Journal articles on the topic 'Ad Atticum'

Constans, who defends the unanimous reading of the manuscripts, explains ‘tertium’ as a reference to two previous senatus consulta which Fufius did not veto (ad Att. 1.13.3). The problem with this interpretation is that Fufius is not even mentioned in the passage Constans cites; in fact, this letter marks Fufius' first appearance in the correspondence. On the basis of what is preserved it is difficult to see how Atticus could have divined such a meaning in Cicero's ‘tertium’. Scholars have preferred to emend. The proposals of Graevius and Manutius have been criticized by Shackleton Bailey on the grounds that ‘concessit’ cannot mean ‘non intercessit’ in the absence of any mention of previous intercessory action on Fufius' part. However, in view of Cicero's description of the tribune in ad Att. 1.14.1, Atticus would have been no less puzzled if Fufius' failure to veto went unexplained. No earlier allusion to Fufius is necessary. Both ‘territus’ and ‘tum’ provide an explanatory context for Fufius' behaviour which makes the word play in ‘concessit’ understandable and perfectly acceptable.Shackleton Bailey's own suggestion does not suit the context of the letter, as Ph. Moreau demonstrates in some detail. In addition to the arguments (chiefly historical) adduced by Moreau, it is important to notice that Shackleton Bailey's reading fails to conform to the confident and victorious mood of the letter or to the plot of the relevant paragraph (1.14.5): once Cato's intrusion has focused the resentment of the Senate against Clodius' supporters and his tactics, Cicero depicts Clodhis 'position as increasingly abject.

AbstractDiscussion of the chronological problem posed by Cic. Verr. 2.1.90, where Cicero states that the legates of Miletus are waiting for the consular elections for 69 AD, yet these had taken place before the start of the trial of Verres. It is proposed to explain this error as a ‘slip’ by Cicero due to the particular circumstances in which the Actio secunda in Verrem was published; other cases of Ciceronian ‘author’s errors’ attested in the Letters to Atticus are cited.

AbstractEighty-nine cases of attic type cholesteatoma were operated on during a three and a half-year period. Of these, eight cases were characterized by bony tissue proliferation at the aditus ad antrum or mastoid antrum. Sex, age, and hearing levels were not significant in these cases. Bony fixation of the incus and the malleus was seen in six cases. Bony tissue blocked further expansion of attic cholesteatoma at the aditus in four cases, narrowed the epithelial tract to the antrum in two cases, and completely separated the cholesteatoma into two cholesteatomas in two cases. Infectious stimuli, at an early stage of the disease, might stimulate such osteoplastic activity at the aditus. Axial CT scans give useful information regarding structure before surgery.

A környezeti válság további elmélyülésének megakadályozása érdekében az Egyesült Nemzetek Szervezete 57. közgyulése 2002 decemberében a 2005-2015 közötti évtizedet a fenntarthatóságra nevelés évtizedének nyilvánította. Vagyis a nemzetközi közösség egy teljes évtizedet szán annak a célnak az elérésre, hogy az oktatás minden szintjét és formáját áthassák a fenntarthatóság, a környezetvédelem alapértékei. A tanulmány elso részében röviden bemutatásra kerül, hogy milyen magyarázatokat ad a pszichológia a környezeti válság kialakulására, és milyen segítséget tud nyújtani a válság kezeléséhez. A környezeti válság kialakulását a pszichológia több szempontból - evolúciós, szociálpszichológiai és természetesen környezetpszichológiai keretben - is képes értelmezni. Ezen értelmezések alapján a válság kezelésében használható javaslatok is születtek, melyek gyakorlati megvalósítására azonban a pszichológián kívül álló okok miatt ritkán kerül sor. A tanulmány második fele a környezeti attitud mérésének lehetoségeibe és nehézségeibe nyújt bepillantást, az e téren végzett magyarországi vizsgálatokat egy, 750 tizenéves diákkal végzett kutatás köré rendezve. A tanulmány befejezo része áttekintést ad a fenntarthatóság pedagógiájához kötheto egyéb magyarországi kutatásokról és az e téren a pszichológia elott álló további feladatokról.

In recent years several inscriptions, including a deme decree (IGii21181) thought to have been found at Sounion, have been reassigned to Rhamnous. The community of Sounieis dedicated a kouros to Zeus even before it had been incorporated in the Athenian state as a deme. The sole remaining deme decree (IGii21180) suggests that the deme centre must have been about 4 km N of the cape, though there was another centre of population at the cape in classical times. Over time the deme sought to protect its resources, possibly against state mining activities but more certainly against inroads by shepherds or goatherds from other demes. Indeed, this was a surprisingly widespread activity, with some eight series of rupestral boundary inscriptions now known. In some cases, as at Sounion, there seems to have been cooperation between demes or reciprocal hostile responses to incursions by grazing animals. The attribution of this burst of protective activity to the 4th century BC is strengthened by the thorough survey of the region in which one deme (Atene) was situated; this shows that the area was uninhabited between the end of that century and the 4th century AD.

Forensic oratory must of necessity deal with the subject of law, and rhetoric which aspires to be of use in the courts must offer the potential litigant or logographer guidance on the way to deal with questions of law. Accordingly, Aristotle devotes some space to this issue in the Rhetoric. Although the morality of Aristotle's advice has been debated, little attention has been paid to the more basic question of the soundness of his advice. The aim of this paper is to examine Aristotle's presentation of the rhetoric of law in the Rhetoric in comparison with actual practice in surviving forensic speeches. The fourth century Rhetorica ad Alexandrum, commonly ascribed to Anaximenes of Lampsakos, also offers advice on the manipulation of argument from law, and the general similarity of that advice to Aristotle's suggests either direct influence or a common source. Anaximenes' discussion of the use of law in forensic oratory is both more brief and less systematic, and will be given more cursory treatment.

