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Journal articles on the topic 'Aelius Aristides'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Sánchez Hernández, Juan Pablo. "AELIUS ARISTIDES AS TEACHER." Greece and Rome 63, no. 2 (September 16, 2016): 227–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383516000085.

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Education was the core activity of the Greek sophists, the πεπαιδευμένοι or ‘those who have received an education’, during the Roman period. Publius Aelius Aristides (c.117–180ce) is by far the best known of them. He studied under the grammarian Alexander of Cotiaeum, received additional training from the sophists Polemo and Herodes Atticus, and then made a successful speaking tour through Asia Minor and Egypt. Aristides’ career seemed assured, with his good connections among the Roman intelligentsia, but a serious illness struck him on his way to the imperial capital. A series of health issues led him to a long period of convalescence at the Asklepieion at Pergamum until 147, which he combined afterwards with stays and brief appearances at Smyrna and other cities. It is therefore commonly believed that his career failed because of his poor health and also because he disliked teaching and performing in public. Aristides would rather be a pure lover of speeches, concerned with his literary afterlife and devoted to the production of exemplary speeches for future generations (especially after his retirement in 170), as he maintained at the end of hisSacred Tales(Or.47–52): ‘it is more important for me to revise some things which I have written; for I must converse with posterity’.

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2

Downie, Janet. "Narrative and Divination: Artemidorus and Aelius Aristides." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 15, no. 1 (March 2014): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2013-0008.

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Abstract Most ancient evidence for divinatory dreams elides the hermeneutic process. However, the two most expansive literary sources on ancient dreaming, both from the second century CE, focus attention on precisely that issue. Artemidorus’ Oneirocritica and Aelius Aristides’ Hieroi Logoi have very different aims, but both writers grapple with the hermeneutic challenges that dreams pose, and both attribute these challenges to dreams’ narrative quality. Artemidorus views the narrative complexity of dreams as an impediment to interpretation. In his technical treatise, therefore, he distills dream visions to their symbolic elements, and offers guidance on correlating those with the dreamer’s personal narrative. Aristides, by contrast, revels in the narrative abundance of divine dreams. The stories they tell allow him to claim divine endorsement for his self-portrait. For both Aristides and Artemidorus- to different effect in each case-the narrative mode is what distinguishes dreams from other methods of divination.

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3

Miletti, Lorenzo. "Elio Aristide nella scuola tardoantica: commentari e trattati di retorica." AION (filol.) Annali dell’Università degli Studi di Napoli “L’Orientale” 40, no. 1 (December 20, 2018): 58–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17246172-40010005.

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Abstract The article offers an overview of the testimonies about Aelius Aristides’ reception in the didactic context of the late antique schools of rhetoric. After analysing the major issues relating Aristides’ presence in the rhetorical treatises (Hermogenes, Menander rhetor, the ps.-Aristidean ars), the paper focuses in particular on the (lost) commentaries to his mostly widespread works, namely the Panathenaic and the Platonic orations. From the scholia to these speeches it is possible to obtain some information about how these commentaries were, though the annotations which can be attributed with certainty to specific commentators (Metrophanes, Menander, Athanasius, Sopater, and Zosimus) are scarce. In a last section of the paper, some encomia featuring in Libanius’ epistle 1262 and Synesius’ Dio are discussed as far as they resonate with some remarks on Aristides’ style found in scholia, prolegomena, and in rhetorical treatises.

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4

Jones, C. P. "The Rhodian Oration Ascribed to Aelius Aristides." Classical Quarterly 40, no. 2 (December 1990): 514–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800043081.

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Among the works of Aelius Aristides is preserved one entitled the Rhodian ('Pοδιακ⋯ς, sc. λ⋯γος, no. 25) It concerns an earthquake which has recently struck the city of Rhodes, and since Keil's edition of 1898 it has usually been considered spurious.The work reproduces a true speech, not something like an open letter: the clearest sign is when the author uses the deictic pronoun τοετ⋯, ‘this here’, of the place in which he is speaking (53). One question is best discussed at the outset, since later it will prove vital to the question of authenticity: does the speaker claim to have been in Rhodes at the moment of the earthquake? Keil assumed without argument that he does. He had clearly visited the city before the disaster as well as after it (4, 32), but despite the vividness of his descriptions he nowhere says that he was present, and this reticence surely implies that he was not; and if he had been it is odd that he should talk of ‘the actual climax of the thing that befell you’ (τ⋯ν ⋯κμ⋯ν αὐτ⋯ν το comflex περιστ⋯ντος πρ⋯γματος, 19), using the second person plural. I infer that the speaker had not been present, but gave the speech several months after the event (εἰςμ⋯νας, 28); in the last part of this paper I will argue that he is Aristides, stopping at Rhodes on his wayback from Egypt to Smyrna in or about 142.

