Academic literature on the topic 'Advertising, Political – Texas'

Although studies based on field experiments and large- N surveys have enhanced our understanding of how campaigns affect U.S. elections, few of these projects have (1) considered the synergistic effects of distinct aspects of the campaign, (2) focused on statewide, partisan elections, or (3) considered the durability of any estimated campaign effects. We rely on a massive field experiment from the 2014 Texas gubernatorial campaign to assess the individual, synergistic, and collective impact of a variety of outreach modes on the electorate. The data demonstrate some durable synergistic and overall campaign effects on voters’ attitudes toward the sponsoring candidate, with lesser effects on turnout. In addition, while the results indicate that television is rightly considered the most effective mover of voters, radio and Internet advertising also have notable effects and may, in fact, deliver a better return on investment.

Background: Many place-based randomized trials and quasi-experiments use a pair of cross-section surveys, rather than panel surveys, to estimate the average treatment effect of an intervention. In these studies, a random sample of individuals in each geographic cluster is selected for a baseline (preintervention) survey, and an independent random sample is selected for an endline (postintervention) survey. Objective: This design raises the question, given a fixed budget, how should a researcher allocate resources between the baseline and endline surveys to maximize the precision of the estimated average treatment effect? Results: We formalize this allocation problem and show that although the optimal share of interviews allocated to the baseline survey is always less than one-half, it is an increasing function of the total number of interviews per cluster, the cluster-level correlation between the baseline measure and the endline outcome, and the intracluster correlation coefficient. An example using multicountry survey data from Africa illustrates how the optimal allocation formulas can be combined with data to inform decisions at the planning stage. Another example uses data from a digital political advertising experiment in Texas to explore how precision would have varied with alternative allocations.

Статья посвящена языковому экспериментированию в текстах антирекламы, видам антирекламы и реализованным в ней лингвопрагматическим стратегиям. Антиреклама рассматривается как средство ведения военно-политической и внутриполитической дискуссии в современной Германии The article is devoted to language experiments in anti-advertising texts, types of anti-advertising and its linguo-pragmatic strategies. Anti-advertising is considered to be means of military and political discussion and discussion of home policy in modern Germany.

The article is devoted to functional and stylistic features of advertising minitexts in English economic and political mass media and Internet sources. The scientific relevance of the topic is proved by the significant role of advertising in building up not only market relations but also cultural stereotypes and public opinion. Besides, the necessity arises to reveal the human linguistic consciousness potential of integrating different meanings and small forms of their verbalization, as the trend towards contracting speech acts is gaining momentum in both oral and written communication. Hence, advertising texts make a proper object of analysis since the need for quick catching of the customers attention and saving money on publication space determines advertisements small volume. The authors set the purpose of analysing the stylistic features of advertising minitexts in economic and political sources in terms of the formation of their discursive features. Methods of discourse functional analysis, descriptive and contextual analyses are implemented thereto. The article addresses the issue of correlation between text and discourse with regard to the advertising linguistic status, types of advertising texts, extralinguistic factors (including psychographic and demographic profiles of consumers) determining the choice of means that actualise advertising discourse functions. The analysis focuses on the expressive means forming peculiar advertising stylistics and special pragmatic increments aimed at making efficient impacts on the recipient. The findings of the empiric analysis are presented in reference to such expressive means as metaphors, allusions, wordplay, antithesis, etc. The prevalence of metaphors, epithets and hyperbole as the most frequent stylistic devices in advertising discourse has been revealed. The authors conclude that discursive features of the texts under analysis are actualized in pragmasemantic increments which are not inferred from speech elements direct meanings alone but are synergistically formed in advertising functional space in the course of text generation and perception based on the communicating parties living backgrounds.

The article carries a review of research works on visual stylistic means in advertising. Researchers see them as the means of manipulation that evoke specific associations and assessments in recipients. The main aim of the article is to prove the validity of identification of visual comparison as visual stylistic means. Visual comparisonin political advertising is regarded as an ideological means of influence on a global recipient. Visual comparison is in the nature of correlation or opposition and is effectively used in political advertising compared to other visual stylistic means.The correlation includes two images that are used to draw the attention of the addressee to certain socio-political problems, to form a positive image of the candidate and his program. The mean of opposition is based on a comparison of two antagonistic images, which forces the recipient to make a choice in favor of one of them. The obtained results can be used for further development of the theory of visual textual stylistics and for the creation of texts of politicalInternet advertising.