Dalle informazioni trasmesse da Gellio da un lato risulta che la legge delle dodici tavole considerava postumus un bambino nato al massimo nel decimo mese. Dall’altro, pero, egli riporta che Marco Varro rivolgeva l’attenzione alla necessita di diseredare il postumus sia nato nel decimo che nell’undicesimo mese. Inoltre nel I secolo, il pretore Lucio Papirio assegno l’eredità al postumus nato nel tredicesimo mese. Nello stesso modo si comporto l’imperatore Adriano nel II secolo. Si pone, quindi, la domanda se non esistesse la regola formulata nelle dodici tavole che come erede del morto veniva considerato il bambino nato al massimo nel decimo mese, oppure tra le summenzionate fonti esiste una contraddizione. Sembra che non si tratti ne di uno né dell’altro. Queste apparenti contraddizioni si possono chiarire nel seguente modo. La legge delle dodici tavole stabiliva che come erede dei morto ab intestato veniva considerato il postumus nato al massimo nel decimo mese. Tale postumus, secondo questa legge, veniva trattato al pari dei figli nati durante la vita del padre, di conseguenza era un erede legittimo conformemente al diritto civile. Invece dalla decisione del pretore Lucio Papirio non risulta che egli applicasse il diritto civile. É solo noto che non concede la missio in bona all’agnato decidendo che la hereditas spettava al figlio nato dopo la morte del padre, anche se nel tredicesimo mese. Probabilmente tale soluzione risultava dall’applicazione del cosiddetto nuovo ordine pretorio ereditario, conformemente al quale dal padre ereditavano tutti i figli, non solo quelli che si trovavano sotto la patria potestas. Esso considerava prima di tutto il bene dei figli, e non le rigide norme del diritto civile. Poteva essere applicato anche in quei casi in cui il postumus fosse nato dopo dieci mesi dal momento della morte del padre e non poteva essere considerato un suus heres. La possibilitä che l’eredità venisse concessa dal pretore a coloro che erano nati nell’undicesimo mese era nota probabilmente gia a Marco Varro. Percio nella satira Testamentum consigliava di diseredare chiaramente al momento di fare il testamento tutti i postumi e coloro che erano nati nel decimo e undicesimo mese, per ogni evenienza. I dubbi furono definitivamente risolti dall‘imperatore Adriano che concedesse l‘erédita ad un nato nell’undicesimo mese.

Initially after the death of patris familias siblings created a community called ercto non cito. The name of this institution, that is ercto non cito appears only in Gellius’ (Gell. 1.9.12) and Servius’ (ad Aen. 8. 642—643). Whereas in the corresponding text of Gaius (G. 3. 154 a) appearing in that place lacuna was supplemented in editio princeps (PSI XI. 1182) with the words erctum non citum. Similar wording erctum citumque can be found in Festus (L. 72) and is likely to be found in Quintilianus (Inst. 7.3.13), while erctum cieri occurs in Cicero (de orat. 1.56.237). Gellius compares consortium ercto non cito with inseparabilis societas of Pitagoreans. Such comparison gives rise to a problem whether antiquum consortium was inseparabile or inseparabilis societas was like ancient consortium. The analysis of the above mentioned sources allows us to assume that erctum is used to mean hereditas destined for division, while citum signifies the activity of dividing hereditas. Thus the phrase ercto non cito would signify duration, and not division of hereditas, which is destined for the division, whereas the phrase erctum citumque (erctum cieri) signifies hereditas in the course of its dividing. As a result it can be stated that assimilation of consortium ercto non cito to societas of Pitagoreans seems not to be justified and moreover it is contrary to the corresponding sources, which treat consortium ercto non cito as community, though not divided but destined for the division. It serves temporarily the purpose of keeping the community of persons and things which existed during patris familias life also after his death.

Three vase-groups, largely drawn from material found in the Purification Trench on Rheneia and published in Délos 15 and 17, are discussed in this paper. The first belongs to the Late Geometric period while the other two are to be placed in the first half of the seventh century BC. All three may be linked in sequence and together illustrate a pottery tradition which is likely to be Parian. Evidence is presented linking the Attic Würzburg Group with a Cycladic artist here identified as the Ad Painter and located on Paros.

Digital technologies have brought about a revolution in all areas of life: technological, business, communicative, cultural, and even in knowledge and entertainment. In the educational landscape it also has its reflection and the methodologies and resources have been redrawn, in terms of different media, channels, languages, narratives, etc. These changes, substantive and profound, affect all the society simultaneously, but other agents as educational administrations and the publishing sector is also involved. In this research we analyze a sample of institutional portals and commercial platforms that offer digital didactic resources in the area of mathematics in the Autonomous Community of Galicia. We focus on the type of materials, the pedagogical model that underlies them, the differences between commercial and institutional platforms, their use, impact on teaching and learning mathematics in the classroom, etc. The instrument used was a questionnaire designed ad hoc and validated and administered to 13 commercial platforms; both those produced commercially by publishing companies and those of an institutional nature generated by the regional administrations of the Canary Islands, Galicia and Valencia. The results indicate that, although the range of online offer of didactic materials for mathematics is wide and with varied formats, they have pedagogical shortcomings that do not favor active methodologies or a true integration of other alternatives that promote the development of open, flexible educational projects that facilitate the attention to the individual and collective diversity of each person, as well as the participation, interactivity / connectivity of the educational community, since most reproduce the format of the printed textbook by adding some online resources.

Abstract The paper reports on a collective burial from a 13th c. AD cist grave in Attica, Greece. The grave was located inside a basilica and held the remains of at least ten adults. Bone representation analysis showed secondary manipulation of previous deceased including long bone selection for reburial in the same grave and/or bones transported from a different burial place. Paleopathological analysis used macroscopy and radiology, and revealed several lesions on the axial and appendicular skeleton expressed mainly by spinal ligament ossification and multiple peripheral enthesopathies. Individuation of the remains pointed to a middle-aged male with DISH, a condition often correlated to high social rank. Byzantine period is marked by increasing development and prosperity in Greece including among others the creation of many local monastic centers. Although the precise social and professional profile of these individuals cannot be revealed, the combined investigation of skeletal and archaeological evidence suggests that the grave gathered the remains of individuals belonging to an upper class social group.

AbstractObjectives:We report an extremely rare case of congenital cholesteatoma of the mastoid region, presenting as acute mastoiditis. We also review the 16 previously reported cases of congenital cholesteatoma of the mastoid region.Case report:A 65-year-old man presented with left-sided, post-auricular swelling and pain. Acute mastoiditis was diagnosed, with computed tomography demonstrating destruction of the bony plates of the posterior cranial fossa and sigmoid sinus. Initial surgery revealed a cholesteatoma in the mastoid, with no extension into the aditus ad antrum or attic. These findings were confirmed by pathological and immunohistochemical analysis of the surgical specimen, the latter using involucrin. The cholesteatoma matrix was completely removed in a second operation.Conclusions:Including this case, only four of the 17 reported cases of congenital cholesteatoma of the mastoid region showed post-auricular pain or swelling, indicating acute mastoiditis. Clinicians should bear in mind that congenital cholesteatoma may be present in patients presenting with mastoiditis, particularly adults.

