaplan-Meier survival curve was conducted using 4356 entries to compare the difference in survival by race. A Cox semiparametric regression analysis examined whether adjusting for year of birth, gender, and cause of death influenced differences in survival by race. Results Most celebrities were non-Hispanic white (3847/4352, 88.4%), male (3565/4352, 81.9%), and born in the United States (4187/4352, 96.2%). Mean age at death for black celebrities (64.1; 95% CI 60.6-67.5 years) was 6.4 years shorter than that for white celebrities (70.5; 95% CI 69.6-71.4 years; P<.001). Black celebrities had a faster all-cause mortality rate using Kaplan-Meier survival function estimates and a log-rank test. However, in a Cox semiparametric regression, there was no longer a significant difference in survival times between black and white celebrities (hazard ratio 1.07; 95% CI 0.87-1.31). Conclusions There is some evidence that racial disparities in all-cause mortality may persist at higher levels of SES, but this association was no longer significant in adjusted analyses. Further research is needed to examine if racial disparities in mortality are diminished at higher levels of SES among more representative populations.
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Maiza, Thiska Septa, and Ida Rochani Adi. "RACISM IN THE LAST DECADE OF HOLLYWOOD COMEDY MOVIES." Rubikon : Journal of Transnational American Studies 6, no. 1 (November 21, 2020): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/rubikon.v6i1.61490.
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The United States is considered to have entered the post-racial era in the 21st century, where racial preference, discrimination, and prejudice towards minorities, such as African Americans, are supposed to no longer exist. As one of the media that reflected American society, Hollywood movies tried to eliminate the discussion on race and racism. It can be seen in Hollywood movies that begin to eliminate the negative images and stereotypes of African Americans. However, it does not mean that racism vanished from the Hollywood movie industry, especially in comedy movies. Comedy movies are one of the genresthat often involve African-American actors and actresses. Their stereotypes are also commonly used to make humor in the narrative. Therefore, this genre is closely related to racism. However, comedy movies in the last decade, such as Evan Almighty (2007), Wild Hogs (2007), Meet Dave (2008), The Maiden Heist (2009), Last Vegas (2013), Someone Marry Barry (2014), and Going in Style (2017), are not showing any racism on the surface. By using Interdisciplinary as the approach, this research attempts to see how Hollywood presents racism in comedy movies, especially in the last decade. The representation theory is employed to interpret the images, scenes, and dialogues from seven selected comedy movies concerning racism. Meanwhile, the theory of humor is used to find out how racism makes humor occur through African-American characters. The finding of this research indicates that negative images and stereotypes of African Americans are still sustained in Hollywood movies. These depictions are shown covertly. Meanwhile, overt racism indicates that the African American characters are used to make humor occur in comedy movies.Keywords: African American; comedy; Hollywood; humor; racism; representation
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Tow, William T. "The United States and Asia in 2014." Asian Survey 55, no. 1 (January 2015): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.1.12.
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Visible U.S. efforts to sustain influence in the Asia-Pacific met with mixed success. President Barack Obama’s visit to the region reinforced alliance commitments, but U.S. policy momentum on regional trade and diplomacy remained sluggish. Washington’s effective management of its relations with Beijing remains the key factor to how well the U.S. will fare with other regional actors and issues.
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Scott, Virginia. "La Virtu et la volupté. Models for the Actress in Early Modern Italy and France." Theatre Research International 23, no. 2 (1998): 152–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300018496.
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In 1982 Ferdinando Taviani proposed in Il segreto della commedia dell'arte that the earliest known actresses in Italy may have been drawn from the ranks of the courtesans, the oneste meretrici, forced from Rome after the Council of Trent (1545–63) by papal reforming zeal. This hypothesis has been affirmed by several other scholars in Europe and the United States and is becoming widely accepted not just as a feasible theory but as gospel, the exclusive conduit through which women entered the western theatre.
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Morrill, R. L. "Regional Governance in the United States: For Whom?" Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 7, no. 1 (March 1989): 13–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c070013.
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In response to problems of jurisdictional fragmentation in American metropolitan areas, many efforts at regional governance have been undertaken. Few are successful. In most areas, area-wide problems are dealt with by specialized functional entities. The universal avoidance of regional general-purpose governance is analyzed through consideration of the motivations and attitudes of the actors (businesses, governments, citizens) in particular American cities, including Seattle. It is argued that the strongest force against regionalization is the fear of redistribution of real income.
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Rose, Mark H. "United States Bank Rescue Politics, 2008–2009: A Business Historian's View." Enterprise & Society 10, no. 4 (December 2009): 612–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1467222700008284.
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First I describe my background in American historical scholarship. Thereafter, I assess the efforts of Presidents George W. Bush and Barack H. Obama and their senior advisors to stabilize American financial institutions during the period 2008–2009. My fundamental contention is that state actors such as Bush and Obama structured financial industries and markets. Despite the ubiquitous presence of these state actors, however, American business and political leaders maintained the fiction that state and business were, and properly ought to remain, separate entities. In Part III, I return to my scholarly background and to a proposed scaffolding for historical scholarship focused on the political economy of U.S. financial institutions since 1970.
