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1

Wendling, Karina Bénazech. "“The priests do their best to inflame the people.” Religious actors in Ireland, 1800–1845: Instigators of violence or peacemakers?" Violence: An International Journal 2, no. 1 (April 2021): 106–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/26330024211004611.

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After the 1801 Act of Union uniting Ireland and Great Britain, and the broken promises made to Catholics, Daniel O’Connell founded the Catholic Association which combined religious and political demands. Despite the pacifying dimension of the movement, the decades preceding the Great Hunger (1845–1851) saw several episodes of violence, before reaching a climax during the revolutionary movement of 1848. Relying on Philippe Braud’s definition of political violence and the study of British and Catholic authorities’ correspondence among other sources, this article intends to shed light on the different dynamics at work in the rise in violence. It also examines the various attempts to readjust to and withdraw from acts of violence, to move beyond ambiguities and better assess the role played by religious agents.
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Pehr, Michal. "Neznámá svědectví o činnosti Jana Šrámka v době okupace a druhé světové války." Časopis Národního muzea. Řada historická 188, no. 1-2 (2020): 67–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/cnm.2019.003.

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The submitted study is devoted to the activities of Jan Šrámek during the occupation and during the Second World War. This period of his life is unusually observed chiefly by means of various types of ego-documents, such as the correspondence, memoirs and memories of his contemporaries; some of these sources are still unknown and many of them are in the private hands of the descendants of the actors of events themselves. The circumstances of Šrámek’s activities in Paris, his dramatic journey to Great Britain and subsequently his activities as chairman of the government in exile in London are described. These sources show J. Šrámek as a distinctive, respected and indispensible political figure, with his own effective style of work.
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ONEA, TUDOR A. "Between dominance and decline: status anxiety and great power rivalry." Review of International Studies 40, no. 1 (February 8, 2013): 125–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000563.

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AbstractThis article investigates the role of status considerations in the response of dominant powers to the rise of emergent states. Accordingly, the hypothesis explored is that dominant actors are prone to fear that they will lose their upper rank, and, due to this status anxiety, resist the efforts of emergent powers to match or surpass them. The article begins by explaining why political actors deem status important and puts forward a theory of status anxiety in world politics. The more pronounced is this anxiety across status dimensions (economic and military capabilities as well as prestige), the higher the likelihood of conflict. This argument is then tested against competing theories of dominant power behaviour in two cases: the relations between France and Britain from the 1740s to Napoleon and those between Britain and Germany from the 1880s to World War One.
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Paffenholz, Thania, and I. William Zartman. "Inclusive Peace Negotiations – From a Neglected Topic to New Hype." International Negotiation 24, no. 1 (March 7, 2019): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-24011186.

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Abstract The objective of this special issue on inclusive peace negotiations is to advance the debate on negotiations. It sheds light on included and excluded actors, in particular political parties, civil society, business, youth and religious actors, and those armed actors that are either excluded or included. This special issue is particularly interesting as all articles combine a conceptual introduction of the role of the discussed actor in question in peace negotiations with a case study approach. This method enriches conceptual discussion and debates on the role of the various actors through analyses of several peace negotiations, including among others, DRC, Kenya, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Guatemala, El Salvador, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Macedonia, Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and Myanmar.
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Markovich, Slobodan. "Activities of Father Nikolai Velimirovich in Great Britain during the Great War." Balcanica, no. 48 (2017): 143–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1748143m.

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Nikolai Velimirovich was one of the most influential bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church in the twentieth century. His stay in Britain in 1908/9 influenced his theological views and made him a proponent of an Anglican-Orthodox church reunion. As a known proponent of close relations between different Christian churches, he was sent by the Serbian Prime Minister Pasic to the United States (1915) and Britain (1915-1919) to work on promoting Serbia and the cause of Yugoslav unity. His activities in both countries were very successful. In Britain he closely collaborated with the Serbian Relief Fund and ?British friends of Serbia? (R. W. Seton-Watson, Henry Wickham Steed and Sir Arthur Evans). Other Serbian intellectuals in London, particularly the brothers Bogdan and Pavle Popovic, were in occasional collision with the members of the Yugoslav Committee over the nature of the future Yugoslav state. In contrast, Velimirovich remained committed to the cause of Yugoslav unity throughout the war with only rare moments of doubt. Unlike most other Serbs and Yugoslavs in London Father Nikolai never grew unsympathetic to the Serbian Prime Minister Pasic, although he did not share all of his views. In London he befriended the churchmen of the Church of England who propagated ecclesiastical reunion and were active in the Anglican and Eastern Association. These contacts allowed him to preach at St. Margaret?s Church, Westminster and other prominent Anglican churches. He became such a well-known and respected preacher that, in July 1917, he had the honour of being the first Orthodox clergyman to preach at St. Paul?s Cathedral. He was given the same honour in December 1919. By the end of the war he had very close relations with the highest prelates of the Church of England, the Catholic cardinal of Westminster, and with prominent clergymen of the Church of Scotland and other Protestant churches in Britain. Based on Velimirovich?s correspondence preserved in Belgrade and London archives, and on very wide coverage of his activities in The Times, in local British newspapers, and particularly in the Anglican journal The Church Times, this paper describes and analyses his wide-ranging activities in Britain. The Church of England supported him wholeheartedly in most of his activities and made him a celebrity in Britain during the Great War. It was thanks to this Church that some dozen of his pamphlets and booklets were published in London during the Great War. What made his relations with the Church of England so close was his commitment to the question of reunion of Orthodox churches with the Anglican Church. He suggested the reunion for the first time in 1909 and remained committed to it throughout the Great War. Analysing the activities of Father Nikolai, the paper also offers a survey of the very wide-ranging forms of help that the Church of England provided both to the Serbian Orthodox Church and to Serbs in by the end of the Great War he became a symbol of Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement. general during the Great War. Most of these activities were channelled through him. Thus, by the end of the Great War he became a symbol of Anglican-Orthodox rapprochement.
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Labutina, Tatyana. "Great Britain and Russia on the Way to Restoring Diplomatic Relations (1720–1731)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016152-5.

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The article deals with the process of restoring diplomatic relations between Great Britain and Russia in the first third of the 18th century. England was the first country with which Russia established diplomatic relations 465 years ago. During this time, the countries have passed a difficult and thorny path of interaction. Often there were open military conflicts between them, and sometimes it simply came to the severance of diplomatic relations. One of these events occurred in the reign of Peter I on 14 December in 1720 year. Although diplomatic relations were interrupted, trade between the states continued to develop. The trade volume was reduced due to political tensions, which caused significant damage to the economy of England. In this regard, the British began to take active steps to establish diplomatic relations. The analysis of the correspondence between two British diplomats, T. Ward and C. Rondeau, and the Secretary of State of Great Britain, first undertaken in historical science, the author concludes that it was England that initiated the restoration of diplomatic relations, primarily to strengthen the position of the English merchants in Russia. The analysis of the ambassadors' dispatches gives valuable insights as to the strategy and tactics of the British Foreign Office in relation to Russia during the reign of Anna Ioannovna, as well as the motives that guided the diplomats involved in the preparatory process of establishing relations between the countries. The correspondence of the diplomats provides an opportunity to get acquainted with both their official and “secret” intelligence activities, which allows the author identify the true intentions of British diplomacy: to comprehensively study a potential rival which the British imagined Russia to be. It is also of great interest to learn more about how their mission went, what impressions they got from their visit to our country, what assessments they made about the top officials in the administration of the Russian Empire, as well as about the Russian people in general.
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Rausch, Fabian. "«Constitutional Fever»? Constitutional Integration in Post-Revolutionary France, Great Britain and Germany, 1814–c.1835." Journal of Modern European History 15, no. 2 (May 2017): 221–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2017-2-221.

