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Journal articles on the topic 'Aegina. Temple of Apollo'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 March 2023

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1

Higgins, Reynold. "A gold diadem from Aegina." Journal of Hellenic Studies 107 (November 1987): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/630083.

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A recent discovery on the island of Aegina by Professor H. Walter (University of Salzburg) throws a new light on the origins of the so-called Aegina Treasure in the British Museum.In 1982 the Austrians were excavating the Bronze Age settlement on Cape Kolonna, to the north-west of Aegina town. Immediately to the east of the ruined Temple of Apollo, and close to the South Gate of the prehistoric Lower Town, they found an unrobbed shaft grave containing the burial of a warrior. The gravegoods (now exhibited in the splendid new Museum on the Kolonna site) included a bronze sword with a gold and ivory hilt, three bronze daggers, one with gold fittings, a bronze spear-head, arrowheads of obsidian, boar's tusks from a helmet, and fragments of a gold diadem (plate Va). The grave also contained Middle Minoan, Middle Cycladic, and Middle Helladic (Mattpainted) pottery. The pottery and the location of the grave in association with the ‘Ninth City’ combine to give a date for the burial of about 1700 BC; and the richness of the grave-goods would suggest that the dead man was a king.

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2

Holladay, A. J. "The forethought of Themistocles." Journal of Hellenic Studies 107 (November 1987): 182–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/630084.

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A recent discovery on the island of Aegina by Professor H. Walter (University of Salzburg) throws a new light on the origins of the so-called Aegina Treasure in the British Museum.In 1982 the Austrians were excavating the Bronze Age settlement on Cape Kolonna, to the north-west of Aegina town. Immediately to the east of the ruined Temple of Apollo, and close to the South Gate of the prehistoric Lower Town, they found an unrobbed shaft grave containing the burial of a warrior. The gravegoods (now exhibited in the splendid new Museum on the Kolonna site) included a bronze sword with a gold and ivory hilt, three bronze daggers, one with gold fittings, a bronze spear-head, arrowheads of obsidian, boar's tusks from a helmet, and fragments of a gold diadem (plate Va). The grave also contained Middle Minoan, Middle Cycladic, and Middle Helladic (Mattpainted) pottery. The pottery and the location of the grave in association with the ‘Ninth City’ combine to give a date for the burial of about 1700 BC; and the richness of the grave-goods would suggest that the dead man was a king.

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3

Gill, David W. J. "The Temple of Aphaia on Aegina: The Date of the Reconstruction." Annual of the British School at Athens 83 (November 1988): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400020694.

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The recent publication of the Attic black-figured pottery from the sanctuary of Aphaia on Aegina has brought into question the widely accepted date for the construction of the late archaic temple and its sculpture. Much of the pottery comes from the terrace system around the temple which preceded the building's construction. 47.7% of the black-figured pottery is later than the commonly assumed date of c. 510 for the destruction and rebuilding of the temple. Using the latest pottery and the widely accepted Studniczka-Langlotz chronology a terminus post quem is provided during the time of the Persian Wars. The range of pottery also shows that the terrace fills around the temple fall into the same chronological horizon as deposits at Athens which have been linked to the Persian destruction and may, in fact, be even later. The historical context for the rebuilding seems to be in the affluent years after the Persian Wars when the cities of Greece were able to benefit from booty won on the field of battle.

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4

Gill, David W. J. "The Temple Of Aphaia On Aegina: Further Thoughts On The Date Of The Reconstruction." Annual of the British School at Athens 88 (November 1993): 173–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400590005.

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The publication of further ceramic material from the terrace fills surrounding the temple of Aphaia on Aegina brings into question the present date assigned to the reconstruction by the excavation team. The cumulative effect of black-figured, red-figured, and black-glossed pottery, as well as lamps and amphorae from the terrace fills, seems to indicate that the temple may be later than the Persian wars. Much of the late material finds parallels from contexts in the Athenian Agora which are usually thought, on the conventional chronology, to date from the time of the Persian wars. If the revised views of these contexts are taken into account, then the temple of Aphaia may have to be dated lower still.