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BOUTIN, J. D. KENNETH. "Balancing Act: Competition and Cooperation in US Asia-Pacific Regionalism." Japanese Journal of Political Science 12, no. 2 (June 24, 2011): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109911000028.
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AbstractWhile the United States is an important Asia-Pacific actor, its engagement with the region is complex and often difficult. Not only must US regionalism balance the diverse requirements of an ambitious policy agenda, but also US policy norms and priorities often clash with those of other regional actors. This has important implications for the capacity of the United States to provide regional leadership. Recent years have seen growing policy convergence between the United States and other Asia-Pacific actors, particularly in economic terms, but US regionalism continues to feature competition alongside collaboration.
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Yoon, Jiso, and Amber E. Boydstun. "Dominating the news: government officials in front-page news coverage of policy issues in the United States and Korea." Journal of Public Policy 34, no. 2 (February 24, 2014): 207–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x14000051.
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AbstractWhat determines which political actors dominate a country’s news? Understanding the forces that shape political actors’ news coverage matters, because these actors can influence which problems and alternatives receive a nation’s public and policy attention. Across free-press nations, the degree of media attention actors receive is rarely proportional to their degree of participation in the policymaking process. Yet, the nature of this “mis”-representation varies by country. We argue that journalistic operating procedures – namely, journalists’ incentive-driven relationships with government officials – help explain cross-national variance in actors’ media representation relative to policymaking participation. We examine two free-press countries with dramatically different journalistic procedures: United States and Korea. For each, we compare actors’ policymaking participation to news coverage (using all 2008New York TimesandHankyoreh Dailyfront-page stories). Although exhibiting greater general discrepancy between actors’ policymaking and media representation, diverse actors are over-represented in United States news; in Korea, governmental actors are dominant.
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Minkoff-Zern, Laura-Anne. "The case for taking account of labor in sustainable food systems in the United States." Renewable Agriculture and Food Systems 32, no. 6 (February 21, 2017): 576–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742170517000060.
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AbstractThis commentary argues for strengthening research and analysis of food workers' rights as part of a more comprehensive sustainable food systems approach. Starting with a broad definition of sustainability, one which includes social, as well as ecological, and economic elements, the author outlines current critiques of alternative food movement actors. She then looks at existing food labor activism and successes, providing them as examples for how sustainable food movement actors and researchers should move forward.
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Kettell, Steven. "Non-religious Political Activism: Patterns of Conflict and Mobilisation in the United States and Britain." Journal of Religion in Europe 8, no. 3-4 (December 12, 2015): 365–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-00804007.
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The category of the 'non-religious' has been subject to increasing academic attention in recent years, but questions about the political mobilisation of non-religious actors remain substantially under-researched. This article addresses this issue through a comparative analysis of non-religion in the United States and Britain. Drawing on theoretical insights from Social Movement Theory, it argues that political mobilisation is shaped by varying patterns of conflict between religious and non-religious actors, as well as within and between non-religious groups themselves.
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Carlarne, Cinnamon P. "On Localism and the Persistent Power of the State." AJIL Unbound 112 (2018): 285–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2018.74.
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On June 1, 2017, President Trump declared that the United States would “cease all implementation of the non-binding Paris Accord and the draconian financial and economic burdens the agreement imposes on our country.” The United States’ de facto withdrawal from the Paris Agreement represented an important inflection point for conceptualizing the role of nonstate actors in addressing climate change. President Trump's announcement was met with an outpouring of resistance and widespread and concerted efforts to mobilize substate, nonprofit, and private actors to step into the void created by his announcement and to help keep the United States on track to pursue domestic and international commitments to address climate change despite federal recalcitrance. Within the leadership void created by the Trump Administration and amidst the increasingly extensive body of sub- and nonstate climate efforts, it is tempting to decenter the role of the state or to underestimate the persistent power of the state to shape the approach and effectiveness of nonstate actions. Failing to recognize that the state retains significant power in this field undermines efforts to understand the realities within which nonstate actors operate. This creates a set of heightened expectations for these actors that defies the reality of the political, economic, and social resources available to them and masks the challenges inherent in relying upon a fragmented, shifting, and differently accountable set of actors to effect pervasive change.
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Novitskiy, E. R. "Latin American states cooperation with the United States of America and the European Union." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 3 (September 28, 2019): 54–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-3-54-58.
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Both the political and economic role of the Latin American region has increased significantly in the modern world. The largest Latin American countries have emerged as major regional players. In this regard, the analysis of the current foreign policy relations of the region is of particular interest and relevance for this research. Many key actors in the international arena are now paying increasing attention to the region. For a long time, the main partners of Latin American countries in various fields have been the USA and the European Union (EU), which have long historical ties with the region. However, against the backdrop of increased interest in the region on the part of other major international players, in particular China, the positions of both the US and the EU may have been weakened.
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McCourt, David M. "Framing China's rise in the United States, Australia and the United Kingdom." International Affairs 97, no. 3 (May 2021): 643–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab009.