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5

Petridou, Georgia. "Death, Rebirth, and Pilgrimage Experience in Aelius Aristides’ Hieroi Logoi." Religions 15, no. 8 (July 25, 2024): 899. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15080899.

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The close conceptual links between symbolic death, rebirth, and pilgrimage are widely known to modern sociologists and anthropologists and can be observed in several modern pilgrimage traditions. This study argues that the same connections can already be detected in Aristides’ Hieroi Logoi, “the earliest detailed first-person account of pilgrimage that survives from antiquity”. In terms of methodology, this article follows recent scholarly work on ancient lived religion perspectives and religiously motivated mobility that favours a broader understanding of the notion of pilgrimage in the Greek-speaking world. Rutherford, in particular, has produced a plethora of pioneering studies on all aspects of ‘sacred tourism’ experience in various media including documentary papyri, inscriptions, and graffiti. This chapter builds further on Rutherford’s work and focuses on Aristides’ accounts of his visits to smaller, less-well known healing centres. The main aim is to demonstrate how Aristides’ pilgrimage experience to the healing temple of Asclepius at Poimanenos or Poimanenon (a town of ancient Mysia near Cyzicus) is wholly recast and presented in terms of travelling to the sacred site of Eleusis, one of the most important cultural and religious centres of the Roman Empire in the Antonine Era. Thus, Aristides’ pilgrimage experience to Poimanenos is successfully reframed as a mystic initiation that marks the death of the previous ill self and the birth of the new, enlightened, and healthy self.

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6

Torello, Giulia. "The Resurrection of Aristeides, Miltiades, Solon and Perikles in Eupolis’ Demes." Antichthon 42 (2008): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001830.

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The arrival of Aristeides, Miltiades, Solon and Perikles in Eupolis' Demes was arguably one of the most celebrated scenes of Attic Old Comedy. Platonios (diff. char. 13-4) praises Eupolis for ‘being capable of resurrecting (ἀνάγειν) from Hades the characters of lawgivers and through them to discuss the establishment or the repeal of laws.’ Aelius Aristides (3.365) observes that ‘a certain comic poet depicted four of the Athenian leaders as coming back to life (ἀνεστῶτας).’ Platonios uses the verb ἀνάγω to refer to the ascent of the four statesmen to the upper world, whereas Aelius Aristides chooses ἀνίστημι. Both ἀνάγω and ἀνίστημι describe an upwards movement, and suggest a return to the world of the living. Neither of them, however, specifies the nature of this journey.

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7

Atwill, Janet M., and Josie Portz. "Identity and Difference in Aelius Aristides’ “Regarding Sarapis”." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 22, no. 2 (May 2019): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.22.2.0179.

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ABSTRACT This article posits that bringing diversity to histories of rhetoric may require not only revising canons but also “unwriting” the narratives of Western civilization in which canonical figures have been cast. Two conventions of these narratives are of special significance: fixed identities and narrative coherence. Focusing on the cultural contexts of Aelius Aristides’ “Regarding Sarapis,” we suggest that these conventions obscure the cultural differences that were always there.

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8

Atwill, Janet M., and Josie Portz. "Identity and Difference in Aelius Aristides’ “Regarding Sarapis”." Advances in the History of Rhetoric 22, no. 2 (May 4, 2019): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15362426.2019.1618056.

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9

Ruth Asirvatham, Sulochana. "No Patriotic Fervor for Pella: Aelius Aristides and the Presentation of the Macedonians in the Second Sophistic." Mnemosyne 61, no. 2 (2008): 207–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852507x195763.

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AbstractThis paper examines four speeches by Aelius Aristides that contrast the image of Macedonian history negatively with Greek past and Roman present. Aristides' literary milieu of the 'Second Sophistic' is characterized by Greek self-consciousness and nostalgia in the Roman Empire. While writers like Plutarch and Arrian mythologize the figure of Alexander as a second Achilles and a philosopher-of-war as a means of offering subtle proof of 'Hellenic' primacy over the Romans, Aristides chooses to focus on the more negative aspects of the Macedonian legacy. To the Thebans I and II elaborately update the 'barbaric' image of Philip II found in Demosthenes, making him parallel not only, perhaps, to the Persian enemy of old but also to Rome's contemporary Parthian enemy. The Panathenaic Oration and To Rome, on the other hand, idealize the world of the present, where Athens reigns supreme in culture, Rome in conquest. Aristides' stance suggests that, despite the attractions of the 'Hellenic' Alexander, pride in Greece does not necessarily have to include Macedonian history. What is more important is that writers have some means of Hellenizing Rome, whether by idealizing a 'Greco-Roman' Alexander, or by seeing Rome as the ultimate polis.