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5

Starikovsky, Grigory G. "PINDAR’S SEVEN NEMEAN ODE: FOREWORD, TRANSLATION, AND COMMENT." Practices & Interpretations: A Journal of Philology, Teaching and Cultural Studies 5, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2415-8852-2020-3-95-112.

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In the victory odes written for the Aeginetan athletes, Pindar constantly draws upon mythological characters associated with Aegina. Th ese are: Aeacus, fi rst king of Aegina, and the Aeacidae, his descendants (Peleus, Telamon, Ajax, Achilles, and Neoptolemos). Nemean 7, dedicated to Sogenes, winner in boys’ pentathlon, is no exception: the mythological segment incorporated into the epinikion deals with Neoptolemos. At the time of Pindar, Neoptolemos was commonly known for his bloodthirsty escapades during the fi nal stage of the Trojan war: according to the Cyclic poets, he murders Priam at the altar of Zeus and throws Astyanax, the son of Hector and Andromache, from the city wall; it is the murder of Priam that incurs the wrath of Apollo in Pindar’s own Paean 6, which predates Nemean 7. In the preamble to the translation of Nem. 7, I demonstrate how Pindar’s account alters the more conventional perception of Neoptolemos: for instance, the poet doesn’t mention Neoptolemos’s atrocities; rather, aft er his premature death at the hands of the priest of Apollo, Neoptolemos becomes a “rightful overseer of processions honoring heroes” in Delphi (tr. W. Race), virtually Apollo’s helper. I argue that Pindar’s presentation of Neoptolemos may inspire Sogenes and his father Th earion, who commissioned the epinikion, to entrust the poet with the project of celebrating Sogenes’s athletic triumph, as Pindar promises the victorious athlete everlasting glory, akin to the one possessed by Neoptolemos.

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6

Bookidis, Nancy, and Ronald S. Stroud. "Apollo and the Archaic Temple at Corinth." Hesperia 73, no. 3 (January 2004): 401–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hesp.2004.73.3.401.

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7

Aldiss, Brian. "Retrospection: at the Temple of Aphaia, on the island of Aegina." KronoScope 2, no. 1 (2002): 109–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685240260186826.

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8

Kelly, Nancy. "The Archaic Temple of Apollo at Bassai: Correspondences to the Classical Temple." Hesperia 64, no. 2 (April 1995): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148056.

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9

Coulton, J. J., and Frederick A. Cooper. "The Temple of Apollo Bassitas I: The Architecture." American Journal of Archaeology 101, no. 4 (October 1997): 796. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506852.

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10

Bookidis, Nancy. "Corinthian Terracotta Sculpture and the Temple of Apollo." Hesperia 69, no. 4 (October 2000): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/148383.

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11

Wiseman, T. P. "The Temple of Apollo and Diana in Rome." Oxford Journal of Archaeology 33, no. 3 (July 7, 2014): 327–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ojoa.12040.

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12

Bankel, Hansgeorg. "Neues zu den Giebeln des frühklassischen Tempels der Aphaia auf Aegina und zu anderen Werken des ›Aphaia-Architekten‹." Architectura 49, no. 2 (February 1, 2019): 129–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/atc-2019-2002.

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Abstract Since the publication of Volume I of Dieter Ohly’s Die Aegineten in 1976 and the present author’s monograph on the Aphaia temple’s architecture in 1993, further ceramic, sculptural, and archaeological research has problematized Ohly’s late 6th century BC date for the burning of the archaic temple, the construction of its successor from around 505 BC, and the replacement of its east pediment (›East I‹) with another (›East II‹) around 485 BC. An alternative thesis (Stewart 2008; et al.) points to the discovery of burned fragments of the archaic temple in the construction fills of its successor along with attic black figure pottery contemporary with the extensive ›Perserschutt‹ destruction debris from the Athenian agora. It therefore attributes the old temple’s destruction to the invading Persians in 480 BC and its replacement to the 470s. This article has sought an architectural ›third way‹ out of this impasse. Research on the later temple has confirmed the existence of ›surplus‹ horizontal geisa with sockets in the style of the west pediment, which Ohly connected with some ›surplus‹ sculptures from the altar court, and attributed to East I. Yet the latter never proceeded beyond its (unfinished) corner geisa, ruling out Ohly’s theory of its installation on the temple and later replacement. Together with the extensive epigraphical data on oversight procedures in Greek temple building, and other evidence from the site, all this points to a rejection of one of the pediments by an ad hoc building committee before installation, its rapid replacement by East II, and entire construction lasting not more than seven years. Clear traces of the same architect at the Delion on Paros in the 480s and on the ›Temple of Juno Lacinia‹ at Agrigento around 460 BC, all but irreconcilable with Ohly’s chronology, now are best explained by the post-Persian date for the new temple signaled by the ceramic and stratigraphic evidence noted above (Stewart 2008; et al.).

