Academic literature on the topic 'Aegina. Temple of Apollo'

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Journal articles on the topic "Aegina. Temple of Apollo"

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Higgins, Reynold. "A gold diadem from Aegina." Journal of Hellenic Studies 107 (November 1987): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/630083.

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A recent discovery on the island of Aegina by Professor H. Walter (University of Salzburg) throws a new light on the origins of the so-called Aegina Treasure in the British Museum.In 1982 the Austrians were excavating the Bronze Age settlement on Cape Kolonna, to the north-west of Aegina town. Immediately to the east of the ruined Temple of Apollo, and close to the South Gate of the prehistoric Lower Town, they found an unrobbed shaft grave containing the burial of a warrior. The gravegoods (now exhibited in the splendid new Museum on the Kolonna site) included a bronze sword with a gold and ivory hilt, three bronze daggers, one with gold fittings, a bronze spear-head, arrowheads of obsidian, boar's tusks from a helmet, and fragments of a gold diadem (plate Va). The grave also contained Middle Minoan, Middle Cycladic, and Middle Helladic (Mattpainted) pottery. The pottery and the location of the grave in association with the ‘Ninth City’ combine to give a date for the burial of about 1700 BC; and the richness of the grave-goods would suggest that the dead man was a king.
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Holladay, A. J. "The forethought of Themistocles." Journal of Hellenic Studies 107 (November 1987): 182–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/630084.

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A recent discovery on the island of Aegina by Professor H. Walter (University of Salzburg) throws a new light on the origins of the so-called Aegina Treasure in the British Museum.In 1982 the Austrians were excavating the Bronze Age settlement on Cape Kolonna, to the north-west of Aegina town. Immediately to the east of the ruined Temple of Apollo, and close to the South Gate of the prehistoric Lower Town, they found an unrobbed shaft grave containing the burial of a warrior. The gravegoods (now exhibited in the splendid new Museum on the Kolonna site) included a bronze sword with a gold and ivory hilt, three bronze daggers, one with gold fittings, a bronze spear-head, arrowheads of obsidian, boar's tusks from a helmet, and fragments of a gold diadem (plate Va). The grave also contained Middle Minoan, Middle Cycladic, and Middle Helladic (Mattpainted) pottery. The pottery and the location of the grave in association with the ‘Ninth City’ combine to give a date for the burial of about 1700 BC; and the richness of the grave-goods would suggest that the dead man was a king.
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Gill, David W. J. "The Temple of Aphaia on Aegina: The Date of the Reconstruction." Annual of the British School at Athens 83 (November 1988): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400020694.

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The recent publication of the Attic black-figured pottery from the sanctuary of Aphaia on Aegina has brought into question the widely accepted date for the construction of the late archaic temple and its sculpture. Much of the pottery comes from the terrace system around the temple which preceded the building's construction. 47.7% of the black-figured pottery is later than the commonly assumed date of c. 510 for the destruction and rebuilding of the temple. Using the latest pottery and the widely accepted Studniczka-Langlotz chronology a terminus post quem is provided during the time of the Persian Wars. The range of pottery also shows that the terrace fills around the temple fall into the same chronological horizon as deposits at Athens which have been linked to the Persian destruction and may, in fact, be even later. The historical context for the rebuilding seems to be in the affluent years after the Persian Wars when the cities of Greece were able to benefit from booty won on the field of battle.
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Gill, David W. J. "The Temple Of Aphaia On Aegina: Further Thoughts On The Date Of The Reconstruction." Annual of the British School at Athens 88 (November 1993): 173–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400590005.

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The publication of further ceramic material from the terrace fills surrounding the temple of Aphaia on Aegina brings into question the present date assigned to the reconstruction by the excavation team. The cumulative effect of black-figured, red-figured, and black-glossed pottery, as well as lamps and amphorae from the terrace fills, seems to indicate that the temple may be later than the Persian wars. Much of the late material finds parallels from contexts in the Athenian Agora which are usually thought, on the conventional chronology, to date from the time of the Persian wars. If the revised views of these contexts are taken into account, then the temple of Aphaia may have to be dated lower still.
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Starikovsky, Grigory G. "PINDAR’S SEVEN NEMEAN ODE: FOREWORD, TRANSLATION, AND COMMENT." Practices & Interpretations: A Journal of Philology, Teaching and Cultural Studies 5, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2415-8852-2020-3-95-112.