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«Constitutional Fever»? Constitutional Integration in Post-Revolutionary France, Great Britain and Germany, 1814–c.1835 This article proposes a comparative perspective on the role of constitutions in European political cultures from 1814 to c.1835. Through its analysis of constitutions first as a means to legitimising post-revolutionary monarchies, and secondly as a means to integrating the divided societies in France, Great Britain as well as the German states, this article suggests two major results: 1) Constitutions were a central instrument that was imagined by post-revolutionary European societies in order to open up an «evolutionary» path to political progress and thereby finally «end» or «prevent» further revolutionary changes. 2) The major challenges to constitutional integration were posed by the emergence of competing political groups that often demanded a strengthening of certain parts of the constitutions or their further reform. The problems, which were faced by almost all political actors regarding the acceptance of these new imperatives of party politics and the different constitutional «solutions» that they had developed to meet these challenges, provide explanations for the different constitutional paths that were taken by Great Britain, the German states and France during the early 1830s. In Great Britain, a common constitutionalist language enabled a precarious understanding amongst the competing groups, whereas anti-pluralist constitutional conceptions led to constitutional instability in France and even damaged the very idea of constitutional integration in Germany thus benefitting a «unification first»-approach in the German states.
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Kostakos, Giorgios, A. J. R. Groom, Sally Morphet, and Paul Taylor. "Britain and the new UN agenda: towards global riot control?" Review of International Studies 17, no. 1 (January 1991): 95–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112343.

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The fading away of the Cold War has allegedly shifted the attention of the Western members of the United Nations, as demonstrated by General Assembly speeches, towards issues like the environment, drugs and terrorism. The new issues moving towards the top of the international security agenda are more elusive than the traditional Peace- and War-related ones; nobody has control of a ‘button’ regarding these issues. An overall assessment of the situation shows that there is a great variety of actors involved, both governmental and non-governmental. It is also increasingly recognized that the East has similar interests to the West. As a result, the East–West divide is being bridged to a significant extent, while the North–South divide is being defined in new ways.
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Baranov, Nikolay N., and Olga S. Porshneva. "THE CULTURAL HERITAGE AND THE MEMORY OF THE GREAT WAR IN GREAT BRITAIN. CONTEMPORARY ANGLO-SAXON HISTORIOGRAPHY." Ural Historical Journal 71, no. 2 (2021): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2021-2(71)-25-35.

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The First World War is called “Great” only among the British. This circumstance underlines its enduring importance for British spiritual, political and everyday culture. The conceptualization of historical events as an act of forming cultural memory, a form of presenting a significant past and its cultural heritage is considered in this article on the basis of the methodology of memory studies and heritage studies, its new direction — critical heritage studies. Within the framework of the latter, cultural heritage is interpreted as a process of permanent rethinking and redefinition of the cultural values of the past, which includes various social actors. The influential participants in this process are researchers: culturologists, historians, literary scholars, sociologists, who not only influence collective ideas about the events of the past, but also interpret their contemporary significance. Accordingly, from a huge number of works devoted to the Great War memorialization the authors of the article focus on those that consider the interaction of various forms of memory and their influence on the evolution of the collective memory of the British; they are created in the mainstream of the historical science of culture and distinguished by a pronounced historical and anthropological approach. The article identifies several conceptual approaches in the development of the problems of the cultural heritage and the memory of the war, analyzes the achievements in a comparative study of the image of war and its evolution in the cultural memory of the British, in studying the interaction of the official and popular, collective and individual forms of war memory, general and specific features of the British and foreign traditions of memory about the First World War. It also interprets the significance of the revisionist historiography in changing the notions of the Great War heritage.
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Pitassi, Maria-Cristina. "The image of Great Britain as presented in the correspondence of the Genevan theologian Jean-Alphonse Turrettini." Intellectual History Review 26, no. 3 (June 27, 2016): 323–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17496977.2015.1112133.

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Onea, Tudor. "Immoderate greatness: Is great power restraint a practical grand strategy?" European Journal of International Security 2, no. 1 (October 26, 2016): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2016.15.

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AbstractThe article examines when and how often great powers are likely to follow a grand strategy of restraint and whether there is any evidence that they have ever done so. The question has considerable implications for the ongoing US grand strategy debate. Restraint refers to the practice of self-discipline in the use of force for self-defence or for addressing massive power imbalances; and in extending security commitments to foreign political actors. The first part of the article examines statistics in the last two hundred years on great power involvement in wars and disputes as well as on their commitments to alliances and dependencies. The second part considers whether two seeming cases of the dominant power scaling down its international involvement – Ming China withdrawal from naval mastery in the fifteenth century and Victorian Britain splendid isolation – represent instances of genuine restraint.
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Wilsford, David. "Path Dependency, or Why History Makes It Difficult but Not Impossible to Reform Health Care Systems in a Big Way." Journal of Public Policy 14, no. 3 (July 1994): 251–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00007285.

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ABSTRACTThe idea of path-dependency is applied to an examination of health policy reform in Germany, France, Great Britain and the United States. In the path-dependent model, actors are hemmed in by existing institutions and structures that channel them along established policy paths. Therefore, in any system, big (non-incremental) change is unlikely. However, sometimes we do observe big change. Why? By developing the interplay of structure with conjuncture, the occasional accomplishment of big change - in spite of path dependency - can be systematically understood.
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Marinaro, Ludovica. "Scrivimi ancora, arrivederci. Roma Correu." Ri-Vista. Research for landscape architecture 19, no. 1 (July 26, 2021): 274–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/rv-11313.

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Reading Roma Correu is a surprise and a gift, it allows us to resume the thread of an interrupted correspondence, reconciles and instigates us to recover and reinvent our role as actors on that great theater that is the landscape. The vision of four authors intertwines here, giving us a scene that we have not been able to tread. As a generous letter, Roma Correu recomposes an interrupted dialogue warmly inviting us to a re-encounter with the city, which fills the void of the current ability to reinvent it.
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Karpo, Vasyl, and Nataliia Nechaieva-Yuriichuk. "Information Component of Disintegration Processes in Spain and Great Britain: the Comparative Aspects." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 7 (December 23, 2019): 142–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2019.7.142-154.

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From ancient times till nowadays information plays a key role in the political processes. The beginning of XXI century demonstrated the transformation of global security from military to information, social etc. aspects. The widening of pandemic demonstrated the weaknesses of contemporary authoritarian states and the power of human-oriented states. During the World War I the theoretical and practical interest toward political manipulation and political propaganda grew definitely. After 1918 the situation developed very fast and political propaganda became the part of political influence. XX century entered into the political history as the millennium of propaganda. The collapse of the USSR and socialist system brought power to new political actors. The global architecture of the world has changed. Former Soviet republic got independence and tried to separate from Russia. And Ukraine was between them. The Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine was the start point for a number of processes in world politics. But the most important was the fact that the role and the place of information as the challenge to world security was reevaluated. The further annexation of Crimea, the attempt to legitimize it by the comparing with the referendums in Scotland and Catalonia demonstrated the willingness of Russian Federation to keep its domination in the world. The main difference between the referendums in Scotland and in Catalonia was the way of Russian interference. In 2014 (Scotland) tried to delegitimised the results of Scottish referendum because they were unacceptable for it. But in 2017 we witness the huge interference of Russian powers in Spain internal affairs, first of all in spreading the independence moods in Catalonia. The main conclusion is that the world has to learn some lessons from Scottish and Catalonia cases and to be ready to new challenges in world politics in a format of information threats.
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Racine, Karen. "“This England and This Now”: British Cultural and Intellectual Influence in the Spanish American Independence Era." Hispanic American Historical Review 90, no. 3 (August 1, 2010): 423–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2010-002.