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13

Robbins, E. "The Broken Wall, the Burning Roof and Tower: Pindar, Ol. 8.31–46." Classical Quarterly 36, no. 2 (December 1986): 317–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800012076.

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In the Eighth Olympian, for Alcimedon of Aegina, Pindar recounts a story (31–46) that, according to a notice in the scholia, is not found in earlier Greek literature. Aeacus was summoned from Aegina to Troy by Apollo and Poseidon to help in the construction of the city's fortifications. Smoke, says the poet, would one day rise from the very battlements Aeacus built. The wall newly completed, a portent appeared: three snakes tried to scale the ramparts but two fell to earth while one succeeded in entering the city. Apollo immediately interpreted this sign: Troy would be taken ‘owing to the work of Aeacus’ hand' and would, moreover, be taken ‘by the first and the fourth generations’.If there is literary invention here, it would seem that Pindar has drawn inspiration from three passages of our Iliad: (i) 7.452–3, Apollo and Poseidon toiled to build a wall for Laomedon; (ii) 6.433–4, there was one spot in the wall of Troy that was especially vulnerable; (iii) 2.308–29, the seer Calchas declares an omen involving a snake to signify the eventual destruction of Ilium.The general import of the passage is clear enough — descendants of Aeacus play a prominent part in the Trojan war and in the capture of the city. But the details of the portent and of the prophecy have caused much perplexity, for they cannot easily be made to correspond to the history they prefigure. It is the numbers in Pindar's account that are the chief source of confusion.On the model of the omen interpreted by Calchas (where a snake eating nine birds represents a lapse of nine years before the sack of the city) the three snakes in the Pindaric story might reasonably be expected to represent the lapse of three generations before Aeacus' great-grandson Neoptolemus played his conspicuous part in the final agony of Troy. But this interpretation of the portent forces us to explain away the fact that Troy was also destroyed by Aeacus' son, Telamon, as Pindar repeatedly insists in his Aeginetan odes (Nem. 3.37, 4.25; Isth. 6.26–31): if the snakes are taken to represent generations, one of the unsuccessful snakes in fact represents a successful conqueror. This is a disturbing inconcinnity.

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14

Macedo, José Marcos. "THE MONTH NAME ΑΓΑΓΥΛΙΟΣ, ARTEMIS ΑΓΑΓΥΛΑΙΑ AND HOMERIC PHRASEOLOGY." Classical Quarterly 65, no. 2 (September 7, 2015): 449–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838815000300.

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The month name Ἀγαγύλιος is attested in Thessaly and Achaia Phthiotis. Recently, excavations at a Thessalian temple of Apollo in Pythion, at the foot of Olympus, have brought to light numerous ex-votos dedicated to Apollo, Poseidon and to an Artemis whose epiclesis is Agagylaia. Neither the month name nor the epiclesis, which is certainly to be connected with the month name, has yet received an explanation.

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15

Winter, F. E., and Frederick A. Cooper. "The Temple of Apollo Bassitas Vol. 1: The Architecture." Phoenix 51, no. 3/4 (1997): 438. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1192563.

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16

Hedrick, Charles W. "The Temple and Cult of Apollo Patroos in Athens." American Journal of Archaeology 92, no. 2 (April 1988): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505629.

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17

Walsh, J. R., and L. Walsh. "The orientation of the Greek temple of Epicurean Apollo." Astronomy & Geophysics 47, no. 4 (August 1, 2006): 4.8—b—4.8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/astrog/47.4.4.8-b.