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Abstract Optimism about China's rise has in recent years given way to deep concern in the United States, Australia and the United Kingdom. Drawing on an original set of interviews with China experts from each country, and an array of primary and secondary sources, I show that shifting framings of China's rise reflect the dynamics of the US, Australian and UK national security fields. The article highlights three features specifically: first, the US field features a belief that China's rise can be arrested or prevented, absent in Australia and the UK. I root this dynamic in the system of professional appointments and the intense US ‘marketplace of ideas’, which gives rise to intense framing contestation and occasional sharp frame change. I then identify the key positions produced by each field, from which key actors have shaped the differing interpretations of China and its meaning. The election of Donald Trump, a strong China-critic, to the US presidency empowered key individuals across government who shifted the predominant framing of China from potential challenger to current threat. The smaller and more centralized fields in Australia and Britain feature fewer and less intense China-sceptical voices; responses have thereby remained largely pragmatic, despite worsening diplomatic relations in each case.
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Loomis, Burdett. "Actors, Athletes, and Astronauts: Political Amateurs in the United States Congress.David T. Canon." Journal of Politics 53, no. 4 (November 1991): 1172–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131875.
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Grafov, Dmitriy. "Lobbying of the internal Libyan conflict actors in the United States (comparative analysis)." Asia and Africa today, no. 7 (2020): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750010109-1.
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Mislin, David. "Change Agents: The Unlikely Religious Actors Who Reshaped the Twentieth-Century United States." Reviews in American History 47, no. 3 (2019): 404–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2019.0045.
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Sebastian, Leonard, and Sigit Nugroho. "ASSESSING UNITED STATES GRAND STRATEGY: ESTIMATING THE PATTERN OF UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY ON SOUTHEAST ASIA UNDER THE BIDEN PRESIDENCY." Journal Of Global Strategic Studies 1, no. 1 (June 15, 2021): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jgss.v1i1.571.
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Assessing United States (U.S.) past grand strategy is a useful guide to gauge foreign policy intentions enabling us to gain vital insights to discern the broad pattern of U.S. foreign policy under various administrations. Such an approach can be of benefit to the academic and policy community giving us a sense of the priorities of the foreign policy priorities of the Biden administration particularly with respect to the security of Southeast Asia. With this aim in mind, our article employs a variation of the analytical framework employed in the field of foreign policy evaluation to examine the possible options for U.S. Grand Strategy. At the risk of oversimplification, it selects and assesses four samples of U.S. Grand Strategy alternatives: isolationism, offshore balancing, selective engagement, and deep engagement. Next we focus on recent events to assess which pattern of Grand Strategy best describes the Biden administration�s foreign policy stance. Our aim is that these insights will help regional actors to anticipate and respond accordingly to the Biden administration�s foreign policy stance.
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Adua, Lazarus, and Linda Lobao. "The Growth Machine across the United States: Business Actors’ Influence on Communities’ Economic Development and Limited–Government Austerity Policies." City & Community 18, no. 2 (June 2019): 462–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cico.12399.
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The growth machine (GM) perspective has long guided urban research. Our study provides a new extension of this perspective, focusing on local business actors’ influence on communities across the United States. We question whether GM–oriented business actors remain widely associated with contemporary local economic development policies, and further, whether these actors influence the use of limited–government austerity policies. Conceptually, we extend the GM framework by bringing it into dialogue with the literature on urban austerity policy. The analysis draws from the urban–quantitative tradition of large–sample studies and assesses localities across the nation using the empirical case of county governments. We find local real estate owners, utilities, and other business actors broadly influence U.S. localities’ economic development policies. We also find some evidence that these actors’ influences in local governance are related to the use of such cutback policies as hiring freezes, capping of social services, expenditure cutbacks, and sale of public assets. Local Chambers of Commerce are particularly associated with cutback policies. Overall, the findings suggest that where local GM actors are influential, communities are more likely to adopt business–oriented economic development policies, limit the growth of social services for the less affluent, and scale–down the public sector.
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Ahmedi, Bujar, and Shefik Shehu. "Resolution Of International Conflicts Through The United Nations: The Corfu Channel Case." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 13 (May 30, 2016): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n13p105.
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States have been and are still the most essential actors in international relations. The primary aim of each state is the maximal realization of its interests vis a vis other actors in the international scene. This could potentially result in a disagreement or even conflict. It is precisely the job of the international law to peacefully resolve these issues through the many mechanisms that it has under its disposition. Apart from the disagreements that could arise between/among states, such disagreement could as well arise between a state and another type of international actors e.g. in an organization or even between two or more organizations. Even in the resolution of these types of disagreements, one could apply one of the many mechanisms that are applied in the state vs. state case. When we talk of international disagreements, it is noteworthy to mention that they could be of a political nature and of a legal nature. This division is very often debated since each conflict is invariably linked with some political considerations. This is the reason why it is so difficult to define some of the criteria which would determine the very nature of the conflict and/or disagreement. There are several instruments to solve international disagreements. In the past, many of the disagreements between states were solved through war. However, since the end of the First World War, war has been considered as a forbidden means of solving disagreements between states.