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Abstract This essay argues that Great Britain provided the strongest and most relevant contemporary model for the Spanish American independence leaders. Over the course of two eventful decades, 1808 to 1826, over 70 patriot leaders made the long and difficult journey to London to seek political recognition, arms, recruits, and financial backing for their emancipation movements. Countless others remained at home in Spanish America but allied themselves with Britain through their commercial ventures, their ideological affiliation, or their enthusiastic emulation of British institutions, inventions, and practices such as the Lancasterian system of monitorial education, trial by jury, freedom of the press laws, steam engines, and mining technology. This generation of independence leaders carried on a purposeful correspondence with famous British figures such as abolitionist William Wilberforce, prison reformer Elizabeth Fry, utilitarian philosophers Jeremy Bentham and James Mill, scientist Humphrey Davy, and vaccination proponent Edward Jenner. Their conscious choice to draw closer to Great Britain, rather than Napoleonic France or the early republican United States, reveals much about the kind of cultural model the Spanish American independence leaders admired and their vision of the countries they wanted to create.
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Beck, Thomas J. "The Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland (RAI)‐‐Wiley Digital Archives." Charleston Advisor 21, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 34–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5260/chara.21.2.34.

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The Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland (RAI) is a scholarly association dedicated to the study of anthropology. It has an extensive collection of archival and manuscript materials on this topic. John Wiley & Sons, Inc. has partnered with RAI to create this Wiley Digital Archive collection of their content. Wiley has digitized everything at RAI that they possibly could, save those items that are unavailable for reasons of privacy, copyright, or sensitivity. RAI internal papers and correspondence in the database generally go back to 1967, though some materials are older than that. It offers tens of thousands of manuscripts and photographs, and over one hundred maps.This database provides a number of searching and browsing options that can be used to locate its various documents and images. Although both options can be used effectively and are generally understandable, each has its idiosyncrasies that might confuse or frustrate users. The type, quality, and age of documents and images in this database vary considerably. These include, but are not limited to, notes, papers, and handwritten letters. Some of these can be difficult to read. However, this is not an uncommon problem with primary documents, like those found in this database.Pricing for this database can vary substantially, and depends on FTE and institution type. For certain institutions, with an FTE of 3,000 or less, pricing is relatively economical, while for those with higher FTEs it grows increasingly expensive, and may ultimately prove unaffordable for some.While the quality and quantity of this database’s content is relatively high, it will generally not be useful to students looking for introductory materials on anthropology and related disciplines. Instead, it will be far more valuable to those doing more in-depth research in these areas, including those hoping to augment research already done using other resources. The licensing agreement for this database is in most ways a standard one, but it’s vague on the question of fees, so purchasers should clarify this issue with the vendor before proceeding.
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Majchút, Ivan. "Cyprus – meeting point for global and regional players." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 197, no. 3 (September 11, 2020): 587–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.3954.

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The Cyprus Island, located in the Eastern part of the Mediterranean Sea, is known for decades of conflict known as the “Cyprus conflict”. The resolution to the conflict is, first of all, influenced by the citizens of local communities. However, we should not forget about the external actors. First and foremost international organisations (UN, EU) and the significant world or regional countries (USA, Russia, Great Britain, Turkey, and Greece) are also significant and very active and efficient in this process. These countries have an important influence on activities in the Eastern Mediterranean and assert their interests in the mentioned region.
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d'Anjou, Leo, and John Van Male. "Between Old and New: Social Movements and Cultural Change." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 3, no. 2 (October 1, 1998): 207–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.3.2.mv32162701623653.

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Social movement actors often challenge authorities on behalf of people whose needs and interests are not addressed. To do this, they must accomplish a contradictory task. They must frame their challenges in interpretive packages that are contrary to the dominant culture while at the same time struggle to make these contrary views part of the dominant culture. How do movement actors succeed in this seemingly impossible task? Our review of cultural studies of social movements points to two strategies: (1) linking controversial topics like abortion with generally accepted and valued notions like basic rights; (2) associating their interpretive package, such as protecting the ecology, with an existing theme, such as harmony with nature, that as an alternative cultural context may legitimate their package. We use a case study, the abolitionist movement in Great Britain, to test these propositions. The case material confirms their utility, but also illustrates a third strategy: relating the package to cultural themes that are becoming dominant. The role the changing cultural context in producing new meanings is indicated. The findings lead to a discussion about the role of movement actors, the cultural context, and the changes therein in the production of meaning.
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Winthereik, B. R. "“We Fill in Our Working Understanding”: On Codes, Classifications and the Production of Accurate Data." Methods of Information in Medicine 42, no. 04 (2003): 489–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0038-1634244.

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Summary Objectives: This paper describes differences in the way general practitioners in Denmark, The Netherlands and Great Britain make codes fit into the local conditions under which they work. Methods: An ethnographic study method has been used to collect data in Dutch, British and Danish general practices. Results and Conclusions: The paper argues that what counts as “accurate data” is locally constructed. As codes are produced in local networks of human and technological actors, the way accuracy is constructed is dependent on the extra work that is carried out (by actors inside the clinic as well as outside of it). On the basis of differences between coding practices and classification systems the paper discusses how inherent tensions between coding for primary and secondary purposes can be solved. The paper concludes that instead of evaluating data in terms of how accurate they are in general, they should be looked at in terms of pertinence to specific research questions.
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Storey, Taryn. "Devine Intervention: Collaboration and Conspiracy in the History of the Royal Court." New Theatre Quarterly 28, no. 4 (November 2012): 363–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x12000668.

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Taryn Storey believes that a series of letters recently discovered in the archive of the Arts Council of Great Britain (ACGB) makes it important that we reassess the genesis of the English Stage Company at the Royal Court. Dating from November 1952, the correspondence between George Devine and William Emrys Williams, the Secretary General of the ACGB, offers an insight into a professional and personal relationship that was to have a profound influence on the emerging Arts Council policy for drama. Storey makes the case that in 1953 Devine not only shaped his Royal Court proposal to fit the priorities of the ACGB Drama Panel, but that Devine and senior members of the ACGB then collaborated to ensure that the proposal became a key part of Arts Council strategic planning. Furthermore, she puts forward the argument that the relationship between Devine and Williams was instrumental to new writing and innovation becoming central to the future rationale for state subsidy to the theatre. Taryn Storey is a doctoral student at the University of Reading. Her PhD thesis examines the relationship between practice and policy in the development of new writing in post-war British theatre, and forms part of the AHRC-funded project ‘Giving Voice to the Nation: The Arts Council of Great Britain and the Development of Theatre and Performance in Britain 1945–1995’, a collaboration between the University of Reading and the Victoria and Albert Museum.
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Oye, Kenneth A. "The Sterling-Dollar-Franc Triangle: Monetary Diplomacy 1929–1937." World Politics 38, no. 1 (October 1985): 173–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010355.