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18

&NA;. "Gateway to the Temple of Apollo, Naxos, Cyclades Greece." Spine 31, no. 17 (August 2006): i. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00007632-200608010-00001.

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19

Negri, Sergio, and Giovanni Leucci. "Geophysical investigation of the Temple of Apollo (Hierapolis, Turkey)." Journal of Archaeological Science 33, no. 11 (November 2006): 1505–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jas.2006.02.003.

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20

Nalimova, Nadezhda Anatol'evna. "Sculptural Display of the Smintheion in Troas: visual rhetoric in the context of a Hellenistic sanctuary." RUDN Journal of World History 14, no. 3 (December 15, 2022): 338–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2022-14-3-338-348.

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The temple of Apollo Smintheus near the village of Gülpınar (north-western Turkey, Troas) is undoubtedly among the most important monuments of the Hellenistic Age. The latest publications on the temple and sanctuary complex allow a more accurate and precise assessment of this remarkable building. Apollo bearing the epithet “Smintheus” (“Lord of mice”) appears in the opening lines of the Iliad and the very place of action is localized in the vicinity of Chrysa - an ancient town found near modern Göztepe, not far from Smintheion. These “Homeric” associations are reflected in the sculptural decoration of the temple: its frieze depicts scenes from the Iliad and later epic poems. Such a representation of the Trojan cycle, as a continuous narrative with direct reference to Homer and post-Homeric texts, has no precedent in earlier temple sculptures. In addition to the continuous frieze in the entablature, the sculptural decoration of the temple included columnae caelatae of two types - ornamental and figurative ones. Being placed on the top of the columns they formed a single semantic and visual unit with the frieze. In the present article the reach sculptural display of the temple is carefully analyzed. The author demonstrates the way in which various visual languages - narrative, associative, and symbolic - were involved in the mechanisms of creating memory, maintaining the aristocratic ideology and specific aspects of the local cult.

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21

Zink, Stephan. "Reconstructing the Palatine temple of Apollo: a case study in early Augustan temple design." Journal of Roman Archaeology 21 (2008): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400004372.

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22

Adams, Neil. "Another Hellenistic Royal Portrait from the Temple of Apollo at Cyrene?" Libyan Studies 33 (2002): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900005100.

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AbstractDuring their second campaign at the temple of Apollo in August 1861, Robert Murdoch Smith and Edwin Porcher discovered a large marble female head along the northern edge of the building's peristasis. The sculpture was subsequently sent to the British Museum. A recent re-examination of the head suggests that it deserves serious more attention than it has hitherto merited, principally for its quality, and the fact that it displays characteristics highly indicative of Hellenistic royal portraiture. Furthermore, comparison with a similarly sized and modelled male head discovered inside the temple presently identified as ‘Ptolemy Apion’ suggests the two should be considered as companion pieces. This paper attempts to identify the subject of the female head within the context of other sculpture originating from the temple, together with epigraphy relating to the Ptolemaic family at Cyrene. It also explores the possibility of a royal portrait group erected inside Cyrene's primary sacred space.

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23

Parke, H. W. "The temple of Apollo at Didyma: the building and its function." Journal of Hellenic Studies 106 (November 1986): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/629647.

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The Hellenistic temple of Apollo at Didyma presents several unique features in its plan. In its exterior it resembles the typical large Ionic temple of Asia Minor with a double colonnade surrounding it, noopisthodomus, and apronaoscontaining three rows of four columns each. But at this point the plan of the temple was modified in the strangest manner. For thepronaosdoes not lead by a great central doorway into thecella, but where the doorway should come, the worshipper entering the building found himself faced with a blank wall 1·495 rn high with above it a colossal opening 5·63 m wide (PLATE VIIa). Consequently the worshipper in thepronaoscould not even look directly into the sanctuary. Instead, just above his eye-level beyond the embrasure of this ‘window’ stretched the floor of a large room, 14·04 m by 6·73 m with its roof supported on two columns. Through this room's central door (which was opposite the window) the spectator on ground level outside could catch a glimpse of the upper part of thenaiskosin the inner court (theadyton).