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Kernt, Harold. "An Overview of the United States Administrative Procedure Act." Gdańskie Studia Prawnicze, no. 2(46)/2020 (June 22, 2020): 69–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/gsp.2020.2.05.
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For almost seventy-five years, the Administrative Procedure Act (APA) in the United States has set a procedural framework within which most federal administrative agencies must act. The APA lays out procedures that federal actors must follow in fashioning rules and in resolving adjudications, as well as the standards of review that federal courts must use when reviewing the agencies’ resolution of those adjudications and promulgation of rules. As a consequence the APA has been remarkably effective in ensuring that agency decisionmaking is responsive to public concerns and that the public has an outlet for voicing those concerns. Nonetheless, some of the exceptions carved out by Congress in the APA have created problematic gaps, failing to protect the regulated public adequately, particularly from agency policy statements and interpretations of statutes and regulations, which private firms and individuals cannot challenge directly but may affect their livelihoods.
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Babcock, Sandra. "The Role of International Law in United States Death Penalty Cases." Leiden Journal of International Law 15, no. 2 (June 2002): 367–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156502000183.
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The United States has repeatedly failed to notify detained foreign nationals of their rights to consular notification and access under Article 36 of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations. In capital cases, US non-compliance with this ratified Treaty has led to litigation by foreign governments and individual lawyers in domestic courts and international tribunals. While these efforts have had mixed results in individual cases, litigation by Mexico, Germany and other actors has led to increased compliance with Article 36, and a growing recognition of the significance of US treaty obligations.
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Nathanson, Constance A. "Collective Actors and Corporate Targets in Tobacco Control: A Cross-National Comparison." Health Education & Behavior 32, no. 3 (June 2005): 337–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1090198105275047.
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Cross-national comparative analysis of tobacco control strategies can alert health advocates to how opportunities for public health action, types of action, and probabilities for success are shaped by political systems and cultures. This article is based on case studies of tobacco control in the United States, Canada, Britain, and France. Two questions are addressed: (a) To whom were the dangers of smoking attributed? and (b) What was the role of collective action—grassroots level organization—in combating these dangers? Activists in Canada, Britain, and France moved earlier than the United States did to target the tobacco industry and the state. Locally based advocacy centered on passive smoking has been far more important in the United States. The author concludes that U.S.-style advocacy has played a major role in this country’s smoking decline but is insufficient in and of itself to change the corporate practices of a wealthy and politically powerful industry.
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Ortiz, Ruth, Eusebio Ortiz Zarco, and Gerardo Suárez Barrera. "United States and China: One evidence of the changing global geopolitical environment." Journal of Administrative Science 3, no. 5 (July 5, 2021): 6–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.29057/jas.v3i5.6752.
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This research paper examines the commercial and monetary interdependence that has been built during the period 1990 - 2018 between two main economies of the world; this is an empirical analysis, based on a statistical scrutiny of economic indicators and Granger causalty tests. The result is a contribution to the understanding of the 21st century bundled international system, characterized by a changing global geopolitical environment, where the United States and China are the main actors.
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Witko, Christopher. "The Politics of Financialization in the United States, 1949–2005." British Journal of Political Science 46, no. 2 (August 27, 2014): 349–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123414000325.
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Financial activity has become increasingly important in affluent economies in recent decades. Because this ‘financialization’ distributes costs and benefits unevenly across groups, politics and policy likely affect the process. Therefore, this article discusses how changes in the power of organizations representing the ‘winners’ and ‘losers’ of financialization affect its pace. An analysis of the United States from 1949–2005, shows that when unions are stronger, and when the Democratic Party is in power and is more reliant on the support of working-class voters, financialization is slower. In contrast, when the financial industry is more highly mobilized into politics, financialization is faster. The study also finds that financial deregulation was one policy translating the political power of these actors into economic outcomes.
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Green, Craig. "United/States: A Revolutionary History of American Statehood." Michigan Law Review, no. 119.1 (2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.36644/mlr.119.1.united/states.
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Where did states come from? Almost everyone thinks that states descended immediately, originally, and directly from British colonies, while only afterward joining together as the United States. As a matter of legal history, that is incorrect. States and the United States were created by revolutionary independence, and they developed simultaneously in that context as improvised entities that were profoundly interdependent and mutually constitutive, rather than separate or sequential. “States-first” histories have provided foundational support for past and present arguments favoring states’ rights and state sovereignty. This Article gathers preconstitutional evidence about state constitutions, American independence, and territorial boundaries to challenge that historical premise. The Article also chronicles how states-first histories became a dominant cultural narrative, emerging from factually misleading political debates during the Constitution’s ratification. Accurate history matters. Dispelling myths about American statehood can change how modern lawyers think about federalism and constitutional law. This Article’s research weakens current support for “New Federalism” jurisprudence, associates states-rights arguments with periods of conspicuous racism, and exposes statehood’s functionality as an issue for political actors instead of constitutional adjudication. Flawed histories of statehood have been used for many doctrinal, political, and institutional purposes in the past. This Article hopes that modern readers might find their own use for accurate histories of statehood in the future.
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Frolov, Alexander. "Struggle for Libya: External Actors and Their Bets." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN, no. 2 (June 30, 2021): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2021-55-2-19-36.