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The late interwar years encompass a full spectrum of international monetary conflict and cooperation. Why did Great Britain, France, and the United States cooperate in some periods and not in others? First, the transience of monetary cooperation and conflict is explained in part by inherent characteristics of gold exchange and floating monetary systems. Second, environmental changes—swings between prosperity and depression, between peace and the threat of war, and between monetary orthodoxy and inflationist heresy—altered the strategic setting confronting the central monetary powers. Third, the actions of governments both followed from and shaped the circumstances that they confronted. Through strategies of composition across issues and decomposition across time and actors, nations deliberately fostered the emergence of cooperation by altering the context of monetary diplomacy.
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Tsarik, Vladimir S. "THE "HYBRID WAR" CONSTRUCTING IN WESTERN MEDIA SPACE. MAIN STAGES AND ACTORS." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 3 (2020): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2020-3-20-34.

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The article analyzes a process of the ‘hybrid war’ constructing as a political discourse in Western media space at the initial stages of its formation and promotion in 2014. Using the discourse analysis and process-tracing methods, the author detects principal actors involved in the process, reconstructs the sequence of events in the course of establishing and elaborating the ‘hybrid war’ discourse and analyzes transformation of meanings of that discourse proceeding from interests of actors involved into its elaboration. The analysis presented in the article led to the following conclusions: 1) discourse about Russia’s ‘hybrid war’ against the West was formulated in the spring of 2014 for substantiation of Ukrainian narrative on ‘Russian aggression in Ukraine’ and consolidation of the confrontational nature of relations between the West and Russia; 2) at the initial stage of discourse elaboration and dissemination the key role in this process was performed by representatives of non-governmental analytical institutions of the Baltic States, Poland, Ukraine and Great Britain, and in its formalization at the international level – the NATO official representatives and institutions; 3) in conceptual respect the ‘hybrid war’ discourse, combining into a single whole the conventional, irregular and information warfare, facilitated ‘étatisation’ of non-traditional security threats, “militarizing” the “soft power” and criminalizing the conventional ways of inter-state competition.
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JACKSON, IAN. "APPROACHES TO THE HISTORY OF READERS AND READING IN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY BRITAIN." Historical Journal 47, no. 4 (November 29, 2004): 1041–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004091.

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The history of reading can link intellectual and cultural developments with social or political change in the eighteenth century. Historians of the book increasingly argue that an understanding of historical reading practices is essential if we are to understand the impact of texts on individuals and on society as a whole: textual evidence alone is inadequate. Recent work on eighteenth-century readers has used sources including book trade records, correspondence, and diaries to reconstruct the reading lives of individuals and of groups of readers. Such sources reveal the great variety of reading material many eighteenth-century readers could access, and the diversity and sophistication of reading practices they often employed, in selecting between a range of available reading strategies. Thus, any one theoretical paradigm is unlikely to capture the full range of eighteenth-century reading experience. Instead, we can trace the evolution of particular reading cultures, including popular and literary reading cultures, the existence of cultures based around particular genres of print, such as newspapers, and reading as a part of social and conversational life. There is now a need for a new synthesis that combines the new evidence of reading practice with textual analysis to explain continuity and change across the century.
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Makhova, N. "Foresight: Country Specifics and General Patterns." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2014): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-8-34-44.

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Foresight has become a widely employed method in the last decades, however only few of the foresight programmes proved to be successful and long lasting. This poses a controversy taking into account that the concept and the methodology of foresight have been exhaustively studied, and the achieved level of information, consultative and organizational support at hand is sufficient to carry out projects of different scale and subject. The author presumes that the reasons lie in the predominant attention of foresight actors to its material outcomes and methodology instead of mechanisms that form the very basis of the system, whose future is subject to analysis by means of foresight. The hypothesis is further justified with analysis of foresight programmes in the Great Britain and Brazil, which enables to propose a revised definition of the foresight concept.
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Sukhanov, M. S., and A. N. Garashchenkova. "Leaders discussion of the USSR, USA and Great Britain about the place and time of the trilateral meeting in 1943." Juvenis scientia, no. 2 (2019): 32–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.32415/jscientia.2019.02.08.

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The article is devoted to the study of the process of preparation of the Tehran conference of leaders of the USSR, USA and Great Britain, held in the Iranian capital from November 28 to December 1, 1943. Based on the analysis of the trilateral correspondence of I.V. Stalin, F.D. Roosevelt and W. Churchill, the authors determine the objectives of the meeting and indicate the positions of the parties regarding the time and place of its holding. It is proved that each of the leaders wanted to organize a conference on the territory under their control, but the desire to resolve controversial issues prevailed over political ambitions, which was a decisive factor in rallying the allies of World War II to fight the aggressors. The novelty of the study is due to the lack of study in the domestic historiography of the organizational aspect of the Tehran conference, which in turn is extremely important for an objective understanding of how the conditions favorable for the adoption of crucial military and political decisions of the time and the development of initial projects of the post-war world order were achieved.
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Senyk, Yaroslav. "«Highly respected master!»: correspondence of Jacques Hnizdovsky and Roman Ferencevych. 1977–1985 (in the Manuscript Division of Vasyl Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine in Lviv)." Proceedings of Vasyl Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine in Lviv, no. 11(27) (2019): 387–457. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0315-2019-11(27)-18.

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The article describes correspondence of the world-known artist Jacques Hnizdovsky and the editor Roman Ferencevych, kept in the Manuscript Division of Stefanyk National Scientific Library of Ukraine in Lviv. Thirty three letters of Jacques Hnizdovsky that reveal his creative workshop during the heyday of his artistic talent, as well as twelve letters of Roman Ferencevych are presented to the scholar public for the first time. The Appendix contains six letters of R. Ferentsevych’s correspondence concerning Jacques Hnizdovsky, and also the letter of Stefanie Hnizdovsky. Roman Ferencevych, a printer and then a broadcaster in the Voice of America (Ukrainian service), first met Jacques Hnizdovsky in Svoboda printing plant in Jersey City, N. J. where he made impressions of larger-sized woodcuts. Hnizdovsky made a bookplate woodcut for the book collection of R. Ferencevych in 1979. The artist used the ink roller as a symbol of the noble profession of printing. In 1985 Jacques Hnizdovsky made the second bookplate using the Cyrillic initials «РФ». The following issues were reflected in the correspondence: creativity, directions of activity and various professional interests of the artist, ways of popularizing his art in the USA, Great Britain, Canada, China; his cooperation with art and professional organizations, academic institutions, as well as art galleries in the USA, Canada, and Western Europe; application of the Ukrainian alphabet letters in printing art; activities of Ukrainian art institutions in the US and Canada. Keywords: Jacques Hnizdovsky, Roman Ferencevych, Correspondence, Bookplate (Ex Libris), Woodcut.
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Tsibikov, V. A. "The foreign experience in training public procurement specialists on the example of the USA, Great Britain and China." Upravlenie 7, no. 4 (January 27, 2020): 16–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2019-4-16-23.