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24

HEKSTER, OLIVIER, and JOHN RICH. "OCTAVIAN AND THE THUNDERBOLT: THE TEMPLE OF APOLLO PALATINUS AND ROMAN TRADITIONS OF TEMPLE BUILDING." Classical Quarterly 56, no. 1 (May 2006): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838806000127.

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25

BAKIR SERT, Hacer. "The Temple of Apollo: An Excellent Host for Black Microorganisms." Journal of Recreation and Tourism Research 5, no. 4 (December 27, 2018): 72–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31771/jrtr.2018.10.

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26

Lawall, Mark L. "The Temple of Apollo Patroos Dated by an Amphora Stamp." Hesperia 78, no. 3 (September 30, 2009): 387–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hesp.78.3.387.

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27

Carlson, Deborah N., and William Aylward. "The Kizilburun Shipwreck and the Temple of Apollo at Claros." American Journal of Archaeology 114, no. 1 (January 2010): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.114.1.145.

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28

Haselberger, Lothar. "The Construction Plans for the Temple of Apollo at Didyma." Scientific American 253, no. 6 (December 1985): 126–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/scientificamerican1285-126.

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29

Liritzis, I., P. Guibert, F. Foti, and M. Schvoerer. "The temple of apollo (Delphi) strengthens novel thermoluminescence dating method." Geoarchaeology 12, no. 5 (August 1997): 479–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1520-6548(199708)12:5<479::aid-gea3>3.0.co;2-x.

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30

Kanellopoulos, Chrysanthos, and Manolis Petrakis. "Cella alignment and 4th century BC Doric peripteral temple architecture in Mainland Greece." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 11 (November 2018): 169–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-11-09.

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This article examines 4th-century BC Doric architecture, dealing with the cella position in relation to the design of the peristasis. Divergences from the theoretical principles are recorded and the reasons dictating the aesthetics as well the traditions are examined. A categorization of Doric peripteral temples is put forward and five peripteral temples are discussed in detail, with new drawings offered; the temple on the Leprean acropolis, the Temple of Asclepios at Gortyn, the Temple of Apollo Ismenios at Thebes, the Temple of Apollo at Mount Ptoion, and the so-called Temple of Hippolytos at Troizen. It is inferred that the previously reconstructed Ionic axial cohesion in the temples under examination has taken into account neither the principles of the Doric order, nor the correct sizes of the elements. An argued evaluation of the physical evidence is necessary for reconstructing the implemented ground-plans. By taking the above into consideration and by re-examining the existing foundations, it is possible to reconstruct features such as the lower diameter of the pronaos columns, the width of the antae, the thickness of the cella and pronaos walls, the cella width and the angular contraction. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate the rules to which the 4th century BC peripteral temples tend to conform and to investigate the reasons that led to their formation. It is proposed that reconstructing the roofing systems is the key to a cohesive system of correspondence.

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31

Bitis, Ioannis. "Water supply methods in Ancient Thera: the case of the sanctuary of Apollo Karneios." Water Supply 13, no. 3 (May 1, 2013): 638–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/ws.2013.017.

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The same natural water sources which enabled people to settle the island of Thera in the 8th century BC, are still visible today on the hill of Mesa Vouno. An extensive infrastructure for the exploitation of rainwaters was established in the city of Ancient Thera on Mesa Vouno, which is striking for the quality of its construction as well as the inventiveness of its builders. Rainwater followed the course that was prescribed for its storage from the flat rooftops to underground cisterns. The water on the roof of the temple of Apollo Karneios followed a comparable route, the study of which answered many questions regarding a false – as it turned out – reconstruction of the temple plan. The above study is completed by the production of an axonometric visual reconstruction of the temple.

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32

Dasargyri, Georgia. "Characteristic Metallurgical Relations and Qualities of the Iron Clamps of the Epikourios Apollo." Advanced Materials Research 524-527 (May 2012): 1931–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.524-527.1931.

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Abstract The subject of the present research work referred to the metallurgical examination of five iron clamps taken from the Epikourios Apollo by the Conservation Committee. The temple constitutes one of the most famous ancient temples dedicated to Apollon, built in (420-410 BC) by Iktinos, the same civil engineer who previously created Parthenon. For this reason, the new temple characterized as “the twined Parthenon”. This study makes an effort to clarify some important questions related to their manufacture, composition and iron ore origin.