Late Laconian Name for ‘Turnip’In his work Deipnosophistae (IX 369b), Athenaeus discusses Greek names for ‘turnip’, including Laconian γάστρα and Boeotian ζεκελτίς. Hesychius of Alexandria (5th c. AD) gives two Late Laconian names: γασταία and θικέλιν (‘turnip, Brassica campestris L., syn. Brassica rapa L.’). The former term is an obvious reflex of Lac. γάστρα, while the latter seems to be a dialectal innovation. The present authors suggest that Late Laconian θικέλιν ‘turnip’ (originally ‘small gourd’) represents a diminutive form, derived from Late Laconian *θιᾱ́ f. ‘bottle gourd, Lagenaria siceraria (Molina) Standl’ (= Tsakonian θιάα, θιᾶ [θiˈa] f. ‘bottle, flask; gourd / φιάλη; νεροκολόκυθο’ < Gk. Lac. φιάλᾱ ‘id.’, cf. Attic-Ionic φιάλη f. ‘a broad, flat vessel; bowl for drinking’) by means of the diminutive suffix *-κέλ(λ)ιον (< Latin -cellum). Ancient Greeks used the same name to denote turnips and bottle gourds, see the Hesychian gloss ζακελτίδες· κολοκύνται ἢ γογγυλίδες (‘bottle gourds or turnips’). Athenaeus (IX 369b) gives an analogous pair of lexical correspondences: Boeotian ζεsκελτίδες ‘turnips’ and Thessalian (?) ζακελτίδες ‘bottle gourds’.

Abstract The search for purity of language during the Palaeologan age has often been regarded as a revival of the Atticist movement of the second century AD. Students who had access to the higher education aimed at mastering this new form of Attic Greek: a large set of ancient authors deemed to be models of language and style served as repositories of lexical materials. Within this framework the need of school handbooks, dictionaries is quite understandable. In the first section of the paper I offer an overview of the multifarious typologies of scholarly texts largely used in the first Palaeologan age. Then, I focus more specifically on some miscellaneous excerpts merged into anthological manuscripts, by taking into account a largely overlooked series of grammatical and lexical annotations on Lucian. Differently from what is often stated in the catalogues, I show how the order of the items follows closely Lucian’s texts. These annotations could be the transcription of teachers’ notes and/or lecture notes taken during collective/private readings of texts.

Such is the reading of the MSS, but it has never given universal satisfaction. Erasmus, because praeponere with accusative and dative regularly means ‘to prefer one thing to another’, suggested undique decerptae frondi praeponere olivam, meaning to prefer the olive, as symbol of Athens, to the leaf plucked from everywhere else. However undique is still a problem, as it means ‘from everywhere’ not ‘from everywhere else’; furthermore modern editors hold that Bentley (ad loc.) justifies the use of praeponere as meaning ‘to place prominently upon’.One might suggest the following as a useful methodological principle: textual corruption should be suspected in any passage which has been explained by a sufficient number of scholars in ways which are incompatible with one another and which could never have occurred to any ordinary reader. This principle can be illustrated by the extraordinarily diverse and recondite explanations given here for undique; thus Bentley interprets it as ex eo argumento undiquaque exhausto; R. G. M. Nisbet and Margaret Hubbard report and reject such suggestions of others as ‘from every quarter of Attic soil’, ‘from every source in Attic legend’, ‘from every other poet's [brow]’ and ‘by everyone’; they themselves suggest ‘from anywhere and everywhere’, and support this with a reference to Odes 1.16.14, where in fact undique has its proper meaning of ‘from everywhere’, i.e. from each of the animals already created; Kenneth Quinn sees an ‘ironic ambiguity’ between ‘the ubiquitous olive’ and the ‘olive picked by all’; David West accepts ‘from anywhere and everywhere’, and interprets it as ‘meaning that their writings are derivative, being made up of imitations culled from the whole body of Greek poetry’ – but only a minute part of ‘the whole body of Greek poetry’ would have provided relevant material.

Summary The interest in ancient rhetoric has increased noticeably over the past few decades and manifests itself in an ever growing number of publications. Three works published in the U.S.A. in 2005 approach the topic in quite different ways. Habinek’s relatively slim book is neither meant to be a comprehensive account of nor a condensed introduction to ancient rhetoric. Rather, it is made up of five chapters (“Rhetoric and the State”; “The Figure of the Orator”; “The Craft of Rhetoric”; “Rhetoric as Acculturation”; “The Afterlife of Rhetoric”) that shed light on selected aspects of ancient rhetoric from a sociological perspective; Habinek focuses on the function and role of rhetoric in the societies and states of the Greek and Roman world. On the whole, this is a useful and profitable book, despite of some weaknesses. It will, however, not replace con­ventional handbooks on ancient rhetoric, and it was not meant to, as is stressed by the author himself in the introduction: “Instead, the inspiration for this book is the ancient genre of protreptic […], which aimed to give the reader just enough information about a subject to whet the appetite for more” (p. vii). Without a doubt, Habinek has achieved this aim. In contrast to this, the book by Laurent Pernot, translated into English “with a certain number of changes to the French text” (p. xii), offers a comprehensive, historically organized introduction to the theory and practice of ancient rhetoric. Its development is outlined in six chapters, ranging from archaic times to the third century A.D. Throughout his work, Pernot has managed not to concern himself with too many minor details in order to treat the main aspects with exemplary clarity, keeping the text brief or detailed in accordance with the exigencies of the respective topics, always making transparent to his readers why ancient rhetoric came into being, developed and transformed in both theory and practice. For this reason, Pernot’s book is an excellent introduction for beginners, yet it has also much to offer to more advanced readers. One would wish that the author had chosen to include the fourth century A.D., a prolific period in the development of ancient rhetoric. It is impossible, however, to welcome the third book under review with similar enthusiasm. Under the title of “Classical Rhetorics and Rhetoricians”, Michelle Ballif and Michael G. Moran present the public with a bulky volume containing in alphabetical order 61 articles, written by 45 collaborators and Moran himself. Most often these articles deal with persons, sometimes with works (e.g., ‘Dissoi Logoi’, ‘Rhetorica ad Herennium’) or groups of authors (e.g., ‘Attic Orators’). Considering the title of the book, one finds a number of unexpected lemmata in the table of contents, like Aspasia, Augustine, Boethius, Cornelia, Diogenes of Sinope, Diotima, Pythagorean Women, Sappho, etc. The supposed relevance of these personalities for the topic of ‘rhetoric’ is, however, not substantiated anywhere in the book. Moreover, the length of various articles appears disproportionate when one considers such factors as the state of our sources, thematic relevance, or later influence (e.g., 3.5 pages for Aspasia, 4.5 pages for the Attic Orators, 10 pages for Cicero, 12 for Augustine). This creates a totally distorted picture of what we know from the sources about the representatives of ancient rhetoric and their respective importance. Numerous mistakes, sometimes even of an elementary nature, seriously impair the overall reliability of this volume. For sound information, potential users should rather turn elsewhere.