The article analyzes precedent anthroponyms of the Soviet origin in multimodal texts of American and British advertising. The study aims at analyzing precedent anthroponyms of the Soviet origin in English multimodal texts from the linguoaxiological and linguopragmatic points of view and from the standpoint of textual organization. The following research methods have been used: description and synthesis, linguistic methods of structural-semantic, contextual and cognitive-discourse analysis. The paper examines the precedent names of the Soviet origin (for instance, Lenin, Stalin, Brezhnev, Gorbachev, Yeltsin, and Kalashnikov). It also establishes their uses in commercial texts and highlights the linguistic means of satirical effect creation as the main pragmatic goal of English commercial and social advertising. The name of a political leader acquires different connotations and in most cases it is “demoted” due to the transfer of the name from the political context to the everyday one: gastronomic, material, kitsch-cultural, glamorous-erotic, etc. Names of the Soviet politicians are found in advertisements of cigarettes, pizza, alcoholic and nonalcoholic drinks, bags and other household items, including absorbent wipes. The article concludes that the image of the Soviet past in multimodal advertising texts in English acquires negative connotations. Besides, the analyzed texts emphasize that the communist ideology belongs to the system of anti-values.

The article considers the specificity of precedent proper names as universal value-based standards and cultural symbols in the texts of Russian political advertisement. The axiological aspect is at the core of the pragmatic impact made by political advertising on the target audience. The research material involves political advertising texts issued during presidential and parliamentary campaigns in Russia in 1993–2018. The author distinguishes between the notions of ‘standard’ and ‘symbol’ as ways of conveying value-based meanings. In the first case, it is the connotative use of proper names and the “rating scale” of evaluation that matter the most. In the second case, both denotative and connotative ways of using precedent names are possible while the rating features are optional. Moreover, unlike names-standards, symbolic names express a particular idea implicitly, not explicitly. Precedent names with value meanings can be rendered both verbally and by means of precedent visual phenomena having an associative link with onomastic units. A significant role in forming value-based connotations is played by the context in which proper names are used. The study has allowed to reveal the following axiological categories represented by precedent names and non-verbal signs: standards of hero, heroic deed, creator, scientist, positive traits of character and beauty; symbols of heroism, patriotism, Russian culture and art. It is demonstrated that proper names connected with the latter three values are most frequent in Russian political advertising texts. A special role is played by names associated with the Great Patriotic War and space exploration as well as names conveying orthodox values.

We refer to the concept of the country’s image, which arose in the practice of politicians, government executives, and marketing specialists and has been actively developed in recent dec-ades in the works of representatives of various branches of scientific knowledge: linguists, political scientists, sociologists, philosophers, etc. Media discourse becomes a communication space within which messages are created, on the one hand, reflecting the stereotypical attitudes of the internal and external audience regarding Russia and the Russian people, on the other, correcting negative and reinforcing positive ethnic stereotypes. In this work, the media image of Russia is modeled on the basis of texts of commercial, social and political advertising, speeches of political figures, in particular, in the framework of the election campaign. As a basic methodology, we use the frame modeling method, reconstructs the “Russia” frame in Russian and foreign advertising discourse. Russian commercial advertising forms a positive image of a great, beautiful country with a strong and spiritually rich people, and the concept of “Russian” is used in texts exclusively with positive connotations. Russian social advertising creates the image of a country with a rich history and a great past, however it represents modern Russia as a country in which spiritual values play an increasingly smaller role. The external image of Russia can be generally assessed as negative. The sphere in which the least attractive image is realized is politics. The political theme is updated in all considered types of media discourse and forms the image of a backward, undemocratic state with high corruption and Soviet heritage.

We explore the logic and techniques of using the concept of “jingo” in the publishing practice of “Punch” magazine as a tool of political technologies aimed at shaping public opinion on key issues of foreign policy and electoral behavior in Britain in 1878–1879. The urgency of the problem being analyzed is due to the importance of a comprehensive understanding of the pheno-menon of jingoism as one of the significant manifestations of the political history and culture of Victorian England. The study adopted a cross-disciplinary approach, which involves politically and linguistically indirect analysis of the concept of “jingo” in the context of the political and ideological realities of British history during the Eastern crisis of the 1870s of the 19th century. Specific examples show that the peculiarities of the genre of the magazine, its popularity, consideration of the cultural request of its audience determined the choice of language means, the style of presentation of the material and the choice of images. It is justified that the methods used in the texts of Punch were aimed at maintaining a positive image of the liberals and discrediting opponents both at the personal level and the party. It is concluded that the concept of “jingo” in the propaganda campaign of “Punch” has taken meaning propaganda cliches, which acted as a means of political identification, social and political advertising and anti-advertising, served as a tool to manipulate public opinion. This study may provide material for a number of further studies in the study of British political culture.