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In the victory odes written for the Aeginetan athletes, Pindar constantly draws upon mythological characters associated with Aegina. Th ese are: Aeacus, fi rst king of Aegina, and the Aeacidae, his descendants (Peleus, Telamon, Ajax, Achilles, and Neoptolemos). Nemean 7, dedicated to Sogenes, winner in boys’ pentathlon, is no exception: the mythological segment incorporated into the epinikion deals with Neoptolemos. At the time of Pindar, Neoptolemos was commonly known for his bloodthirsty escapades during the fi nal stage of the Trojan war: according to the Cyclic poets, he murders Priam at the altar of Zeus and throws Astyanax, the son of Hector and Andromache, from the city wall; it is the murder of Priam that incurs the wrath of Apollo in Pindar’s own Paean 6, which predates Nemean 7. In the preamble to the translation of Nem. 7, I demonstrate how Pindar’s account alters the more conventional perception of Neoptolemos: for instance, the poet doesn’t mention Neoptolemos’s atrocities; rather, aft er his premature death at the hands of the priest of Apollo, Neoptolemos becomes a “rightful overseer of processions honoring heroes” in Delphi (tr. W. Race), virtually Apollo’s helper. I argue that Pindar’s presentation of Neoptolemos may inspire Sogenes and his father Th earion, who commissioned the epinikion, to entrust the poet with the project of celebrating Sogenes’s athletic triumph, as Pindar promises the victorious athlete everlasting glory, akin to the one possessed by Neoptolemos.
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Bookidis, Nancy, and Ronald S. Stroud. "Apollo and the Archaic Temple at Corinth." Hesperia 73, no. 3 (January 2004): 401–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hesp.2004.73.3.401.

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Aldiss, Brian. "Retrospection: at the Temple of Aphaia, on the island of Aegina." KronoScope 2, no. 1 (2002): 109–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685240260186826.

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Kelly, Nancy. "The Archaic Temple of Apollo at Bassai: Correspondences to the Classical Temple." Hesperia 64, no. 2 (April 1995): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148056.

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Coulton, J. J., and Frederick A. Cooper. "The Temple of Apollo Bassitas I: The Architecture." American Journal of Archaeology 101, no. 4 (October 1997): 796. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506852.

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Bookidis, Nancy. "Corinthian Terracotta Sculpture and the Temple of Apollo." Hesperia 69, no. 4 (October 2000): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148383.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Aegina. Temple of Apollo"

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Keyser, Elizabeth, and Elizabeth Keyser. "Allies and Anomalies: The Temple of Apollo Epikourios at Bassai." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/624096.

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The sanctuary of Apollo Epikourios at Bassai has many unusual aspects, including the north-south orientation and the inclusion of a side door in both the Archaic and Classical temples, as well as the lack of evidence for the presence of an altar at the site. The anomalies of the Classical temple have been investigated by many scholars, but few have taken into account its Archaic predecessor. Because it is clear that the architect of the Classical temple intentionally replicated the plan of the Archaic temple, any attempt at understanding these anomalies must begin with an investigation of the earlier temple. These anomalies must also be examined within the context of the ongoing Messenian Wars in which the Arkadians, and the Phigaleians specifically, acted as allies to the Messenians in the face of Spartan aggression. Because the city of Phigaleia maintained the sanctuary at Bassai, this participation in the Messenian Wars as mercenaries impacted the development of the sanctuary. The Messenian Wars encouraged the development of a mercenary identity for the Phigaleians and for all Arkadians. This mercenary Arkadian identity is highlighted at the sanctuary and seems to have prompted the architects of the Archaic temple at Bassai to create a connection between Bassai, located at the extreme border of ancient Arkadia, and the religious heart of Arkadia, the sanctuary of Zeus at Mt. Lykaion to the east. This connection with the east provides a clear explanation for the architectural anomalies at the site, as these anomalies allow for the best view to the east. Additionally, the close connection between Bassai and Mt. Lykaion may provide an explanation for the lack of an altar at Bassai, as the ash altar to Zeus can easily be seen from the sanctuary of Apollo. Therefore, the importance of Arkadian identity that was developed during the Messenian Wars influenced the architects of the Archaic and Classical temples to place emphasis on the view to the east, explaining the many anomalies at the sanctuary.
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Persano, Paolo. "Scultura greca del tardo arcaismo: un nuovo esame delle sculture frontonali del tempio di Apollo Daphnephoros a Eretria." Doctoral thesis, Scuola Normale Superiore, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11384/85656.