Jan Reisner (ca. 1655-1713) was a painter and architect. He was sent by King Jan III together with Jerzy Siemiginowski to study art at St. Luke Academy in Rome. He traveled to the Eternal City (where he arrived on February 24, 1678) with Prince Michał Radziwiłł’s retinue. Cardinal Carlo Barberini, who later became the protector of Regni Poloniae, was the guardian and protector of the artist during his studies in 1678-1682. In the architectural competition announced by the Academy in 1681 Reisner was awarded the fi prize in the fi class, and a little later he was accepted as a member of this prestigious university. He was awarded the Order of the Golden Spur (Aureatae Militiae Eques) and the title Aulae Lateranensis Comes, which was equivalent to becoming a nobleman. The architectural award was conferred by the jury of Concorso Academico, composed of the Academy’s principe painter Giuseppe Garzi, its secretary Giuseppe Gezzi, and the architects Gregorio Tommassini and Giovanni B. Menicucci. In the Archivio storico dell’Accademia di San Luca, preserved are three design drawings of a church made by Jan Reisner in pen and watercolor, showing the front elevation, longitudinal section, and a projection. Although they were made for the 1681 competition, they were labelled with the date 1682, when the prizes were already being awarded. Reisner’s design reflected the complicated trends in the architecture of the 1660s and 1670s, especially in the architectural education of St. Luke’s Academy. There, attempts were made to reconcile the classicistic tendencies promoted by the French court with the reference to the forms of mature Roman Baroque. As a result of this attempt to combine the features of the two traditions, an eclectic work was created, as well as other competition projects created by students of the St. Luke’s Academy. The architect designed the Barberini temple-mausoleum, on a circular plan with eight lower chapels opening inwards and a rectangular chancel. The inside of the rotund is divided into three parts: the main body with opening chapels, a tambour, and a dome with sketches of the Fall of Angels. Inside, there is an altar with a pillar-and-column canopy. The architectural origin of the building was determined by ancient buildings: the Pantheon (AD 125) and the Mausoleum of Constance (4th century AD). A modern school based of this model was opened by Andrea Palladio, who designed the Tempietto Barbaro in Maser from 1580. In the near future, the Santa Maria della Assunzione in Ariccia (1662-1664) by Bernini and Notre-Dame-de-l’Assomption (1670-1676) in Paris by Charles Errard could provide inspiration. In particular, the unrealized project of Carlo Fontana to adapt the Colosseum to the place of worship of the Holy Martyrs was undertaken by Clement X in connection with the celebration of the Holy Year in 1675. In the middle of the Flavius amphitheatre, he designed the elevation of a church in the form of an antique-styled rotunda, with a dome on a high tambour and a wreath of chapels encircling it. Equally important was the design of the fountain of the central church in Basque Loyola (Santuario di S. Ignazio a Loyola). In the Baroque realizations of the then Rome we find patterns for the architectural decoration of the Reisnerian church. In the layout and the artwork of the facades we notice the influence of the columnar Baroque facades, so common in different variants in the works of da Cortona, Borromini and Rainaldi. The monumental columnar facades built according to Carlo Rainaldi’s designs were newly completed: S. Andrea della Valle (1656 / 1662-1665 / 1666) and S. Maria in Campitelli (designed in 1658-1662 and executed in 1663-1667), and Borromini San Carlo alle Quatro Fontane (1667-1677). The angels supporting the garlands on the plinths of the tambour attic are modelled on the decoration of two churches of Bernini: S. Maria della Assunzione in Ariccia (1662-1664) and S. Andrea al Quirinale (1658-1670). The repertoire of mature Baroque also includes the window frames of the front facade of the floor in the form of interrupted beams and, with the header made in the form of sections capped with volutes. The design indicates that the chancel was to be laid out on a slightly elongated rectangle with rounded corners and covered with a ceiling with facets, with a cross-section similar to a heavily flattened dome. It is close to the solutions used by Borromini in the Collegio di Propaganda Fide and the Oratorio dei Filippini. The three oval windows decorated with C-shaped arches and with ribs coming out of the volute of the base of the dome, which were among the characteristic motifs of da Cortona, taken over from Michelangelo, are visible. The crowning lantern was given an original shape: a pear-shaped outline with three windows of the same shape, embraced by S-shaped elongated volutes, which belonged to the canonical motifs used behind da Cortona by the crowds of architects of late Baroque eclecticism. Along with learning architecture, which was typical at the Academy, Reisner learned painting and geodesy, thanks to which, after his return to Poland, he gained prestige and importance at the court of Jan III, then with the Płock Voivode Jan Krasiński. His promising architectural talent did gain prominence as an architect in Poland, although – like few students of St. Luke’s Academy – he received all the honors as a student and graduate.