The article analyzes the impact on the population of political stereotypes formed by two leading media in the Murmansk region on the eve of the election. Using of content analysis, the author describes the main stereotypes functioning in the pre-election texts of the media and political advertising. Conclusions testify to the changing perceptions of voters about elections, and the stereotypes extracted from the media paint a strange and contradictory situation.

The dissertation “Three revolts in images: Catalonia, Portugal and Naples (1640-1647) is about the role of political visual communication during the revolts of 1640-1647 in Catalonia, Portugal and Naples. Visual sources played an important part in the development of these conflicts, since a high percentage of the population was illiterate. Images such as engravings and paintings were commissioned to local and international artists in order to reproduce the different messages of the two parties in conflict and displayed in public places and in ceremonies. Often, a third part –such as France – participated in the image making process, contributing with her own visual arguments. In my dissertation I aim to answer such questions as: who commissioned these images? Who was their intended audience? Which reactions did they provoke? Which messages can we perceive in them? And how did the visual communication contribute to these conflicts? I argue that it was important to study these three revolts as part of a common event, the Thirty Years’ War. By doing so, one presupposes that the revolts were not isolated conflicts, and therefore they might present similar characteristics when it comes to legitimating arguments, causes, policies and consequences. Indeed, the comparative approach allowed me to detect possible common intersections and interpret the three revolts as part of the same cultural and political conjecture. Despite the dangers of this methodology and the inevitable constant tension that it creates between generalizations and idiosyncrasies, it enabled me to establish that visual arguments were not exclusive to a certain territory. Indeed, I identified traces of a common culture as well as three general strategies employed in all the cases examined: the construction of a hero, the use of religious images (which obtain a new political dimension) and the employment of narrative images. My findings show that two significantly different characters such as D. João de Braganza, a member of the most important aristocratic house in Portugal, and Masaniello, a humble fisherman from Naples, were transformed into heroes by using the same arguments (nobility of character, bravery, etc.). Regarding Catalonia, it was significant to discover that a similar protagonist could not be found. The early and ambiguous death of Pau Claris, the responsible for proclaiming the Catalan republic under the protection of France in 1641, prevented the Catalan authorities from publicizing his heroic image. In addition, the religious arguments were common to all three territories, as the local saints were politicized and converted into legitimating arguments for rebellion. I also focused my research around questions concerning the rituals and behavior of the populations affected by the revolts. Was the violence justified? Did it obey to a certain code? How did the people react to the events? Are there similarities in the three territories? For example, acts such as the defenestration of the secretary Miguel de Vasconcelos in Portugal responded to a political culture and to a code of punishment, to which people knew how to respond. In Naples, the violence perpetrated by Masaniello was composed by several ritual elements that could be identified by Neapolitans.<br>Esta tesis tiene como objetivo analizar el papel de la comunicación política visual durante las revueltas de 1640-1647 en Cataluña, Portugal y Nápoles. Las fuentes visuales han jugado un papel de gran importancia en el desarrollo de los conflictos armados, sobre todo si tenemos en cuenta que un elevado porcentaje de la población no sabía leer ni escribir. Imágenes, entre las cuales grabados y lienzos, eran encargados a artistas locales e internacionales de forma a reproducir los mensajes de las dos partes participantes en el conflicto. Éstas eran a menudo exhibidas en lugares públicos y durante las ceremonias. Por veces, una tercera parte – como por ejemplo Francia – participaba en el proceso de producción y difusión de imágenes contribuyendo con sus propios argumentos. En esta tesis he querido responder a preguntas como: ¿quién encargaba las imágenes? ¿Quién era el público? ¿Qué reacciones provocaron? ¿Qué mensajes contenían y cómo fueron percibidos? ¿Cómo contribuyó esta forma de comunicación a los conflictos en causa? Argumento también la importancia de estudiar las tres revueltas como parte de un evento único, la Guerra de los Treinta Años. Al hacerlo, uno va más allá de asumir que se tratan de conflictos aislados y que, como tal, pueden presentar características parecidas en lo que dice respecto a los argumentos que legitimaban las causas, políticas y las consecuencias de las insurrecciones. Este abordaje comparativo me permite detectar posibles intersecciones e interpretar las revueltas como compartiendo una cultura común y de una misma conjetura política. Pese a los posibles peligros de esta metodología y a la inevitable tensión que crea entre generalización e idiosincrasias, me permitió establecer hasta qué punto ciertos argumentos eran – o no – específicos a un territorio. Por fin, me dedico también a analizar cuestiones relacionadas con ritual y comportamiento por parte de las poblaciones afectadas. ¿Era la violencia justificada? ¿Obedecía a un ritual previamente establecido? ¿Cómo reaccionaban las gentes? ¿hay similitudes entre los tres territorios?