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Mare, EA, and A. Rapanos. "The sacred and profane symbolism of space in classical Greek architecture: the temple complex of Apollo at Delphi and the Athenian Acropolis." South African Journal of Art History, 2007. http://encore.tut.ac.za/iii/cpro/DigitalItemViewPage.external?sp=1001354.

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Under consideration are the temple layouts at Delphi and the Athenian Acropolis which were shaped in completely different ways. What they have in common, however, is that both represent an architecture on two hierarchic levels: the upper or sacred level as symbolised by the eternal principle expressed in both elevated Doric temples, which are placed in dramatic juxtaposition with features in their natural settings (earth, horizon, sky); and the lower, human level which is represented by the auxiliary buildings of the approach areas of these temple complexes. The latter buildings are smaller than the main temples and are marked by complexity and ambiguity in that they are imperfect, of varied design and not oriented to a geometric axis, which is in complete contrast to the serenity of the fully articulated superior Doric order exemplified by the Temple of Apollo at Delphi and the Parthenon on the Athenian Acropolis. In both cases the focus will be on the perceptual totality of the group designs.
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Febvey, Agnes. "Apollon Pythien à Délos." Thesis, Lyon 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO20081.

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Le sanctuaire d'Apollon à Délos accueillit en son sein, dès la fin du IVe s., un Pythion, bâtiment consacré à l'Apollon de Delphes, désigné dans les comptes des hiéropes sous le nom de Pythion, ou de « naos aux trois statues ». Les mentions répétées de ce nom dans l'épigraphie délienne, ainsi que les dépenses engagées dans divers travaux de restauration et d'aménagement, témoignent de l'importance de cet édifice. On sait qu'il possédait un lanterneau et abritait trois statues, un palmier et un foyer qui brûlait en permanence. Sa localisation, liée à celle de l'Autel de cornes, a longtemps fait problème, mais elle semble probable maintenant que le Kératôn est identifié de façon certaine : le Pythion correspondrait à l'édifice ionique construit par les Athéniens au IVe s, dont les vestiges sont visibles au Nord-Ouest de la plaine du Hiéron d'Apollon, entre l'Artémision au Nord et le Kératôn au Sud. L'examen des ruines de l'édifice, fondé sur un raisonnement purement architectural, puis l'analyse des sources épigraphiques concernant le Pythion, de manière à mettre à l'épreuve les apports des textes et ceux de l'étude architecturale, permettent d'établir l'identification de l'édifice ionique et du Pythion et d'apporter une synthèse sur l'architecture et l'histoire du Pythion de Délos
From the end of the 4th century AC, the sanctuary of Apollo in Delos took in a Pythion, a building consecrated to the Delphian Apollo, known in the account of the Delian hieropes as Pythion, or "naos with the three statues". The repeated mentions of this name in the Delian inscriptions, as well as the expenses involved in various restoration works or alterations, bear witness to the importance of the building. We know that it possessed a lantern and sheltered three statues, a palm tree and an hearth that burned continuously. Its location, linked to the one of the Altar of Horns, was a issue for a long time, but it seems probable now that the Keraton is certainly identified : the Pythion could correspond to the ionic edifice built by the Athenians in the 4th century AC, which remains can be seen North-West of the plain of Apollo's Hieron, between the Artemision to the North and the Keraton to the South. The correspondance between the ionic building and the Pythion is based on the study of the ruins, from a purely architural point of view, then on the exam of the epigraphic sources, in such a way that we put to the test the contributions from the texts and the architectural study, before proposing a synthesis on the architecture and the history of the Pythion
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Bisaillon, Patrick. "The cult of Apollo in the Milesian colonies along the coast of the Black Sea : an inventory of archaeological data." Thèse, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/19359.