(italijanski) Nell'articolo l'autore cerca di identificare, tra gli elementi della tradizione retorica tardoantica greca, i principali argomenti con i quali Demetrio Calcondila, uno dei maggiori esponenti dell'umanesimo bizantino della seconda meta del Quattrocento nell'Occidente, si e servito nella sua elaborazione del significato della cultura greca (paideia) non solo per quanto riguarda la civilta europea occidentale, ma anche quella cristiana in generale. Ora, il suo discorso, pronunciato nell'anno 1463 in occasione dell'inaugurazione della cattedra di studi greci all'Universita di Padova rappresenta una testimonianza di primo grado sull'adozione della cultura greca nell'Occidente durante il periodo rinascimentale. Partendo dall'edizione di testo del discorso, pubblicato da Geanakoplos (cfr. n. 1 dell'articolo), e possibile individuare certe particolarita che distinguono il concepimento, da parte di Calcondila, dell'importanza di educazione greca per la formazione di future generazioni di intellettuali nell'ambiente culturale dell'Occidente latino. Demetrio sottolinea anche il vantaggio da ricavare dallo studio di poeti ellenici, soprattutto Esiodo, per le altre artes liberales nel curriculum scolastico, cosi come la disposizione delle discipline dentro il sistema scolastico tardobizantino (cfr. n. 9). L'argomento cruciale della parte esortativa del discorso e il tentativo che lo sforzo, necessario per impossessarsi di queste discipline, ci si giustifici con profitto da esse ottenuto. Questo viene realizzato facendo riferimento al famoso verso sull'acquisizione di virtu attraverso lavoro duro, che e un passo tratto dal poema didattico esiodeo di Opere e giorni, v. 289. La forma sotto la quale questo verso e riportato in greco e molto scorretta, pero Calcondila ne ha proposto, poco piu sotto, una traduzione esatta. Fenomeno, quest'ultimo, abbastanza raro nell'impiego retorico di detti formativi (gr. gnwmai, lat. sententiae). Tra i pochi autori classici, i quali hanno usato il procedimento del genere, si annovera il piu grande grammatico latino, Prisciano di Cesarea, nella sua versione degli eserzici preliminari di retorica ermogeniana, sotto il titolo di Praeexercitamina. Qui lo stesso verso egli ha tradotto dal greco senza molta destrezza, cosicche il verso in latino apparve molto male, trovatosi in contrasto con lo stile elegante del latino (la cosiddetta latinitas). E percio che Prisciano non puo essere considerato quale modello direttamente adoperato da parte di Calcondila. L'impiego del verso citato, nell'ambito della tradizione parenetico- -encomiastica, presso gli scrittori greci, sia quelli bizantini che quelli classici, e abbastanza frequente. Eccone qualche esempio eclatante. Alla meta del Quattrocento Giovanni Eugenico questo topos lo utilizza nella sua Descrizione di Trapezunto, riferendosi al verso esiodeo gia menzionato (cfr. n. 18). Nel secolo dodicesimo, Eustazio di Salonicco lo impiega, all'occasione, perche esalti le imprese dell'imperatore Manuele I. D'altra parte, l'autore anonimo degli scolii ad Aftonio cita questi versi in valore di argomenti, messi nel contesto di un'altro esercizio preliminare quello di dimostrazione (kataskeuh). Simile elaborazione di questo motivo viene intrapresa anche dal platonico Massimo di Tiro, nel quadro della proposizione (qesij), con la quale si cerca di corroborare l'affermazione sulla preminenza della vita attiva sopra quella contemplativa. Peraltro, gia Luciano di Samosata aveva notato che questi versi diventarono convenzionali nelle declamazioni retoriche, e tale sviluppo del loro significato possiamo rintracciare partendo dalla Repubblica e dai Leggi platonici, attraverso le Reminiscenze di Senofonte, fino al Corpus etico di Plutarco. Nel suo discorso inaugurale, in qualita di argomento a contrario, Calcondila riporta anche il verso 287 dello stesso poema esiodeo, e lo traduce in latino. Per il simile procedimento egli, molto probabilmente, si e ispirato al saggio Sull'ebbrezza di Filone di Alessandria, dentro il quale questi versi sono stati utilizzati nel contesto simile, cioe rilevando il contrasto tra virtu ed ignoranza (cfr. n. 37). L'altro modello per l'uso del tema presso Demetrio puo ritenersi il celebre scritto di Basilio di Cappadocia a proposito, visto che quest'ultimo ci sta elaborando il rilievo dell'educazione di gioventu cristiana, basata sulla letteratura pagana. Insomma, la conclusione principale, riguardo alla tecnica compositiva di Demetrio, deriverebbe dal fatto che il suddetto pensiero esiodeo appare anche quale testimonianza degli antichi (marturia palaiwn) dentro il manuale ermogeniano di Progumnasmata, dove si trova appunto per quanto riguarda il procedimento d'elaborazione di una chria, in questo caso quella espressa attraverso la sentenza pseudoisocratea che le radici dell'educazione sono amare, ma che i suoi frutti, invece, sono dolci. A parte i luoghi tratti da alcuni poeti appartenti alla cosiddetta Commedia attica nuova, la metafora di sapienza e di impegno emerge, tra i romani anche presso Catone il Vecchio e si riconferma con il lessico adoperato da Demetrio ai vari posti del suo discorso inaugurale scritto in latino. Infine vanno inoltre menzionate anche delle particolarita che segnalano la meticolosita che Calcondila dimostra nei confronti dello stile elevato (gr. semnothj). Termine, quest'ultimo, cui e stata prestata grande importanza da parte di Ermogene, nell'ambito della sua teoria sopra le Idee (varieta di stile), la quale, poi, avrebbe in gran parte influenzato diversi prodotti letterari rinascimentali, sia quelli scritti in latino che quelli in lingua volgare.

SummaryThis paper investigates in which positions satellites can occur in the Latin clause. The theory of Functional Grammar (FG) assumes that four types of satellites are to be distinguished and that these types differ, amongst other things, in their formal behavior. In the following, predictions about the position of satellites in the clause will be checked with regard to a corpus of letters by Cicero (Ad Atticum, book I-II). The relative position of satellites, arguments and the verb will be examined with particular interest in the position of satellite clauses. It will be shown that predicate satellite clauses prefer to be placed ad the end of the sentence, while illocutionaiy and prepositional satellite clauses tend to occur at the beginning of the sentence. The type of predication satellites should be split into two groups: purpose, consequence and causative clauses predominantly occur after and temporal, conditional and concessive clauses before the main verb. These observations are discussed in view of some general principles of Functional Grammar.

The inscription is a religious regulation found in a suburb to the north-east of Athens, dated to the second half of the 4th century BC. The place of discovery corresponds to the location of an ancient attic deme. The purpose of the regulation was to protect the sacred grove of Apollo Erithaseos from cutting trees and collecting dead branches or leaves, and more generally from damaging plant elements. The punishment for the violators is different for slaves and for free men. The priest, together with the demarchos, has the legal right to impose a fine and perhaps, through the delivery of the name, the judicial procedure against the guilty continued according to the laws of the polis.

Figure 35 shows one of the most famous of Roman monuments, the Arch of Constantine in Rome. Ironically it is largely famous for being bad art. This arch was dedicated in AD 315 to celebrate the tenth anniversary of the Emperor Constantine’s elevation to power, and more specifically his victory in a civil war which gave him control of Italy in AD 312. The inscriptions in the upper, attic portion of the arch record that it was dedicated in traditional fashion by the senate and people of Rome for Constantine’s divinely inspired defeat of his rival, the ‘tyrant’ Maxentius. Perhaps there is an allusion here to his new patronage of the growing Christian religion. The arch is next to the Colosseum, not far from the older arches of Titus and Septimius Severus, and it resembles the latter in general design. So in many respects it fits in the Roman monumental tradition, yet it is a highly problematic structure.