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33

Bustos, M. N. "METAPOETIC REFLECTIONS IN THREE AETIA OF THE ARGONAUTICA." Akroterion 66 (2021): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7445/66--1018.

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This article studies three aetia in the Argonautica that have metapoetic significance as comments on Apollonius’ Callimachean poetics. In the first aetion (1.1132–1139), the Pyrrhic dance reflects the Argonauts’ key role as active agents in the creation of the plot and shows its Callimachean allegiance in the repurposing of traditional martial imagery. In the second one (4.1719–1730), the meagerness of the Argonauts’ offering to Apollo at Anaphe and the light jesting between Medea’s maidens and the Argonauts are programmatic reflections of the ‘lean’ poetics advocated by Callimachus in the Aetia ‘prologue’ (fr. 1). The third aetion (4.1765–1772), by closing the Argonautica in correspondence with the beginning of Callimachus’ Aetia, stresses the close connection between Apollonius and Callimachus. In it, the quick pace, lightness and playfulness of the hydrophoria at Aegina mirrors the fast coming to an end and happy tone that closes the Argonautica.

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34

Ziskowski, Angela. "Athena at Corinth: Revisiting the Identification of the Temple of Apollo." Phoenix 73, no. 1-2 (2019): 164–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2019.0054.

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35

Zink, Stephan, and Heinrich Piening. "Haec aurea templa: the Palatine temple of Apollo and its polychromy." Journal of Roman Archaeology 22 (2009): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400020614.

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36

Ziskowski. "Athena at Corinth: Revisiting the Identification of the Temple of Apollo." Phoenix 73, no. 1-2 (2019): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.7834/phoenix.73.1-2.0164.

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37

Heyworth, S. J. "Deceitful Crete: Aeneid 3.84. and the Hymns of Callimachus." Classical Quarterly 43, no. 1 (May 1993): 255–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800044311.

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Early in Aeneid 3 Aeneas visits Delos and approaches the temple of Apollo with a request for advice on the destination for which the refugees should head. There is an immediate response to his questions (Verg. Aen. 3.90–2):uix ea fatus eram: tremere omnia uisa repente,liminaque laurusque dei, totusque mouerimons circum et mugire adytis cortina reclusis.

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38

Reyes, A. T. "The anthropomorphic bronze statuettes of Archaic Idalion, Cyprus." Annual of the British School at Athens 87 (November 1992): 243–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400015161.

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The excavations of R. H. Lang at the Temple of Apollo in Idalion in 1868 produced the largest number of Cypro-Archaic anthropomorphic bronze statuettes so far known from a single site in Cyprus. These are published here, many for the first time, and set within the context of similar material from the island, the Levant, and the Greek world.

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39

Bankel, Hansgeorg, and Andrew Stewart. "New observations on the pediments of the early Classical temple of Aphaia on Aegina and on other works by the ‘Aphaia architect’." Journal of Greek Archaeology 7 (November 23, 2022): 173–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/jga.v7i.1714.

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Over a decade ago, Andrew Stewart revived the question of whether the Persians destroyed the Archaic (or ‘older’) temple of Aphaia on Aegina, the scorched remains of which littered the terrace fills of its successor. Copious very late Attic black figure pottery accompanied them, roughly contemporary with the Athenian Agora’s ‘Perserschutt’ deposits. Stewart’s work supported that of Vinzenz Brinkmann and others who had re-dated this successor to the early Classical period, arguing that its pedimental sculptures, honoring Aeginetan prowess in the Trojan War (Figure 1), celebrated Aegina’s successful participation in the Battle of Salamis (480 BC). Heated controversy ensued, especially among German proponents of ‘style archaeology’ (Brinkmann 2006: 414), but also among ceramicists. Were our temple’s sculptures (henceforth termed ‘the Aeginetans’) late Archaic or early Classical; created simultaneously or successively; and before or after the Battle of Salamis, in which Aeginetan warships played a decisive role? Architecture played a negligible part in these debates, perhaps because the present author’s monograph of 1993 put our temple in a relative sequence with its closest kin on Paros and at Delphi, but – as sculptured buildings require – dated it according to Dieter Ohly’s chronology for its sculpture. Ohly dated our temple’s west pediment to c.500 BC. If one assumes that the whole project took just over five years (like the somewhat smaller Temple of Asklepios at Epidauros, built a century later but quite comparable sculpturally), planning and construction would have started c.505. For its completion, after the sculptures of the more progressive east pediment, a date c.485 was agreed. Just fifteen years later, however, Ohly’s dates would be challenged, sparking the present debate. Hence this new attempt to date our temple and explain its apparently multiple pediments by analyzing its architecture, independently from all stylistic controversies about its sculptures. First, however, one must understand why the extraneous ‘non-pedimental warriors’ (found on the temple’s east terrace but carved in the style of its earlier west pediment) could not have belonged to the latter, but instead apparently stood in niches in the altar court (Figure 2). This task, in turn, immediately takes us to the horizontal cornice fragments with the shallow plinth sockets typical of the west pediment, found in Ohly’s excavations since 1971 and for good reason sidelined as ‘surplus.’