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À la période Archaïque, la colonisation grecque avait pour but l’expansion et l’exportation des coutumes sociales des diverses cités États à travers différentes régions. Bien que le sujet de la colonisation grecque soit abondamment basé sur des sources primaires biaisées, causant une confusion concernant l’établissement du lien entre une cité mère et ses colonies, il demeure néanmoins qu’une connexion entre la cité de Milet et les colonies de la Mer Noire est observée au sein des institutions religieuses instaurées sur ces territoires. Le culte d’Apollon fut prédominant tout au long des périodes Archaïque, Classique et Hellénistique de la Grèce antique. À l’époque de la colonisation par Milet, la cité avait pour divinité principale Apollon qui était également dieu de la colonisation et dieu de la navigation. Pour les milésiens, Apollon autorisait et sanctionnait le droit de coloniser et d’y instaurer de nouveaux cultes. Dans les colonies fondées le long de la côte de la Mer Noire, une influence claire du culte de cette divinité est discernable dans la tradition littéraire, ainsi que dans les registres archéologiques. Grâce à un catalogue raisonné, concernant seize colonies dites milésiennes situées autour de la Mer Noire, unissant toute l’information archéologique et littéraire pertinente relatif au culte d’Apollon, ce mémoire propose qu’une forte représentation de ce culte dans cette région est attribuable à son instauration par les Milésiens dans l’espoir que les institutions religieuses des colonies reflètent celles de la cité mère. Il en découle qu’Apollon devint, par le fait même, la divinité principale de la majorité des colonies milésiennes de la Mer Noire.
Greek colonisation in the Archaic period had as its goal the expansion and the exportation of a city state’s social and religious customs into different regions. Although the subject of Greek colonisation is often vague, and based on erroneous, and generous primary sources, which can confound links between the colonies and their apparent mother city, a connection can nevertheless be established between the colonies in the Black Sea and the mother city of Miletus through the religious institutions that were installed upon colonisation. The cult of the god Apollo was prevalent throughout the ancient Greek world during the Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic periods. For the Archaic period colonizing Greek city state of Miletus, Apollo was patron deity, the god of colonisation, as well as the god of seafaring. For the Milesians, Apollo was the deity who sanctioned the right to set up new cults in new locations, as well as authorising the very act of establishing colonies. In the colonies founded by Miletus located along the coast of the Black Sea, there is a clear disposition towards the cult of Apollo in the literary tradition, as well as in the archaeological record. This thesis proposes, by means of a well-defined catalogue uniting all pertinent archaeological and literary information relating to the cult of Apollo in 16 colonies located around the Black Sea said to have been colonies of Miletus, that the reason for such a strong representation of the cult of Apollo in these colonies is a result of the Milesians installing the cult of their patron deity Apollo with the wish that the colonies’ religious institutions mirror that of the metropolis. The inventory demonstrates that Apollo was the patron deity of the majority of Miletus’s colonies in the Black Sea. This thesis will also propose that a proper study of religious trends found in city states and their supposed colonies can act as a methodology for identifying which colonies belonged to which mother city, as I propose that the patron deity in a city state will be the patron deity in their colony.
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Books on the topic "Aegina. Temple of Apollo"

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The Temple of Apollo Bassitas. Princeton, N.J: American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 1992.

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A, Cooper Frederick, ed. The Temple of Apollo Bassitas. Princeton, N.J: American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 1996.

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Schwandner, Ernst-Ludwig. Der ältere Porostempel der Aphaia auf Aegina. Berlin: Verlag Walter de Gruyter, 1985.

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Institut, Deutsches Archäologisches, ed. Der ältere Porostempel der Aphaia auf Aegina. Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1985.

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Finlay, Ian Hamilton. Proposal for a temple of Apollo/Saint-Just. Little Sparta, Dunsyre: Wild Hawthorn Press, 1994.

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Polignac, la légende du temple d'Apollon. [Polignac]: Roure, 2007.

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Strazzulla, Maria Josè. Il principato di Apollo: Mito e propaganda nelle lastre "Campana" dal tempio di Apollo Palatino. Roma: L'Erma di Bretschneider, 1990.

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Caro, Stefano De. tempio di Apollo a NAPOLI: Scavi stratigrafici di A. Maiuri nel 1931-32 e 1942-43. Napoli: Istituto universitario orientale, Dipartimento di studi del mondo classico e del Mediterraneo antico, 1986.

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Archeologia e religione ad Argo: I santuari di Apollo Pythios e Athena Oxyderkes. Roma: Arbor sapientiae, 2015.

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Melas, Evi. Delphi: Die Orakelstätte des Apollon. Köln: DuMont Buchverlag, 1990.