<p>Athens in antiquity as well today, included all the settlements in the wider Attica region. That is why its official name was “the Athens” (plural). Since prehistoric times, the city of Athens and the wider region of Attica did not contain many natural water sources so aquatic reserves were never adequate to meet the needs of residents, as these changed through time. The construction of aqueducts was part of a more organized effort to address the water needs of the Attica basin area since prehistoric times. In the ancient city, tens of small and large aqueducts were built to meet the city's needs for water. The hydraulic structures of Athens were mostly underground, for safety reasons. The water was channeled through aqueducts to fountains. Many aqueducts were built during the pre-Roman period and they were often works of leaders or other eminent citizens of ancient Athens. A key step in developing the city’s water infrastructure took place during the Roman occupation of Athens when the Hadrianic aqueduct and the Hadrianic reservoir were built. The project was a huge achievement for the time and was one of the longest tunnels worldwide during the Roman era Construction began in 125 AD and was completed in 140 AD. The Hadrianic aqueduct was underground with natural flow requiring a small and continuous slope along the aqueduct. Wells, communicating through the aqueduct, were placed at regular intervals.</p>
 <p>The main branch of the aqueduct - the central part of the Hadrianic, consists of the main tunnel, approximately 20 Km long, which starts from the foot of Mount Parnitha in the present day Olympic Village and ends up in the reservoir of Lycabettus, exploiting the water sources of Parnitha, Penteli and the Kifissos River. Gravity collected water from the water sources in the main tunnel and there was also the contribution of smaller aqueducts along the route. The secondary branches are composed of many transverse, which were designed to increase the water discharge capacity of the main aqueduct.</p>
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 <p>The Hadrianic was a project of continuous multi source collecting groundwater along its path. It was constructed below the surface at a depth of 2.5 to 40 m depending on the upper aquifer of the Athens basin, which fed local wells, in order to collect groundwater from that aquifer, too. The Hadrianic stopped being maintained during the Ottoman occupation and returned into service after the liberation of the city until it was gradually abandoned after the construction of modern water resource projects.</p>
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In 1996, the iconoclastic economist John Kenneth Galbraith wrote a manifesto, The Good Society, that elaborated his vision for what societal excellence and goodness should amount to. Though nearly 96, Galbraith was still a rabble-rouser, and he castigated the powers that be in the United States for propping up a “democracy of the fortunate” (8). To Galbraith, those who engaged in electoral politics, win or lose on any specific issue, tended to have all the social and economic advantages, while the less well off were deliberately marginalised by ‘the system.’ He lamented that “money, voice and political activism are now extensively controlled by the affluent, very affluent, and business interests" (140), making of the political sphere an "unequal contest" (8).To make democracy American style more inclusive, Galbraith called for “a coalition of the concerned and the compassionate and those now outside the political system” (143), so that all citizens had optimal prospects for enjoying “personal liberty, basic well-being, social and ethnic equality, the opportunity for a rewarding life" (4). Have inroads been made, in the nearly 15 years since first publication of The Good Society, in making come true Galbraith’s version of a good society? If not, how might such a coalition be achieved? What would it look like? Who among Americans would constitute the concerned, compassionate outsiders that would make such a coalition authentically ‘Galbraithian’? A Coalition on the MoveWhat about MoveOn.org? A progressive public advocacy group founded in 1998, MoveOn.org, according to Lelia Green in The Internet, is “an important indicator of the potential for bringing together communities of like-minded individuals” (139). Green singles out MoveOn.org as particularly pivotal in galvanising support for Barack Obama’s presidency (139). The New York Times describes MoveOn.org as “a bottom-up organization that has inserted itself into the political process in ways large and small” (Janofsky and Lee). Indeed, it represents “the next evolutionary change in American politics, a move away from one-way tools of influence like television commercials and talk radio to interactive dialogue, offering everyday people a voice in a process that once seemed beyond their reach.” MoveOn.org has expertly utilised the Internet to mobilise its members “to sign online petitions, organize street demonstrations and donate money to run political advertisements”. Green considers MoveOn.org one of today’s standout “coalitions of interests and political agendas”, “extraordinary” in its ability to “use websites and email lists to build communities around a shared passion” (139). In 2008, its 4.2 million members were at the vortex of a “dynamic that tipped the balance in favour of a more radical agenda with the election of President Barack Obama in 2008” (139). Galbraith, for one, would certainly agree with MoveOn.org’s politics, and likely would claim that their radical agenda is a compassionate and encompassing one that effectively addresses the concerns of everyday citizens. Yet the fact is that millions of disaffected Americans are not liberals, and so are not in sync with MoveOn.org’s interests and agendas, such as its firm insistence that a ‘public option’ is the best way to bring about meaningful health care reform, and its demand that all U.S. troops be immediately withdrawn from Iraq and Afghanistan. Tea Anyone?Another sort of coalition filled the void created by MoveOn.org. Enter the Tea Party. A movement that has been every bit as effective in its way in inspiring once-jaded ordinary citizens to coalesce around a set of interests and agendas – albeit, at least in principal if not necessarily in actual practice, of a professed libertarian strain – the Tea Party got underway in the waning days of the second presidential term of George W. Bush. It started out as a one-issue protest group voicing umbrage over the proposed economic stimulus plan, which it considered an unconstitutional subsidy. After Barack Obama became president, the Tea Party burgeoned into a much more influential movement that now professes to be a grassroots citizens’ watchdog for all unconstitutional activities (or what it deems to be such) on the part of the federal government. A New York Times article notes that many of its members are victims of the economic downturn; they “had lost their jobs, or perhaps watched their homes plummet in value, and they found common cause in the Tea Party’s fight for lower taxes and smaller government” (Zernike). Its members are akin to the millions of middle class Americans who lost their livelihoods during the Great Depression of the 1930s, an unparalleled economic downturn that eventually “mobilized many middle-class people who had fallen on hard times” to join forces in order to have an effective political voice. But those during the Great Depression who were aroused to political consciousness “tended to push for more government involvement”; in contrast, the Tea Party is a coalition that “vehemently wants less”. While Galbraith depicted the Republican Party of his time as “avowedly on the side of the fortunate” (141), the majority of today’s Tea Party members align themselves with the Republican Party, yet they are by no means principally made up of "the fortunate." Erick Erickson, a prominent Tea Party spokesman and a television commentator for the CNN news channel, blogs on Redstate.com that the Tea Party “has gotten a lot of people