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The article reveals the features of the training of specialists in public procurement in countries with different types of economies and forms of state power in terms of the training system, applied pedagogical forms, methods and tools. The training programs for training foreign educational institutions, which are characterized by sufficient variability and adaptability in accordance with the needs of students, the intensity of the use of various forms of training: full-time (classroom), distance (in the mode of video conferencing during webinars), as well as by sending educational material and monitoring performance via email have been analyzed. The content of other educational documents and official publications in the media, as well as the results of correspondence (through chatting and e-mail) with representatives of training courses and leading training centers, answers to information requests to state authorities responsible for functioning contract system, – have been taken into account.Based on the results of the analysis, the following key positions, allowing us to observe fundamental differences in the training of public procurement specialists in the West and East countries: the degree of state participation in the regulation of the training system and the degree of severity of the educational function in the formation of the necessary level of legal awareness of procurement specialists have been highlighted. It has been established, that in the United States and Great Britain, private licensed organizations compete with each other in providing such educational services to those involved in the training of public procurement specialists. In China, due to the presence of problems in the fight against corruption in the actions of state customers, the closest attention is paid to the formation of the necessary personality traits of officials to minimize the risks of committing offenses in contractual legal relations.
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Moreira, Cristina, and Jari Eloranta. "Importance of «weak» states during conflicts: Portuguese trade with the United States during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 29, no. 3 (August 11, 2011): 393–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610911000139.

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AbstractThis paper focuses on the analysis of weak states in the international trading system during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic crises, especially on Portugal's trade relations with the United States. We argue that the previous studies of the trade flows during these conflicts have not paid enough attention on smaller actors. Even though the Peninsular War caused severe disruption of agricultural production in Portugal, the United States, despite its strained relations with an ally of Portugal, Great Britain, became a key supplier for the Portuguese market. Clearly, the threatened position of the peninsula, and the need to supply the troops, awarded the Portuguese some room to manoeuvre in the international markets. Total war was not a constraint for all states — economic necessities trumped political and diplomatic concerns during the era of the first real-world wars. This situation was a temporary one, only to change after the conflict.
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Franzéén, Johan. "Communism versus Zionism: The Comintern, Yishuvism, and the Palestine Communist Party." Journal of Palestine Studies 36, no. 2 (January 1, 2007): 6–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2007.36.2.6.

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This article discusses how the official communist position on the Zionist project in Palestine went from hostile condemnation in the early 1920s to wary support after World War II. In so doing, it focuses on the ideological struggle between the traditional party line and ““Yishuvism,”” a theory that sought to reconcile Zionist and communist ideas, as it played out in the two bodies most closely involved in shaping Comintern policy on Palestine (the Palestine Communist Party and the Communist Party of Great Britain). In following the tortured justifications for evolving positions, the author identifies the key actors shaping the debate and turning points impacting it, especially the 1936––39 Arab Revolt, Britain's 1939 White Paper, and the wartime fight against fascism. The author contends that an important reason for the USSR's post-war about-face on Palestine was the success of the Yishuvist ideological campaign.
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Nahm, Michael. "A History of the (Attempted) Institutionalization of Parapsychology." Journal of Scientific Exploration 34, no. 4 (December 24, 2020): 849–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31275/20201953.

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In addition to an introduction, the present book contains 14 chapters. Most of them represent elaborated text versions of contributions that were presented by the authors at a (nearly) eponymous conference held in Freiburg, Germany, on the 17.10.2014. As the book title announces, the chapter authors trace the development of parapsychological research in different countries. Usually they focusing on the more or usually less successful attempts to academicize and institutionalize parapsychology as a legitimate scientific discipline, but sometimes they cover also related aspects. The chapters include historical parapsychological treatises for Germany (Ulrich Linse, Anna Lux, Uwe Schellinger, Martin Schneider, Bernd Wedemeyer-Kolwe) including the GDR (Andreas Anton, Ina Schmied-Knittel, Michael Schetsche), France (Renaud Evrard), Great Britain (Elizabeth Valentine), Hungary (Júlia Gyimesi), the Netherlands (Ingrid Kloosterman), Russia in the Soviet and post-Soviet area (Birgit Menzel), and the USA (Eberhard Bauer, Anna Lux). The four chapters covering France, Great Britain, Hungary, and the Netherlands are written in English, the others in German. In the following, will briefly touch upon topics I found most interesting. Anna Lux from the university in Freiburg, Germany, identified several characteristic aspects of academic parapsychological work in Germany and compared them with those in the USA, which took place at about the same time and were more strongly focused on the experimental paradigm. She shows how different social circumstances and also private predilections of the main actors involved resulted in different developments. This also applies to the fate of parapsychology in the other countries mentioned, which is surprisingly multifaceted: While in the Netherlands the situation with official professorships at the University of Utrecht can be compared most closely to that of Germany where Hans Bender (1907-1991) held a professorship at the university of Freiburg, the academization of parapsychology in Hungary was hindered by an influential spiritualist and religious social current. In France, however, comparable efforts were mainly impeded by continued opposition of established scientists. After all, the private research institute “Institute Métapsychique International” (IMI) was founded in France in 1919, which has survived to this day despite adverse circumstances. Great Britain has always played a special role in Western parapsychology, mainly due to the foundation of the “Society for Psychical Research” as early as 1882, which is still considered an international figurehead for a constructive and critical examination of parapsychological topics. However, in Great Britain existed several other societies and “institutes”, which were often small and short-lived. It was not until 1985 that parapsychological research was able to gain a foothold at a British university for the first time through an endowed professorship in Edinburgh, held by Robert Morris (1942–2004) until 2004. From here, numerous graduates were able to carry the work on parapsychological research questions further to other universities.
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Weindl, Andrea. "Grotius's Mare Liberum in the Political Practice of Early-Modern Europe." Grotiana 30, no. 1 (2009): 131–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/016738309x12537002674402.

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AbstractIn this article Mare liberum is placed within the context of seventeenth-century European politics. It focuses on the development of conventional relations between European States regarding their interests outside of Europe and their importance concerning the status of Asian and African 'actors'. It turns out that in spite of Mare liberum's high-sounding proclamation of equality of non-European sovereigns with European States, Grotius's position as well as Dutch policy was inspired by self-interest and was essentially opportunistic. The Dutch Republic – as well as other European States – used the 'liberal' principles of Freedom of trade and the Universality of the Law of Nations to attack the Portuguese/Spanish claims of monopoly. However, as the Dutch Republic, Great Britain and France developed their own 'Spheres of Interest' in Asia, Africa and the Americas, they effectively excluded would-be competitors. Indeed, in the eighteenth century the 'pacte colonial' constituted a distinctive characteristic of the conventional and customary 'European Law of Nations'. As non-European political actors in the eighteenth century relatively lost military and political power, the European States finally relegated them to an inferior position, beyond the charmed circle of full 'subjects of Public International Law'. The article also is a contribution to the ongoing discussion about the relation between European imperialism and the development of the doctrine of European International Law.
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Schultz, Kenneth A. "The Politics of the Political Business Cycle." British Journal of Political Science 25, no. 1 (January 1995): 79–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007079.

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Existing models of the political business cycle have performed poorly in empirical tests because they have misspecified the interests of their primary actors – the incumbent politicians. While these models assume that governments face similar incentives to manipulate the economy at each election, governments' incentives can in fact vary from election to election depending upon their political needs at the time. The more likely the government is to be re-elected, the less it can gain by inducing cycles that are costly because of their impact on both the government's reputation and future macroeconomic performance. The degree to which the government manipulates the economy should thus be negatively correlated with its political security going into the election.This prediction is tested by examining transfer payments in Great Britain, 1961–92. While a traditional model that is insensitive to the government's political needs finds no evidence of politically-motivated manipulations, a model which takes these factors into account reveals a robust, and at times sizeable, electoral-economic cycle.
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Oskooii, Kassra A. R. "Perceived Discrimination and Political Behavior." British Journal of Political Science 50, no. 3 (July 10, 2018): 867–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123418000133.