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40

Ziolkowski, Adam. "Was Agrippa's Pantheon the temple of Mars in Campo?" Papers of the British School at Rome 62 (November 1994): 261–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200010084.

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ERA IL PANTHEON DI AGRIPPA IL TEMPIO DI MARS IN CAMPO?Il Pantheon di Agrippa non era un reale pantheion, essendo questo appellativo unicamente legato a motivi storici. Non si tratta di un santuario dinastico, perchè uno dei suoi dei tutelari, Marte, non fu mai considerate un antenato divino degli Iulii. Un indizio per la sua interpretazione viene dalla sua collocazione topografica. Assieme alla basilica di Nettuno (un memoriale alle vittorie navali di Agrippa, in particolare Actium) esso formava un complesso di due edifici simili che si aprivano su una piazza posta fra di loro. Le divinità di Actium erano Apollo, divinità personale di Augusto, e due esperti militari divini, Marte e Nettuno. Il pantheon di Agrippa avrebbe dovuto quindi essere dedicato a Marte e commemorare le vittorie terrestri del suo fondatore. Ciò è corroborato dai Fasti Fratrum Arvalium del 23 settembre, che citano feste dedicate a: Marti, Neptuno in Campo, Apollini e theatrum Marcelli. I tempii di Marte e Nettuno in Campo, fondati sotto Augusto nella zona delle attività costruttive di Agrippa e dedicati ad Augusto nel giorno del suo compleanno insieme al tempio di Apollo, erano sicuramente memoriali per Actium. Poichè la Basilica di Nettuno viene anche riferita come τὸ Ποσειδώνιον, il che rende inevitabile la sua identificazione con il tempio di Nettuno in Campo, il Pantheon di Agrippa avrebbe dovuto essere il tempio di Marte in Campo. Questi tempii, costruiti su terreni privati ed assenti dal calendario ufficiale, costituivano sacra privata. Ciò facilitò la loro reinterpretazione, nel successivo periodo dei Giulio-Claudii, discendenti di Marco Antonio, rispettivamente di mal definito pantheion (non una aedes publica, poichè le iscrizioni conservate da Adriano non citano alcuna divinità) e di basilica.

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Marks, Jim. "Odysseus and the Cult of Apollo at Delos." Classica - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos 29, no. 1 (March 15, 2017): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.24277/classica.v29i1.411.

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This paper explores literary representations of the cult of Apollo on Delos. This island is, to be sure, mentioned only occasionally in early Greek poetry, but details specific to the cult do appear. Thus, for example, Odysseus describes a palm tree he saw at an altar of Apollo on Delos (Od. 6.162-3), and a third-century inscription from the island mentions just such a feature. References to a palm, altar, and temple at Delos in later classical authors, including Callimachus, Pliny, Cicero, and Plutarch, demonstrate that the Archaic period traditions represented by the Homeric passages continued to shape how successive generations of visitors understood Delos. The material record makes clear that the Greek epic tradition documents a time when Delos was already a well attended sanctuary, and that later constructions at the site attempted to remain consistent with the details preserved in the epics.

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42

Osborne, Robin. "Buildings and Residence on the Land in Classical and Hellenistic Greece: The Contribution of Epigraphy." Annual of the British School at Athens 80 (November 1985): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006824540000753x.