off the sidelines and into the political arena...” Erickson further contends that the Tea Party has “brought together a lot of likeminded citizens who thought they were alone in the world. They realized that not only were they not alone, but there were millions of others just as concerned.” Galbraithian Coalitions?Do MoveOn.org and Tea Party constitute Galbraithian-type coalitions, each in its own right? Both have inspired millions of once-disenchanted common citizens to come together around common political concerns and become a force to be reckoned with in electoral politics. As such, each has served as an effective counterweight against the money, voice and political activism of the very affluent. While Galbraith would probably have as much disdain for the Tea Party as he would have praise for MoveOn.org, the fact is that both groups have seen to it that an increasing number of regular Americans whose concerns had been ignored in the political arena now have to be reckoned with. But this is by no means where their commonality ends. Above and beyond the fact that both are comprised of millions who had been political outsiders, each has a decided anti-establishmentarian strain, along with a professed sense of alienation from and disdain for "politics as usual" and an impassioned belief in the right to self-government (though they differ on what this right amounts to). Moreover, both consider themselves grassroots-driven, and harbor anathema for professional lobbying organisations, which both regularly criticize for their undue political influence. Even though the two groups usually differ to the nth degree when it comes to those solutions they believe would effectively remedy the most pressing public problems in the U.S., they nonetheless share the conviction that one must initially focus one’s efforts at the local level if one is eventually to have the greatest impact on political decision-making on a national scale. The two groups came of age during the Internet revolution – indeed, it would have been impossible for their like-minded members to have found one another and coalesced so quickly and in such great numbers without the Internet – and they utilise the Internet as the principal tool for spurring concerted activism at the local level among their members. One can consider their shared approach Deweyan, in that Dewey maintained that genuinely democratic community, “in its deepest and richest sense, must always remain a matter of face-to-face intercourse” (367). Yet the two groups’ legion differences prevent them from engaging in meaningful face-to-face exchanges with one another. While the prospect of cultivating linkages between Tea Party and MoveOn.org are remote for the foreseeable future, it might nonetheless be seen as a promising development that some rank and file Tea Party acolytes do at least recognise that they must not identify solely with the Republican Party, lest they discourage potential recruits from rallying around their cause. For instance, one warns fellow members on the Redstate.com blog to be wary of casting their lot with Republicans, “because it would drive away the Democrats and Independents”. He actually uses Galbraith’s coinage in describing the Tea Party: “This movement is a coalition of the concerned, not a Republican outreach program.” Indeed, contrary to popular belief, the Tea Party is not, as a whole, on the conservative fringe (though it does often seem that those members who are given the most attention by the mainstream media are the fringe element, particularly the breakaway Tea Party Express). A Gallup Poll reveals that fully 17 percent of all Americans of voting age identify themselves as affiliated with the Tea Party; and while a majority have Republican leanings, fully 45 percent of all Tea Party members claimed they were either Democrats (17 percent) or independents (28 percent). To Tea Party leader Erick Erickson, the paramount challenge today for the Tea Party is for it to transform itself into a greater umbrella coalition, since the “issues and advocacy within the tea party movement are issues that resonate with the majority of Americans.” After all, he asserts, the Tea Party’s is “a very American cause — the first amendment right to protest, petition, and speak up.” While an expansion of its coalition does not in any way make it incumbent for the Tea Party to find common cause with MoveOn.org, can the claim nonetheless be legitimately made – utilising Erickson’s own criteria – that MoveOn.org’s is equally a very American cause? Christopher Hayes points out in an essay in The Nation that most of MoveOn.org’s members, as with the Tea Party’s, are “not inclined to protest,” but their “rising unease with the direction of the country has led to a new political consciousness.” Hayes could just as well be speaking of the Tea Party when he describes MoveOn.org’s members as made up mostly of “citizens angered, upset and disappointed with their government but [who were] unsure how to channel those sentiments.” For such citizens, MoveOn.org “provides simple, discrete actions: sign this petition, donate money to run this ad, show up at this vigil.” This is convincing evidence that MoveOn.org’s is also “a very American cause”, by the very benchmarks set forth by Erickson. A ‘Higher Coalition’?But is this in any way akin to a demonstrable sign that these unlikeliest of political bedfellows might be inspired at some future point to see themselves as part of a ‘higher coalition’ — one of the unlikeminded, that celebrates difference? Might a critical mass in both movements ever deem it a boon to coalesce around the cause of democratic pluralism? As things stand, neither side embraces such pluralism. Rather, one other attribute they share pervasively is dogmatism: both are convinced that their respective political sensibilities are beyond reproach. As a consequence, over the shorter term, neither group is likely to shed its brand of dogmatism and supplant it with an openness or receptivity to new, much less opposing, points of view. So, for instance, even as the Tea Party seeks to expand its fold, it is no more inclined to change its ideology-based stances on the issues than is MoveOn.org. For the time being, each group not only is entrenched in its own collective political mindset, but each coalesces around a demonstrated antipathy towards alternative approaches to public problem-solving. Is there any remotely plausible scenario by which the members of MoveOn.org and Tea Party might eventually come not just to tolerate their differences but to extol them? One other key Galbraithian element that those comprising an ideal coalition in a democracy must possess is compassion. For members of any coalition to cultivate compassion, they must first, or concomitantly, inculcate empathy, which is typically considered either a precursor to compassion or, along with understanding, a vital component of it. Henning Melber, Executive Director of the Dag Hammarskjold Foundation, and Reinhard Kössler maintain that “(w)hile empathy does not automatically translate into solidarity (nor into ethical behaviour), it can serve as a compass” for doing so, and can lead to a Galbraithian “coalition of the concerned and aware”(37). Such empathy is “a prerequisite for the ability to listen to one another and for permissiveness and openness towards ‘otherness’, and further, can only be born out of a sense of shared suffering” (37). To the authors, it isn’t just that “(s)uffering in its variety of forms requires empathy and solidarity by all,” but that it necessarily “transcends a politically correct ideology” (37). Millions in both the Tea Party and MoveOn.org long suffered from being a mere afterthought to the political establishment, both of them impacted by policies that they are convinced exacerbated rather than ameliorated their woes. But they have shown few if any indications of a willingness to transcend a politically correct ideology. For this to come about, it would, as Melber and Kössler maintain, require “hard, sustained, and imaginative work” (33). How might this come to pass? Greg Anderson, in The