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AbstractCan different experiences with discrimination produce divergent political behaviors? Does it make a difference whether individuals are discriminated against by their peers or community members in the course of everyday life as opposed to political actors or institutions tasked with upholding democratic norms of equality and fairness? Crossing disciplinary boundaries, this study proposes a new theoretical perspective regarding the relationship between discrimination and political behavior. Specifically, it distinguishes between societal (interpersonal) and political (systematic) discrimination when examining the behaviors of racial and ethnic minorities in Great Britain. The results illustrate that although experiences of political discrimination may motivate individuals to take part in mainstream politics for substantive or expressive purposes, the same conclusion cannot necessarily be drawn for those who experience societal rejection. The principal aim of this study is to further highlight the complex and multidimensional nature of discrimination, and to encourage further analyses of how different types of discrimination may impact the civic and political behaviors of minority groups.
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Page, Arnaud. "“The greatest victory which the chemist has won in the fight (…) against Nature”: Nitrogenous fertilizers in Great Britain and the British Empire, 1910s–1950s." History of Science 54, no. 4 (November 29, 2016): 383–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0073275316681801.

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This paper analyses the rise of synthetic nitrogen in Great Britain and its empire, from the First World War to the aftermath of the Second World War. Rather than focus solely on technological innovations and consumption statistics, it seeks to explain how nitrogen was a central element in the expansion of a form of agricultural governance, which needed simplified, stable, and seemingly universal input/output formulae. In the first half of the twentieth century, nitrogen was thus gradually constructed as a global indicator of development, as it was particularly adapted to scientific and political regimes increasingly relying upon abstraction and quantification. Yet, the history of nitrogenous fertilizers in the interwar years also shows that this cannot be reduced to a simple story of triumphant modernity, as their development and globalization was imperfect, unstable, accompanied by resistance and the resilience or emergence of other models. Rather than assuming an all-powerful “state” project, the paper thus seeks to recover the multiplicity of actors, and attempts to account for the rise of nitrogenous fertilizers; not just as the progressive application of a technological breakthrough, but as a difficult process embedded in technological, financial, and military constraints, corporate strategies, political imperatives, and the changing institutional framework of agricultural research.
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35

Risdaneva, Risdaneva. "A critical discourse analysis of women’s portrayal in news reporting of sexual violence." Studies in English Language and Education 5, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 126–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24815/siele.v5i1.9433.

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This study explores and compares the portrayal of women in the news reporting of crimes of sexual violence against women between two newspapers from different cultures, the Jakarta Post and the Guardian. The Jakarta Post is an English quality newspaper published in Indonesia, and the Guardian is a quality broadsheet from Great Britain. To explore the representation of women, this study accounts the portrayal of men as well since the two entities are strongly inter-related. The analytical tool used in this study is naming analysis of social actors, which is a part of critical discourse analysis. This analysis is aimed at probing the representation through the choice of lexical items in representing the main news actors. The findings of the analysis indicate that the choices of the naming categories used by both newspapers are different. The Jakarta Post mostly functionalises both the victims and the perpetrators in terms of their legal status in the criminal cases. This suggests that the broadsheet tends to view them as part of the legal processes instead of as people. The Guardian typically classifies the victims in terms of their age and gender and refers to the perpetrators with their surnames instead of as parts of the criminal cases. The Guardian’s tendency to represent both perpetrators and victims as people instead of parts of legal processes indicates that the paper is attempting to focus the reports more on the crimes themselves rather than the participants involved in the cases.
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36

Hepp, Andreas. "What Makes a Maker?" Nordisk Tidsskrift for Informationsvidenskab og Kulturformidling 7, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/ntik.v7i2.111283.

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Academic research typically portrays the Maker Movement as a bottom-up emancipatory movement that emerged out of localised, grassroots initiatives. On the basis of a broad media ethnography that gathered data in Germany, Great Britain, and the USA, this article demonstrates the myopia of this assessment. Rather than being a bottom-up movement, the Maker Movement is in fact a pioneer community with intimate connections to the corporate world and the political class maintained by a globally spread organisational elite. The increasingly global sweep of the Maker Movement is a complex act of co-construction involving an abundance of different actors. With its curatorial centre firmly embedded within the offices of the Maker Media company—guiding the discourse on the movement's identity through its periodical Make: and its experiential experiences through international Maker Faires—the Maker Movement has its organisational basis in a franchise model that leaves it open to the flexible influence of an organisational elite who secures the intellectual and physical space for individual practitioners and local groups.
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Corby, Susan, Pete Burgess, Armin Höland, Hélène Michel, and Laurent Willemez. "Lay and Professional Judges in Europe’s Labour Courts: Does the Professional Judge Dominate?" Industrial Law Journal 49, no. 2 (August 23, 2019): 231–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/indlaw/dwz012.

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Abstract Several European countries have a first instance ‘mixed’ labour court, that is a judicial panel comprising a professional judge and two or more lay judges, the latter with experience as employees or employers/managers. The lay judges’ main contribution is their workplace knowledge, but they act in a juridical setting where legal norms prevail, so does the professional judge, despite being in a minority, dominate? This article seeks to address this question by focussing on first instance labour courts in Great Britain, Germany and France. Theories of differential power, particularly status characteristics theory, and previous empirical research indicate that professional judges dominate, but our findings are more nuanced. Based on 177 interviews in three countries, we find that professional judge dominance varies according to the country’s institutional context and the salience of lay judges’ workplace knowledge. These institutional differences, however, are mediated by the attitudes of the judicial actors. Many interviewees noted that some lay judges were more prepared to challenge the professional judge than others, whereas others observed that some professional judges were more inclusive than others.
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38

Hangebrauck, Jan. "South Africa, Apartheid and the Olympic Games." STADION 45, no. 1 (2021): 116–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0172-4029-2021-1-116.

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South Africa was part of the Olympic Movement for more than two decades after apartheid had been officially introduced in 1948. In 1964 South Africa was excluded from the sporting event for the first time, and in 1970 it was formally expelled from the Olympic Movement. It had to wait until 1992 for its return when South Africa participated in the Olympic Games in Barcelona and won two medals. In the first part, this article describes South Africa’s development to exclusion and then back to its return by examining reasons for the late expulsion from, and re-entry to, the Olympic family. The next part looks at reactions of the governments and national sports federations (NFs) of Great Britain, the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and the German Democratic Republic (GDR) to South Africa’s exclusion and its return against the backdrop of the Cold War. This paper further analyses the general attitudes of those actors towards apartheid (in sports). The conclusion points out the implications of South Africa’s sporting isolation and additional research gaps.
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Hayward, Katy. "‘Flexible and Imaginative’: The EU’s Accommodation of Northern Ireland in the UK–EU Withdrawal Agreement." International Studies 58, no. 2 (April 2021): 201–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00208817211001999.

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The 1998 Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement that cemented the peace process formalized Northern Ireland’s position as a region integrally connected to both Great Britain and the Republic of Ireland. The multilevel governance and cross-border cooperation this entailed was enabled by common UK and Irish membership of the European Union. The UK’s decision to leave the EU posed risks to this settlement. In response, they engaged in a quest for ‘flexible and imaginative solutions’ to this conundrum. The unique arrangements established through the Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland in the UK–EU Withdrawal Agreement (2019) mark an innovative and ambitious development for the EU. First, it de facto includes a region of a non-member state within its internal market for goods and, second, it delegates the enforcement of its rules to that non-member state. The Protocol represents a significant departure for the EU in terms of its typical engagement with external actors. Most significantly, it will not only represent a ‘live’ concern for the EU but a unique type of responsibility.
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40

Kolosova, Ekaterina I. "Walter Scott and Washington Irving: On the History of Personal and Professional Relationship." Literature of the Americas, no. 10 (2021): 8–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-7894-2021-10-8-24.