Star Wars has reached more than three generations of casual and hardcore fans alike, and as a result many of the producers of franchised Star Wars texts (films, television, comics, novels, games, and more) over the past four decades have been fans-turned-creators. Yet despite its dominant cultural and industrial positions, Star Wars has rarely been the topic of sustained critical work. Star Wars and the History of Transmedia Storytelling offers a corrective to this oversight by curating essays from a wide range of interdisciplinary scholars in order to bring Star Wars and its transmedia narratives more fully into the fold of media and cultural studies. The collection places Star Wars at the center of those studies’ projects by examining video games, novels and novelizations, comics, advertising practices, television shows, franchising models, aesthetic and economic decisions, fandom and cultural responses, and other aspects of Star Wars and its world-building in their multiple contexts of production, distribution, and reception. In emphasizing that Star Wars is both a media franchise and a transmedia storyworld, Star Wars and the History of Transmedia Storytelling demonstrates the ways in which transmedia storytelling and the industrial logic of media franchising have developed in concert over the past four decades, as multinational corporations have become the central means for subsidizing, profiting from, and selling modes of immersive storyworlds to global audiences. By taking this dual approach, the book focuses on the interconnected nature of corporate production, fan consumption, and transmedia world-building. As such, this collection grapples with the historical, cultural, aesthetic, and political-economic implications of the relationship between media franchising and transmedia storytelling as they are seen at work in the world’s most profitable transmedia franchise.

The Oxford Handbook of Music and Advertising assembles an array of forty-two pathbreaking chapters on the production, texts, and reception of advertising through music. Uniquely interdisciplinary, the collection’s tripartite structure leads the reader through these stages in the communication of the advertising message as presented by Chris Wharton (2015). The chapters on production study the factors, activities, and people behind the music for the marketing pitch, both past and present. Prominent throughlines in the section include factors influencing the selection of music (and musicians) for advertising, the role of music in corporate branding strategies, the creative forces behind the soundscape of advertising, and industry practices that undergird all aspects of music in commercial contexts. The section on Text focuses on analytic and historical approaches to ads in various media, and includes commentaries on musical genres in ads ranging from Western European art music to American popular genre. Also covered in this section is ad music as used in different ad genres, such as political ads, public service announcements, and television commercials. The analyses used in this section draws from traditional music theory, semiotics, and hermeneutic analysis. Finally, the last section addressing “Reception”—with contributions by researchers in psychology, marketing, and other fields—involves the formulation of models and theories, and implementation of research methods to examine how the presence of music may influence peoples’ attitudes, emotions, thoughts, and behaviors in the context of advertisements and within service environments such as stores, restaurants, and banks. The editors and chapter contributors of this book bring a diversity of perspectives to the topic but share a united aim: to illuminate music’s vital contribution to the advertising message.

The chapter addresses the implementation of “binding group decision” problematically. According to the study, this implementation is a restrictive issue for the discourses and actions of the members of the parliament who are assigned with the duty of representation of the nation and entitled with privileges within the context of freedom of expression. In this context, the legal legislation and bylaws of the political parties with groups in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM) and internal regulations are analyzed within the context of restrictive provisions. Moreover, sample cases from 22nd and 24th legislative terms of the TBMM are examined within the context of political communication, freedom of expression, and ethics. This chapter grounds on a descriptive method based on historical events and legal texts. As a result of the study, it should be stressed that the implementation of “binding group decision” needs to be examined in terms of political ethics as a restrictive element for the freedom of expression and communication, despite being legal.

This book is equally about people and their texts. It seeks to explore how a Byzantine emperor negotiated his authority in the troubled waters of late Byzantium where churchmen and court-based interest groups vied for the attention of wider audiences. And it is about the construction of discursive strategies by adapting the rules of rhetorical genres to historical circumstances. The focus of the book is Manuel II Palaiologos, both emperor of Byzantium (r. 1391–1425) and prolific author of a range of oratorical and theological texts. The argument is that the emperor maintained his position of authority not only by direct political agency but also by rhetorically advertising his ideas about the imperial office. Throughout his reign, Manuel II created a parallel literary court where he presided over a group of peer literati who supported his position and did not contest his imperial prerogatives. It was within this group that his texts were copied and subsequently disseminated in order to promote a renewed version of the idea of imperial authority. His ideological commitments valued education and the use of rhetorical skills as instruments of social and political change. His vision evolved and changed according to the opportunities and conditions of his reign. In order to understand it one needs to attend not only to his texts but to other contemporary written sources. This will allow us to further scrutinise the late Byzantine understanding(s) of the imperial office as well as the extent to which Manuel II’s writings mirrored or obliterated contemporary concerns....