Athenian Experiment: Building an Imagined Political Community in Ancient Attica, 508-490 B.C., points to ancient Athens as a paradigmatic example of a society that undertook the hard imaginative work needed to develop the types of mediated connections that over time created a sense of shared belonging to a democratic community. “The process of transformation” in Attica, he argues, is “best understood as a bold exercise in social engineering, an experiment designed to bring together the diverse and far-flung inhabitants of an entire region and forge them into a single, self-governing political community of like-minded individuals” (5). While those males of sufficient socioeconomic distinction who were privileged enough to be citizens in the West’s first experiment in democracy were indeed like-minded, prising a self-governing political community, they were not single-minded; rather, those in the twelve dispersed tribes throughout Attica who coalesced to form a self-governing community apparently thrived on the free exchange and consideration of a wide range of ideas. They held that greater insights emerged only when a variety of views were subjected to scrutiny in the public sphere. Paul Woodruff notes in First Democracy that each Athenian was “given a share of the ability to be citizens, and that ability is understood both as a pair of virtues and as a kind of citizen wisdom.” Governing in this way was based on the shared view that “it is a natural part of being human to know enough to help govern your community” (149). Neither Tea Party nor MoveOn.org followers at present have this shared view on any semblance of a broad scale; rather, each betrays the sensibility that each ‘knows better’. As a consequence, any efforts at expanding their respective folds clearly do not include making overtures (or even extending olive branches) to one another. Even so, as impossibly optimistic as it might seem under current circumstances, I believe eventually they might come to see themselves as part of a greater or higher coalition – one serving the overriding cause of democracy itself – over the much longer term. But for this to become a reality, each group will first have to suffer some more. One other commonality they demonstrate is the power of grassroots activism – and the decided limitations. My hunch is that just as MoveOn.org’s progressives came to feel betrayed when Obama abandoned the liberal agenda of his presidential campaign to engage in political compromise and accommodation, Tea Party activists will come to find that their own expectations for political change will be equally stymied. In the 2010 elections, the Tea Party was a kingmaker in electoral politics, giving Republicans a decisive majority in Congress in the 2010 elections. But I suspect that those candidates the Tea Party supported will eventually resort to the practice of “politics as usual,” largely departing from the Tea Party agenda, in order to accomplish anything in Washington or become irrelevant in the existing system – a system long dominated by two political parties interested above and beyond all else in perpetuating their shared stranglehold on political power, and each equally beholden to corporate America for the contributions to their coffers that enable them to sustain this. If this scenario plays out, then at least some Tea Party activists might plausibly arrive at the unsettling conclusion that their suffering in the political arena is remarkably similar to that experienced by MoveOn.org’s cadre of concerned citizens who catapulted Obama into the office in the land, only to have most of their principal concerns neglected or dismissed, lost in the seamy world of back-room political deal-making. There is another possible scenario: What if either MoveOn.org or Tea Party becomes such an overwhelming force in politics that the other is attenuated, its members relegated once again to the fringe? If this occurred, the public sphere in the United States would be missing a vital dimension that has been part of its makeup since its founding days. For as Joseph Ellis, the Pulitzer Prize-winning historian, points out: the achievement of the revolutionary generation was a collective enterprise that succeeded because of the diversity of personalities and ideologies present in the mix. Their interactions and juxtapositions generated a dynamic form of balance and equilibrium, not because any of them was perfect or infallible, but because their mutual imperfections and fallibilities, as well as their eccentricities and excesses, checked each other… . (17) At the United States’s beginnings, the ties that bound those who revolted against Britain were forged despite their unbridgeable chasms of ideology; their “differing postures toward the twin goals of freedom and equality” were “not resolved so much as built into the fabric of our national identity” (16). Even or especially as irreconcilable differences prompted early Americans to continue waging a battle of ideas in the political trenches, Thomas Jefferson, for one, believed they were all (or nearly all) “constitutionally and conscientiously democrats” (185). Extrapolating from this, one can posit that MoveOn.org and Tea Party, regardless of whether they choose to acknowledge it, are in tandem a modern-day manifestation of the original American coalition. If they could be inspired to see that each is an important player in furthering the democratic experiment as singularly practiced in the U.S., they just might come to care more for one another. Out of such caring, they might realise that neither has a monopoly on political wisdom, and as a result coalesce around the cause of promoting a less hostile body politic. AcknowledgementsThe author is grateful to the two blind peer reviewers for their most helpful suggestions. ReferencesAnderson, Greg. The Athenian Experiment: Building an Imagined Political Community in Ancient Attica, 508-490 B.C. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2003. Dewey, John. In J. Boydston (Ed.) John Dewey, Volume 2: 1925-1927. Carbondale, Illinois: Southern Illinois University, 1984. Ellis, Joseph. Founding Brothers: The Revolutionary Generation. New York, NY: Vintage. 2002. Erickson, Erick. “Tea Party Movement 2.0: Moving beyond Protesting to Fighting in Primaries, Ballot Boxes, and Becoming More Effective Activists.” 14 April 2010. 28 Sep. 2010 ‹http://www.redstate.com/erick/2010/04/14/tea-party-movement-20/>.Galbraith, John Kenneth. The Good Society: The Humane Agenda. New York: Mariner Books, 1997. Green, Lelia. The Internet: An Introduction to New Media. Oxford: Berg, 2010.Hayes, Christopher. “MoveOn.org Is Not as Radical as Conservatives Think." The Nation. 16 July 2008. 28 Sep. 2010 ‹http://www.thenation.com/article/moveonorg-not-radical-conservatives-think>. Janofsky, Michael, Jennifer B. Lee. “Net Group Tries to Click Democrats to Power”. New York Times, 18 Nov 2003. 1 Oct. 2010 ‹http://www.nytimes.com/2003/11/18/us/net-group-tries-to-click- democrats-to-power.html?scp=1&sq=%22bottom-up%20organization%22&st=cse>. Jefferson, Thomas. In M. Peterson, ed. The Political Writings of Thomas Jefferson. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1993. Kossler, Reinhart, and Hening Melber. “International Civil Society and the Challenge for Global Solidarity.” Development Dialogue 49 (Oct. 2007): 29-39. Malcolm, Andrew. “Myth-Busting Polls: Tea Party Members Are Average Americans, 41% Are Democrats, Independents.” Los Angeles Times, 5 April 2010 ‹http://latimesblogs.latimes.com/washington/2010/04/tea-party-obama.html>.MoveOn.org. n.d. 27 Sep. 2010 ‹http://moveon.org>. Tea Party. n.d. 1 Oct. 2010 ‹http://teaparty.freedomworks.org>.Tea Party Express. n.d. 1 Oct. 2010 ‹http://www.teapartyexpress.org>. Woodruff, Paul. First Democracy: The Challenge of an Ancient Idea. New York: Oxford University Press, 2006. Zernike, Kate. “With No Jobs, Plenty of Time for Tea Party.” New York Times, 27 Mar. 2010. 29 Sep. 2010 ‹http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/28/us/politics/28teaparty.html?scp=1&sq=%22watched%20their%20homes%20plummet%20in%20value%22&st=cse>.