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References to rural buildings mentioned in inscriptions are analysed, particularly the records of the temple estates of Delian Apollo on Delos, Rheneia, and Mykonos. It is concluded that, against earlier interpretations, none of the vocabulary employed in the leases necessarily implies residence. Evidence from other leases confirms this. It is suggested here that buildings referred to as oikiai were not primarily residences, but centres of agricultural activity, according to season.

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Edwards, David R. "The Economic Spark of the Burning of the Temple of Apollo in Daphne." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 78, no. 2 (October 2019): 307–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/704776.

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Papadopoulos, Konstantinos. "The Restoration of the North-Side Foundation of the Temple of Apollo Epikourios." International Journal of Architectural Heritage 4, no. 3 (March 12, 2010): 246–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15583050903121869.

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Wells, Berit, and Andreas Karydas. "A smiting-god-figurine found in the Sanctuary of Poseidon at Kalaureia." Opuscula. Annual of the Swedish Institutes at Athens and Rome 2 (November 2009): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30549/opathrom-02-06.

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In 2007 a Reshef figurine was found in a secondary context southeast of the Temple of Poseidon at Kalaureia. This article discusses its origin in the Syro-Palestinian area in the thirteenth century BC and suggests it arrived at Kalaureia towards the end of the Late Bronze Age and was deposited in a sacral context. As Reshef in later history was identified with Apollo in the Greek environment, the author speculates on there being perhaps a kernel of truth in the later myth of Apollo and Poseidon having exchanged dwelling places in the hoary past. The peculiar surface of the piece called for a technical analysis, which was carried out by Andreas Karydas from the Institute of Nuclear Physics, Demokritos, Athens. It clarified that the “pock marks” on the surface stem from the manufacturing process and are not the result of corrosion.

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Wiseman, T. P. "A debate on the Temple of Apollo Palatinus: Roma Quadrata, archaic huts, the house of Augustus, and the orientation of Palatine Apollo." Journal of Roman Archaeology 25 (2012): 371–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400001252.

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Zink, S. "Old and new archaeological evidence for the plan of the Palatine temple of Apollo." Journal of Roman Archaeology 25 (2012): 388–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400001264.

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Papadopoulos, Konstantinos, and Elizabeth Vintzileou. "New Titanium Connectors for the Columns Capitals of the Classical Temple of Apollo Epikourios." International Journal of Architectural Heritage 10, no. 6 (December 17, 2015): 749–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15583058.2015.1113342.

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Teichner, Felix. "Signa Venerandae Christianae Religionis: On the Conversion of Pagan Sanctuaries in the Dioceses of Africa and Ægyptus." Libyan Studies 27 (1996): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900002387.

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AbstractThe edict of the emperors Theodosius II and Valentinian III of AD 435 laid down the laws on the juridical dissolution of pagan sanctuaries and the annexation of the temple property. The probability of tallying such historically confirmed situations with archaeological finds always poses a difficult methodical question. A small number of interesting examples from the late antique Dioceses Africa and Ægyptus therefore deserve the author's closer attention: the temple of Apollo at Cyrene, the three-aisled Christian basilica at the ‘Vetus Forum’ of Lepcis Magna, the Jupiter Dolichenus Temple at the port of the same city (all in Libya), and the basilicas in Sbeitla (Sufetula), Djebel Oust (both in Tunisia) and Tipasa (Algeria).Unfortunately, in none of these cases, could the exact date of rebuilding be established. But even so, it is obvious that the edict of Theodosius II cannot be considered as a definitive terminus ad quem. Archaeological as well as historical facts indicate that the process of destroying pagan cults and transforming temples into Christian sites lasted for almost a century (early fourth up to the mid-fifth). Theodosius Il's edict thus legalised a custom that had already been in practice for decades.

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Kapadoukaki, Eva, and Michail Soumas. "THE TEMPLE OF EPICURIOUS APOLLO AT BASSAE: PRESERVE THE STONE OR UNCOVER ITS TRUE NATURE?" Protection of Cultural Heritage, no. 8 (December 20, 2019): 151–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.35784/odk.1077.

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