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Walter Scott and Washington Irving are prominent representatives of the Romantic era who were bound by both professional and friendly relations. Their friendship is a remarkable episode in the history of transatlantic literary contacts. In 1817, in Abbotsford, their personal meeting took place, which positively influenced Irving's career. Scott introduced his colleague to his friend John Murray, who was one of the most influential Scottish publishers of his day. Through this meeting, Irving became the first American writer to gain recognition in the UK. An idea of the relationship between Scott and Irving is given by their personal correspondence. Despite the fact that some letters have been lost or are currently in the hands of private collectors, there is enough published material to outline the main topics and interests that united these two writers. In an addendum to the article there are four letters in Russian translation, written in October–December 1819. They are especially noteworthy because they touch on a number of important aspects for Irving's career. In 1819, the American writer took the first steps towards publication in Great Britain and turned to Scott for help. From the master he received a professional assessment of his American editions of The Sketch Book. Scott gave advice on what books are best to publish for an English reader, as well as offered to take the editor post of an anti-Jacobin magazine. In addition, in these letters Scott introduced his American colleague to the intricacies of 19thcentury Scotland book-making and offered the most beneficial ways to communicate with publishers, which is also of interest from the point of view of the history of publishing in the 19th century Great Britain.
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41

Markovich, Slobodan. "The Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia between France and Britain (1919-1940)." Balcanica, no. 50 (2019): 261–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1950261m.

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The paper deals with the orientation of the Yugoslav freemasonry during the existence of the Grand Lodge of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes ?Jugoslavia? (GLJ), later the Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia (GLY). The state of freemasonry in Serbia on the eve of the Great War is briefly described and followed by an analysis of how the experience of the First World War influenced Serbian freemasons to establish strong ties with French freemasonry. During the 1920s the Grand Lodge ?Jugoslavia? maintained very close relations with the Grand Orient of France and the Grand Lodge of France, and this was particularly obvious when GLJ got the opportunity to organise the Masonic congress for peace in Belgrade in 1926 through its links with French Freemasonry. Grand Master Georges Weifert (1919-34) also symbolised close links of French and Serbian freemasonry. However, his deputy and later Grand Master Douchan Militchevitch (1934-39) initiated in 1936 the policy of reorientation of Yugoslav freemasonry to the United Grand Lodge of England. Although there had already been such initiatives, they could not be materialised due to the fact that it was not until 1930 that the United Grand Lodge of England (UGLE) recognised several continental grand lodges, including GLJ. In a special section efforts of GLJ to be recognised by UGLE are analysed. Efforts for reorientation of GLY were conducted through several persons, including Douchan Militchevitch (1869-1939), Stanoje Mihajlovic (1882-1946), Vladimir Corovic (1885-1941) and Dragan Militchevitch (1895-1942). Special attention is given to the plans of GLY?s grand master to make the Duke of York (subsequently King George VI), who was a very dedicated freemason, an honorary past master of GLY. This plan failed, and the main idea behind it was to make GLY more resistant to internal clerical attacks and also to the external pressure of Italy. Mihajlovic?s three official Masonic visits to Britain (1933-39) are analysed as well as a private visit of Corovic and Dragan Militchevitch in March 1940. In the context of the visits made in 1939-40 plans to establish an Anglo-Yugoslav lodge are also analysed. Finally, the context of the de facto ban on Yugoslav freemasonry in August 1940 is given and the subsequent fates of its pro-British actors are also described.
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42

Rice, Louis. "The Nature of Society: Enmapping Nature, Space and Society into a Town-green Hybrid." Culture Unbound 6, no. 5 (October 1, 2014): 981–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.2000.1525.146981.

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The paper describes the transformation of derelict land into a ‘town-green’ and the role legislation played in transforming social and natural relationships. Town-green denotes a legal status under the Great Britain Commons Act (2006) that protects certain open spaces from building development; the status requires that a space must simultaneously have a specific social quality (i.e. ‘town-ness’) and a specific natural quality (i.e. ‘green-ness‘). This hybrid condition requires an alliance between society and nature in a certain configuration (referred to here as nature2 and society2). In this empirical study it involved the participation and consensus of local residents, volunteer gardeners as well as nature itself; flowers needed to bloom and grass had to grow in order for the hybrid town-green status to be conferred. There are two distinct phases of this transformation; the first is the change in identities and configuration of the constituents of town and green. This involved the production of a modified ‘real’ world with: different plants and flowers; reconfigured spatial arrangements; as well as different social actors. The second phase is a shift from changes in the ‘real’ world towards an ‘enmap’ – a displacement of myriad actors into documentation. This transfer from a complex messy reality into an enmap permitted the legitimation of the new network to be accepted as a ‘town-green’. What the research reveals, other than hints for gardeners and community activists, is how material and non-material; social and natural; spatial, discursive and temporal worlds are hybridised.
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43

Γκότση, Γεωργία. "Elizabeth Mayhew Edmonds: Greek prose fiction in English dress." Σύγκριση 25 (May 16, 2016): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/comparison.9064.

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Elizabeth Mayhew Edmonds (1823-1907) played a significant role in the mediation of Modern Greek literature and culture in late nineteenth-century Britain, with her translations forming a vital aspect of her activity as a cultural broker. Focusing on Edmond’s transmission of late nineteenth-century Greek prose fiction, the article discusses her translation practices in the contemporary contexts of the publishing domain and the marketplace as well as of her effort to acquire authority in the literary field. Albeit impressive for a woman who was an autodidact in Modern Greek, the narrow scope of Edmonds’ translations offered a limited image of the developments in Modern Greek fiction. Her correspondence with John Gennadius and Thomas Fisher Unwin sheds light on her sense of superiority regarding male Greek authors such as Drosines and Xenopoulos, whose texts she rendered into English. Against this background, the article seeks to explain her translating choices and examines how a self-conscious translator such as Edmonds tried to shape the reception of Greek fiction in Victorian England by portraying it in terms of an ethnographic study of cultural survivals. Finally, through a parallel reading of the original texts and her somewhat mundane renderings, the article seeks to illuminate her translating craft: although worthy for their contribution to the promotion of Modern Greek literature in Great Britain, Edmond’s translations suffered from her inability to recreate the density of the original texts.
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Haydon, C. M. "The Anti-Catholic Activity of the S.P.C.K., C. 1698–1740." Recusant History 18, no. 4 (October 1987): 418–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268419500020699.

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THE SOCIETY for Promoting Christian Knowledge was established in 1698. From its inception, one of its aims was to combat the spread of Catholicism in Britain and elsewhere. At the end of the seventeenth century, the Counter-Reformation seemed to be enjoying great successes: as one of the Society's memorials noted, ‘the progress of Popery … by little and little ruins the Reformed Religion all over Europe’. This occurred, the memorial went on, because the Protestants had little regard for their own defence. The remedy was to form a ‘union of Protestants’, with a council to organize its correspondence among those of the reformed faith in all parts of the continent; and to put a stop the activity of Popish priests, though ‘without Persecution and violence’. A bulwark, it was argued, was unquestionably needed against so formidable and zealous a body as the Congregation de Propaganda Fide. The Crown was to be informed of these designs and the Society was soon given a watching brief on ‘the practices of priests to pervert His Majesty's subjects’.
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Zagrebelnaya, Alina Sergeevna. "Spatial behavior in romantic communication: comparative analysis in the Russian, English, and Spanish linguocultures." Litera, no. 4 (April 2021): 214–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8698.2021.4.35279.