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Libya is the country affected most by the Arab Spring and actually disintegrated into separate enclaves, which was largely facilitated by the actions of external actors, primarily the United States and France. External forces continue to influence the situation in Libya in their own interests, largely consisting in access to the natural resources of this country and ensuring political influence through the support of forces loyal to them. In addition to the abovementioned countries, Italy, Germany, Russia, China, Turkey, Egypt and, to a certain extent, Saudi Arabia and the UAE are also involved in the Libyan events. The article examines in a historical context their views on the problem, the interests of external actors and the military-political and economic tools used to ensure them. The pandemic somewhat constrained their actions, but in the current situation Turkey was the most active, intervening in the course of the Libyan conflict, showing a high degree of interest in access to Libyan oil and gas, and strengthening its own, including geopolitical, positions. The United States is trying to act through UN institutions, while Russia is trying to find compromises between the two main forces of the Libyan conflict. At this stage, the positions of external players are so contradictory that achieving peace and stability looks difficult, and attempts to coordinate their actions within the framework of the Berlin Forum have not been crowned with success. For now, the efforts of the United States look preferable in terms of influencing the overall situation, although Germany retains the best chances to mediate. The article also examines the possible consequences of the unsettled situation in Libya and the impact of the Libyan events on the outside world.
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Marsden, Lee. "Faith-based Diplomacy: Conservative Evangelicals and the United States Military." Politics and Religion 7, no. 3 (September 6, 2013): 475–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048313000497.
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AbstractReligion is becoming an increasingly important factor for theorists and policy makers alike in the consideration of United States foreign policy. In recent years a new school of faith-based diplomacy advocacy has emerged and begun to resonate with foreign policy practitioners. This article examines the efficacy of such faith-based approaches to foreign policy problems with a religious component and argues that such an approach is inherently flawed. The article argues that a combination of a distinct military culture, which feels itself morally superior to its civilian leadership and the activism of conservative evangelicals in the chaplaincy and military leadership makes such faith-based approaches unrealistic. While acknowledging a role for pluralist religious actors in foreign policy the article rejects a faith-based advocacy approach which can exacerbate rather than resolve foreign policy problems.
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Marsh, Christopher, and Mark Heppner. "When Weak Nations Use Strong States: The Unintended Consequences of Intervention in the Balkans." Nationalities Papers 31, no. 3 (September 2003): 281–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599032000115493.
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In the years that have passed since NATO forcibly compelled Yugoslavia to withdraw its military and police forces from Kosovo and the province was placed under U. N. guardianship, the Kosovo crisis of 1999 has been examined from a variety of angles. Although many insightful analyses have documented the horrific and deplorable events that led up to the crisis, one important factor that has received relatively short shrift is the way in which the U. S. was drawn into the conflict. In particular, it has remained overlooked that the United States, qua superpower, had a significant impact on the policy formulations of the belligerent parties. This essay is based on the proposition that the United States does not formulate policy and operate in a vacuum, but rather that the U. S. is itself a critical factor in the calculations of other actors in the international system. These actors make strategic calculations based upon their expectations of American actions and reactions. The U. S. policymaking community, on the other hand, seems to formulate policies without considering the implications of the fact that other actors might anticipate U. S. actions or even attempt to provoke a desired response.
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Dilling, Lisa. "Toward Carbon Governance: Challenges across Scales in the United States." Global Environmental Politics 7, no. 2 (May 2007): 28–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep.2007.7.2.28.
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Public and private sector actors increasingly recognize the need for action to address climate change. With the introduction of “carbon sinks” into the policy dialogue, the notion of managing human activities to mitigate climate change has extended beyond energy systems and emissions of carbon dioxide to include management of the carbon cycle itself, through manipulation of the terrestrial and oceanic realms. The number of decision makers involved and scope of managing the carbon cycle deliberately for climate purposes raises enormous challenges to governance including identifying appropriate mechanisms where they do not yet exist and adding additional criteria onto existing mechanisms that are already affecting the carbon cycle. In this paper, I define effective carbon governance as limiting the amount of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere. This paper outlines a number of challenges to effective carbon governance at multiple scales using the example of land use in the United States and elsewhere.
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Steinmo, Sven. "Political Institutions and Tax Policy in the United States, Sweden, and Britain." World Politics 41, no. 4 (July 1989): 500–535. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010528.
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This essay addresses the question, “Why do different democracies pursue different public policies?” through an examination of taxation policy in the United States, Sweden, and Britain. The essay demonstrates how the different decision-making structures found in these three democracies (characterized as pluralist, corporatist, and party government systems, respectively) bias each polity toward different types of policy outcomes. The key argument is that institutional structures are the context in which political actors must necessarily define their policy preferences and determine their strategic objectives. Institutional structures thus provide a central link between individual choice behavior and macro policy outcomes.
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Levy, Yagil. "Theorizing Desecularization of the Military: The United States and Israel." Armed Forces & Society 46, no. 1 (November 12, 2018): 92–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x18806516.