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Book chapters on the topic "Aegina. Temple of Apollo"

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Melissianos, Vasileios E., Christos G. Lachanas, and Dimitrios Vamvatsikos. "Preliminary Seismic Risk Assessment of Monolithic Columns of the Aphaia Temple in Aegina." In Lecture Notes in Civil Engineering, 615–24. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-90788-4_48.

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Andrikou, Dimitra. "The Temple of Apollo at Corinth. Observations on the Architectural Design." In Communications in Computer and Information Science, 22–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-12960-6_2.

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Ponomareva, Anna. "“Know Thyself”: From the Temple of Apollo at Delphi to the Pages of Petersburg." In Andrey Bely’s “Petersburg”, edited by Olga M. Cooke, 147–62. Boston, USA: Academic Studies Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781618115768-013.

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Psycharis, I. N., E. Avgenakis, I. M. Taflampas, M. Kroustallaki, E. Farmakidou, M. Pikoula, M. Michailidou, and A. Moropoulou. "Seismic Response of the Temple of Pythian Apollo in Rhodes Island and Recommendations for Its Restoration." In Springer Proceedings in Materials, 160–77. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-25763-7_12.

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Mallgrave, Harry Francis. "“Conosci te stesso”: o quello che i progettisti possono imparare dalle scienze biologiche contemporanee." In La mente in architettura, 16–37. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-286-7.03.

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Wherein resides the ‘art’ in the ‘art of building’? Throughout history, architects have generally viewed their field as a craft informed by the human body, a creative sense of play, and technical science. Theory in the second half of the 20 th century departed from this direction by reducing art to the visual and semiotic understanding of form. The remarkable discoveries of the biological sciences in recent decades have opened an entirely new perspective for designers, based on our profound insights into human soci-ality, empathy, emotion, mirror systems, and design’s inherent powers of “tactility and kinesis.” The dictum “know thyself,” once inscribed in stone at the entrance of the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, in many ways holds the key to locating the missing ‘art’ of design.
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"Temple of Apollo, Anaphe." In Asylia, 358–61. University of California Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520916371-022.

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"Temple of Apollo (Figure 23)." In Pompeii. I.B. Tauris, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350987555.0010.

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Bocksberger, Sophie Marianne. "Ajax in Aegina." In Telamonian Ajax, 76–138. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198864769.003.0003.

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This chapter focuses on the reception of Ajax in ancient Aegina. The whole argument of the chapter rests on the assumption that Ajax was imbued with a strong political significance throughout the first half of the fifth century BCE in the context of overt Atheno-Aeginetan rivalry. On the one hand, Ajax was a particularly prominent figure on the island, since the Aeginetans believed that they, of all the Greeks, had primacy over the Aeacidae, because Aeacus, Ajax’s grandfather, was born there. The Athenians, on the other hand, laid claim over the hero too, notably by naming one of their own tribes after him. Ajax acquired particular significance during the Persian Wars, as the emblematic victory at Salamis, in 480 BCE, took place at the hero’s birthplace. This made any claim for primacy over him all the more significant and politically charged. The odes that Pindar and Bacchylides composed for Aeginetan patrons constitute the primary set of evidence regarding the reception of Ajax in Aegina. These are Isthmian 6, Isthmian 5, Nemean 7, Isthmian 4, Nemean 4, Nemean 3, Nemean 6, Olympian 8, Pythian 8, Nemean 8; and Bacchylides’ Ode 13. In addition to literary sources, iconographical witnesses include the pediments of the Aphaea temple on which several figures, one of whom is most probably Ajax, are seen fighting.
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"Temple of Apollo of Claros, Colophon." In Asylia, 351–53. University of California Press, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520916371-020.

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Pantazidou, A., M. Roussomoustakaki, and P. Theoulakis. "The Temple of Epikourios Apollo (Greece):." In Archaeological Sciences 1995, 308–12. Oxbow Books, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh1dtz1.52.

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Conference papers on the topic "Aegina. Temple of Apollo"

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Giustini, Francesca, Mauro Brilli, Enrico Gallocchio, and Patrizio Pensabene. "Characterisation of White Marble Objects from the Temple of Apollo and the House of Augustus (Palatine Hill, Rome)." In XI International Conference of ASMOSIA. University of Split, Arts Academy in Split; University of Split, Faculty of Civil Engineering, Architecture and Geodesy, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.31534/xi.asmosia.2015/02.08.

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