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This article describes the concept of “romantic communication”, examines the linguocultural specificity of spatial behavior in the instances of romantic communication in Russian, English and Spanish linguocultures. It is demonstrated that the situations of romantic communication in the indicated linguocultures are characterized by certain spatial movements of the communicants depending on their communicative intentions. The relevance of the selected topic is substantiated by globalization processes and rapid building of contacts between Russia, Great Britain and Spain, which, in turn, bonds these linguocultures and makes requires their in-depth study in order to understand the peculiarities of representation of spatial behavior in the course of interpersonal communication. It is worth noting that there are different approaches towards studying the romantic discourse; assessment is given to the role of the kinesic components therein. The question on similarity and divergence of the proxemic components in romantic communication in the Russian, English and Spanish linguocultures remains debatable, and draws particular interests of the experts in the field of linguistics and linguoculturology, as well as the representatives of business spheres dealing with Russia, Great Britain and Spain in one or another way; it allows to better understand the purpose and use of spatial components in the communicative aspect. The scientific novelty of this research consists in determination of linguistic peculiarities of representation of spatial behavior in the instances of romantic communication in the Russian, English and Spanish linguocultures. As a result of the conducted analysis, the author identifies the key main verbal, nominative, and adjective constructions that represent proxemic components of romantic communication in the English, Russian, and Spanish languages. It is also underlined that the characteristic features of the romantic discourse are related not only to kinesics, but also proxemics, which gives a better perspective on the motives of behavioral specificity of the actors of romantic communication, as well as helps to identify the level of their closeness through detailed analysis of linguistic saturation of the literary text.
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46

Pownall, Thomas, Iain Soutar, and Catherine Mitchell. "Re-Designing GB’s Electricity Market Design: A Conceptual Framework Which Recognises the Value of Distributed Energy Resources." Energies 14, no. 4 (February 20, 2021): 1124. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en14041124.

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The design of electricity markets determines the technologies, services and modes of operation that can access value, consequently shaping current and future electricity landscapes. This paper highlights that the efficacy of Great Britain’s electricity market design in facilitating net zero is inadequate and must be reconfigured. The rules of the current electricity market design are remnants of an electricity sector dominated by large-scale, centralised, fossil fuel technologies. Therefore, routes to market for the provision of necessary services to support net zero, not least flexibility, are largely inaccessible for distributed energy resources and, despite their benefits to the system, are thus undervalued. Based upon a review and consolidation of 30 proposed electricity market designs from liberalised electricity sectors, this paper proposes a new electricity market design for Great Britain. This design is presented alongside a new institutional framework to aid in the efficient operation of the market. Specifically, this paper proposes a new local balancing and coordinating market located at each grid supply point (the transmission and distribution interface). This is realised through the implementation of a distributed locational marginal pricing structure which is governed by the evolution of the current distributed network operator, known as the distributed service provider (DSP). The DSP also operates a local balancing and ancillary market for their geographical area. The wholesale market is reconfigured to coordinate with these new local markets and to harmonise the actors across the distribution and transmission network.
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47

Schoof, Nicolas, Rainer Luick, Karin Jürgens, and Gwyn Jones. "Dairies in Germany: Key Factors for Grassland Conservation?" Sustainability 12, no. 10 (May 19, 2020): 4139. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12104139.

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Germany is the largest milk producer of the 28 EU Member States (statistically still including Great Britain) and dairying is the most important single sector in German agriculture. Dairies are of central importance in the value chain, but very little is known about their objectives and perspectives in relation to grassland management, feedstuffs deriving from grassland and towards resource conservation issues. This study gives an insight on the way German dairies think about and act in such topics by using a standardized survey method. The survey revealed little to no linkage between the size of dairies and their interest in conservation issues on grassland and very little consideration of extensive grasslands. Dairies are divided over questions of governance for a more sustainable milk market and on the nature of their relationships with farmers. There is evidence that the German dairy industry is willing to contribute to a more sustainable and more robust milk market, but the enterprises mostly regard other market actors as more important. According to this survey, consumers will tend to opt for more sustainable milk products in future and there are possibilities to raise the willingness to pay.
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48

Dickinson, H. T. "IV Letters of Bolingbroke to the Earl of Orrery 1712-13." Camden Fourth Series 44 (July 1992): 350–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068690500002932.

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Henry St. John, Viscount Bolingbroke, was one of the Secretaries of State in Queen Anne's Tory administration of 1710–14 which sought to bring an end to the increasingly burdensome War of the Spanish Succession. Employing somewhat dubious means, he and his ministerial colleagues eventually made peace with France by the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713; a treaty which paid more attention to the interests of Great Britain than to those of her allies, the Dutch and Austrians. In seeking peace at almost any price Bolingbroke and his colleagues faced a particular problem with the former Spanish territory of the Southern Netherlands (or Flanders). The Dutch were particularly interested in this territory because they hoped to secure possession of strong fortresses there which would provide them with a secure barrier against a sudden attack by the French. The Austrians, for their part, hoped to gain this territory as part of the Emperor's inheritance of former Spanish possessions. Britain herself was concerned to serve her allies in this territory at least. She also had commercial interests in Flanders and had long sought an effective barrier to French efforts to expand into the Low Countries. These concerns were reflected in Bolingbroke's correspondence with Charles, Earl of Orrery, one of his Tory friends, who was appointed in 1711 as the Queen's envoy-extraordinary to the States General in The Hague and to the Council of Flanders in Brussels. Orrery served in this capacity for most of 1711. In late 1712 he returned to these duties and served there for a further year
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49

Batyuk, V. I. "Towards a Bipolar World. Book Review of ‘The Second World War and the Transformation of International Relations: From Multipolarity to a Bipolar World’ edited by L.S. Belousov and A.S. Manykin." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 4 (December 20, 2020): 228–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-4-228-234.

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In 2020 the whole world commemorated the 75th anniversary of the end of World War II — the most horrifi c war in the human history. However, the celebration of the victory over fascism was overshadowed by the growing tension among the leading actors of contemporary international relations. In this context, a high level of responsibility falls on the academic community to rebuff politically motivated attempts to rewrite history and revise the outcomes of this war. The book under review could make an important contribution to that end. The book provides a comprehensive and balanced analysis of the history of World War II. The reviewer emphasizes that rather than providing a detailed examination of military operations the authors focused on their impact on the development of the international relations system. In particular, the book provides a detailed picture of the complex interactions within the strategic triangle — the Soviet Union, the United States, and Great Britain — both during the war and in the years after the war. As a result, the book under review not only provides an opportunity to better understand the key trends in relationships between the Great Powers during the war, but also sheds new light on the origins of the bipolar system and the beginning of the Cold War. The reviewer concludes that, despite sometimes excessively Eurocentric approach of the authors, this book is a seminal work on the history of World War II and a major event for the Russian academic community. As such, this book can be recommended to both professional historians and a wider audience.
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Ostapenko, Galina. "Labor Party in Portraits. Rec. ad op.: E. A. Susloparova. EARLY HISTORY OF THE LABOR PARTY OF THE GREAT BRITAIN IN PORTRAITS OF ITS ACTORS. M .: «MAX Press», 2019, 350 p." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia 5 (2019): 228–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640006362-6.

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