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This article addresses scholarly deficiencies in identifying the conditions under which the desecularization of militaries takes place. To theorize this process, two militaries are studied, the United States and Israel. Arguably, six drivers sequentially generate the desecularization of the militaries: (1) Militaries largely mirror the growing influence of religion in the broader society. However, intramilitary drivers play their role in promoting/mitigating the extra-military mechanisms of desecularization. Thus, (2) organizational interests along with external constraints drive militaries to promote religious diversity, which may (3) lead to the empowerment of religious actors, and thereby to further desecularization through religious intolerance, and to (4) reliance on the spiritual and religious services provided by military chaplains, and jointly stimulate (5) the use of religion to motivate military sacrifice. By religiously increasing the symbolic value of military sacrifice, (6) religiosity becomes more naturally associated with good soldiering, thereby reshaping intramilitary hierarchies and, hence, further triggering desecularization.
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Buckley, David T., and Clyde Wilcox. "Religious Change, Political Incentives, and Explaining Religious-Secular Relations in the United States and the Philippines." Politics and Religion 10, no. 3 (April 17, 2017): 543–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000050.
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AbstractThe interactions between religious and secular elites differ across societies, and those interactions may evolve differently even in the face of similarly controversial issues. What explains variation in relations between religious and secular elites in comparative settings? We highlight the links between religious change, political incentives, and the level of conflict or cooperation between religious and secular actors in public life. We illustrate distinct patterns of religious-secular relations with a paired comparison of two democracies with an intertwined history: the United States and the Philippines. In the United States, religious-secular relations have becoming increasingly conflictual as political incentives have changed in response to religious change. In the Philippines, in contrast, religious and secular actors maintain cooperative ties in part because relative religious stability has diminished political incentives to stoke religious-secular tensions.
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Payne, Brian K. "Medicaid Fraud: Actions, Actors, and Policy." Criminal Justice Policy Review 7, no. 3-4 (September 1995): 275–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/088740349500700304.
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Health care reform and crime are two current controversial political issues. Combining the two topics, this research examines the criminal acts brought to the attention of Medicaid Fraud Control Units throughout the United States. To address the fraudulent actors and actions involved in Medicaid fraud, 572 incidents of Medicaid fraud reported to the units are analyzed. Also, findings from a survey of unit directors are included to describe the problems the units face battling the fraudulent activities. Findings indicate that various types of fraud are committed by all types of health care providers and societal changes make the task of prosecuting fraud problematic. Implications and recommendations are provided in the conclusion.
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Wheeler, Ron. "The United Nations Commission on Human Rights, 1982–1997: A Study of “Targeted” Resolutions." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 1 (March 1999): 75–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900010106.
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AbstractThis article examines resolutions passed by the United Nations Commission on Human Rights from 1982 to 1997, which targeted specific states, governments and other political actors for violations of human rights. The types of actors that were named, their regional distribution and the actions taken by the Commission are each analyzed. Among the findings presented are that the Commission's effectiveness has been limited by its inability to address most systematic government violations of human rights, by a lack of universality in its application of international standards and by a recent trend toward consensus decision making.
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Reddick, Christopher G., Tansu Demir, and Bruce Perlman. "Horizontal, Vertical, and Hybrid: An Empirical Look at the Forms of Accountability." Administration & Society 52, no. 9 (April 23, 2020): 1410–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095399720912553.
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The existing accountability research in public administration either provides conceptual analyses and definitions of forms of accountability or case studies on accountability. They focus on the structure of responsibility or responding behavior. This article is different in that it tests actors’ perceptions of the three commonly cited forms of accountability identified in the literature—vertical, horizontal, and hybrid. We test accountability on a national survey sample of city managers across the United States. Our structural equation model indicates that there is both vertical and horizontal accountability present in city governments in the United States supporting a hybrid model. The results of this study add to the literature because most of the existing research on accountability does not test this important relationship nor examine actors’ perceptions.
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van der Zwan, Natascha. "Financialisation and the Pension System: Lessons from the United States and the Netherlands." Journal of Modern European History 15, no. 4 (November 2017): 554–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2017-4-554.
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Financialisation and the Pension System: Lessons from the United States and the Netherlands The articles explores the financialisation of private pensions in the United States and the Netherlands. It proposes two distinct arguments. First, the article shows that both the American and the Dutch pension systems stand out internationally for their high degrees of capitalisation and the absence of substantive investment restrictions for pension funds. The article posits that both pension systems are highly financialised, yet the process of financialisation has proceeded along different historical paths and within different institutional contexts. Secondly, the article maintains that the financialisation of pension systems is accompanied by its own political dynamics. In both political economies, different groups of actors (employers, labour unions, financial professionals) have made claims over the growing concentration of pension assets. Here, particular emphasis is given to the role of the state. It shows how since the mid-1970s, both American and Dutch pension funds have altered their investment strategies, abandoning public debt as the dominant investment category. The article explains this change in terms of the rising popularity of modern portfolio theory and the immense growth of pension capital in need of new investment options. As austerity politics have made governments more dependent on financial markets, pension funds have become more assertive in leveraging their assets and demanding political reform which are in the interest of the financial industries. Financialisation has thus fundamentally altered the balance of power between the state and financial market actors.
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Milner, Henry. "Populism and Political Knowledge: The United States in Comparative Perspective." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (March 5, 2020): 226–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2560.
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This article addresses the link between political knowledge and populist attitudes in the United States (US) in comparative perspective. At the beginning of the new decade, populism in the US is associated with support for the Republican party and Donald Trump in particular, and that is how I address it here. Using secondary data from a number of related studies, we find that, overall, support for Trump is not only negatively related to political knowledge, but also to other factors that make his supporters unaware of their being misinformed. This is because, more than for others, partisan cues serve them as a basis for their factual beliefs about political actors and events and assessments of the beliefs of others. While political knowledge has long been comparatively low in the US, as I show in the early part of the article, the relationship between misinformation and populism (i.e., support for Trump) is seen as a new and especially worrisome element. In the concluding section I address what, if anything, could be done to address this situation.
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Mariani, Giulia. "Failed and successful attempts at institutional change: the battle for marriage equality in the United States." European Political Science Review 12, no. 2 (March 16, 2020): 255–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773920000090.
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AbstractBy focusing on the legislative process underpinning marriage equality in the American states, this article identifies the combinations of conditions under which attempts at institutional displacement succeed or fail. Hitherto, few scholarly works have empirically examined displacement and whether, and how, actors can preserve institutional stability in the face of organized efforts to change institutions. Taking causal complexity into account, the analytical model factors in the resources of both change and status quo actors as well as the political context that enables or constrains their strategies. The results of the comparative analysis show that states have followed different paths to the displacement of heterosexual marriage in favor of marriage equality. Yet, most crucially, the findings pinpoint that the inclusion of religious exemption clauses is a condition sine qua non for marriage equality laws to be effectively passed, thus challenging the widely accepted notion that morality policies are foreign to compromise.
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Johnson, Stephen. "Neorealism and the Organization of American States (OAS): An Examination of CARICOM Rationality Toward Venezuela and the United States." SAGE Open 9, no. 4 (July 2019): 215824401988795. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244019887950.
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Since 2017, CARICOM member states have been divided in the positions they take on Organization of American States (OAS) resolutions addressing political instability in Venezuela. This article uses a neorealism framework to determine whether or not the provision of energy investments by Venezuela and the United States to CARICOM member countries is an attempt on their part to skew the OAS voting mechanism in their national interests. The article also examines the extent to which CARICOM member states’ response to Venezuela’s and United States’ interest in the OAS demonstrates a pattern of rationality. The findings suggest that though the OAS provides a medium for states to negotiate mutually beneficial solutions, states are rational actors and even where they do corporate, dominant states may try to manifest their self-interest.
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Senier, Amy. "The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights: Jessica Lenahan (Gonzales) et al. v. United States." International Legal Materials 51, no. 1 (February 2012): 54–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.51.1.0054.
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On July 21, 2011, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (‘‘IACHR’’ or the ‘‘Commission’’) issued a landmark decision finding that the United States had breached its international legal obligations to exercise due diligence to protect women from domestic violence. The decision holds profound ramifications for states’ responsibility to protect individuals from harm imposed by private actors and to protect women and girl-children from domestic violence.
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Kramer, Paul A. "EMBEDDING CAPITAL: POLITICAL-ECONOMIC HISTORY, THE UNITED STATES, AND THE WORLD." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 15, no. 3 (July 2016): 331–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781416000189.
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One of the chief promises of the emerging history of capitalism is its capacity to problematize and historicize relationships between economic inequality and capital's social, political, and ecological domain. At their best, the new works creatively integrate multiple historiographic approaches. Scholars are bringing the insights of social and cultural history to business history's traditional actors and topics, providing thick descriptions of the complex social worlds of firms, investors, and bankers, while resisting rationalist, functionalist, and economistic analyses. They are also proceeding from the assumption that capitalism is not reducible to the people that historians have typically designated as capitalists. As they've shown, the fact that slaves, women, sharecroppers, clerks, and industrial laborers were, to different degrees, denied power in the building of American capitalism did not mean that they were absent from its web, or that their actions did not decisively shape its particular contours.
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Moravcsik, Andrew. "Europe, the Second Superpower." Current History 109, no. 725 (March 1, 2010): 91–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2010.109.725.91.
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There are, and will remain for the foreseeable future, two global superpowers: the United States and Europe. Only these two actors are consistently able to project a full spectrum of ‘smart power’ internationally.
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Baranov, Andrey Vladimirovich. "Geopolitical Competition of World Political Actors for Influence on Contemporary Serbia." Общество политика экономика право, no. 10 (October 23, 2020): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/pep.2020.10.1.
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The author of the paper finds out the manifestations of the geopolitical competition of world political actors (the United States, NATO, the European Un-ion) for influence on Serbia in 2008–2020. The study focuses on the political interests of these actors and strategies for their implementation. Serbia is strate-gically important for Western countries as the miss-ing link for full control over the Balkans and isola-tion of Russia. Turkey, which is pursuing a neo-Ottoman course, is interested in restoring its control over the Balkans, which is being hindered by Serbia. Ethnopolitical and confessional conflicts in Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina are used by the United States, NATO, and the European Union to increase pressure on the Serbian leadership. Serbia’s geopo-litical orientations remain inconsistent, reflecting attempts to maneuver between competing world players. The possibilities for such a policy are steadily shrinking, leaving Serbia with a geopolitical choice to make.
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Carrington, Jara M. "Rethinking nongovernmental organizations: Neoliberalism, “nonstate” actors, and the politics of recognition in the United States." Law & Policy 42, no. 4 (October 2020): 344–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lapo.12157.
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Bode, Ingvild. "Reflective practices at the Security Council: Children and armed conflict and the three United Nations." European Journal of International Relations 24, no. 2 (August 4, 2017): 293–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066117714529.
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The United Nations Security Council passed its first resolution on children in armed conflict in 1999, making it one of the oldest examples of Security Council engagement with a thematic mandate and leading to the creation of a dedicated working group in 2005. Existing theoretical accounts of the Security Council cannot account for the developing substance of the children and armed conflict agenda as they are macro-oriented and focus exclusively on states. I argue that Security Council decision-making on thematic mandates is a productive process whose outcomes are created by and through practices of actors across the three United Nations: member states (the first United Nations), United Nations officials (the second United Nations) and non-governmental organizations (the third United Nations). In presenting a practice-based, micro-oriented analysis of the children and armed conflict agenda, the article aims to deliver on the empirical promise of practice theories in International Relations. I make two contributions to practice-based understandings: first, I argue that actors across the three United Nations engage in reflective practices of a strategic or tactical nature to manage, arrange or create space in Security Council decision-making. Portraying practices as reflective rather than as only based on tacit knowledge highlights how actors may creatively adapt their practices to social situations. Second, I argue that particular individuals from the three United Nations are more likely to become recognized as competent performers of practices because of their personality, understood as plural socialization experiences. This adds varied individual agency to practice theories that, despite their micro-level interests, have focused on how agency is relationally constituted.
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Barkow, Rachel E. "The Evolving Role of the United States Sentencing Commission." Federal Sentencing Reporter 33, no. 1-2 (October 2020): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fsr.2020.33.1-2.3.
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This essay explores how the role of the United States Sentencing Commission has changed over time. It has gone through three different phases in terms of its role (either actual or perceived) in federal sentencing. The first phase covers the Commission at its inception, and the perceived role of the Commission that dominated then was that of a politically insulated, expert agency that would serve, essentially, as an independent policy maker. This vision of the Commission never materialized, but it is important to understand this model in order to appreciate why the Commission was set up the way it was. During the second and dominant phase, which lasted for roughly two decades, from 1986 until 2007, the Commission played a weak supporting role to the political actors who oversaw its work, with Congress largely controlling its output. This period was characterized by political battering by Congress. Given the political climate of the time, that meant increases in sentences, but little else, from the Commission. The third phase began in 2007 and continues today. The Commission is now seen as a respected supplier of data, and its judgments are given more deference. In a sense, this role combines the first two. The Commission is recognized for its expertise, but that expertise is valuable only insofar as the information it generates has political value. The essay concludes with ways the Commission’s design can be improved to give it greater political influence in setting sentencing policy.
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Jabko, Nicolas, and Adam Sheingate. "Practices of Dynamic Order." Perspectives on Politics 16, no. 2 (May 16, 2018): 312–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717004261.
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In accounting for the endurance of dysfunctional institutions, scholars often highlight the importance of path dependence or incremental change. Yet this fails to capture the creativity that actors deploy to reproduce order, particularly in times of crisis. We propose the concept of dynamic order, rooted in pragmatist theory, as an alternative way to think about institutional durability. Powerful actors reproduce order through creative adjustments to rules and routines that channel action into predictable and controllable behavior. We illustrate this dynamic with examples from the European Union and the United States. In response to the crisis of the Eurozone, EU and state officials invented new procedures that strengthened European governance at the very moment many questioned whether the euro could survive. Likewise, in the United States, public officials responded to social movements and street protests against racism and police brutality by creatively channeling these grievances into judicial proceedings and procedures controlled by the state. By focusing on how elite actors regenerate order in times of crises, our analysis enhances the conceptual toolkit currently available to the scholars of institutions.
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Moreira, Cristina, and Jari Eloranta. "Importance of «weak» states during conflicts: Portuguese trade with the United States during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 29, no. 3 (August 11, 2011): 393–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610911000139.
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AbstractThis paper focuses on the analysis of weak states in the international trading system during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic crises, especially on Portugal's trade relations with the United States. We argue that the previous studies of the trade flows during these conflicts have not paid enough attention on smaller actors. Even though the Peninsular War caused severe disruption of agricultural production in Portugal, the United States, despite its strained relations with an ally of Portugal, Great Britain, became a key supplier for the Portuguese market. Clearly, the threatened position of the peninsula, and the need to supply the troops, awarded the Portuguese some room to manoeuvre in the international markets. Total war was not a constraint for all states — economic necessities trumped political and diplomatic concerns during the era of the first real-world wars. This situation was a temporary one, only to change after the conflict.