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10

Modini, Francesca. "The Cyclops’ Revenge." Greek and Roman Musical Studies 7, no. 1 (March 21, 2019): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22129758-12341334.

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Abstract Taking issue with the Gorgias and its dismissal of fifth-century Athenian rhetoricians and statesmen, in his Reply to Plato in Defence of the Four (Or. 3) the imperial sophist Aelius Aristides finds himself dealing with Plato’s condemnation of New Music, which in the Gorgias had gone hand in hand with the censure of rhetoric. In a brilliant display of new musical ‘revisionism’ so far ignored by scholars, Aristides presents in a positive light the notorious new dithyrambist Philoxenus of Cythera, so that Plato’s influential criticism of New Music, and especially of its political implications, backfires. This paper provides a close analysis of Aristides’ new musical discussion, concentrating both on the sophist’s engagement with Platonic musical critique and on his use of anecdotal traditions about Philoxenus circulating under the Empire. The ultimate goal is to contribute to the history of New Music and its ancient, not always predictable, reception.

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11

Gasco, Fernando. "The Meeting between Aelius Aristides and Marcus Aurelius in Smyrna." American Journal of Philology 110, no. 3 (1989): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295222.

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12

Tagliabue, Aldo. "AN EMBODIED READING OF EPIPHANIES IN AELIUS ARISTIDES’SACRED TALES." Ramus 45, no. 2 (December 2016): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2016.11.

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This article focuses on theSacred Tales(henceforthST), Aelius Aristides’ first-person account of his terrible diseases and subsequent healing brought about by Asclepius, and sheds new light on this text with the help of the notion of embodiment. In recent decades theSThas received a great deal of attention: scholars have offered two main readings of this work, oscillating between the poles of religion and rhetoric. Some have read theSTas an aretalogy while others have emphasised the rhetorical aims of this text and its connection with Second Sophistic literature.

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13

Berardi, Elisabetta. "Migliori dei padri: modelli di giovani retori in Elio Aristide." Rhetorica 31, no. 4 (2013): 388–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2013.31.4.388.

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Three discourses of Aelius Aristides (or. 30–32 K.) set a model of the “young rhetor” built up with opposite instances of dynamism and stasis: on the one hand, the orator confirms his noble origins and education in appearing identical to his biological and cultural fathers; on the other one, as he undergoes a personal evolution, he tries to be better than them. Aristides, he himself a singular figure of master without ‘fathers’, cannot be surpassed, due to the favour which Asclepius has granted to him; however, the “young rhetores” of his time might have a chance to surpass the ‘fathers’ (i.e. rhetores) of classical Athens, provided that they receive the divine gift of rhetorics, which is superior to human arts.

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14

Jones, Christopher P. "Grammarians and Emperors." Mnemosyne 75, no. 1 (January 7, 2022): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-bja10136.

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Abstract The Greek γραµµατικός combined several functions: as editor and expounder of texts, linguist, librarian, lecturer, courtier and sometimes as ambassador for his monarch or city. In due course Latin-speaking grammatici applied philological skills developed at Alexandria to their own literature, and served as librarians in the great libraries of the imperial period. The present paper studies some Greek γραµµατικοί active in Rome, particularly Alexander of Cotiaeon, appointed by Antoninus Pius as tutor to the princes Marcus and Lucius, and also the teacher of Aelius Aristides. As Aristides’ tribute to him shows, Alexander was not only a notable critic and influential teacher, but acted as a benefactor (εὐεργέτης) of his native city, in this respect comparable to the sophists who were his contemporaries.

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15

Tagliabue, Aldo. "Aelius Aristides' Sacred Tales: A Study of the Creation of the “Narrative about Asclepius”." Classical Antiquity 35, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 126–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2016.35.1.126.

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Aelius Aristides' Sacred Tales is a complex literary text, and its first book—the diary—puzzles scholars, as it has no parallel in the entire work. This paper offers a justification for this section by arguing for a deliberate contrast between the diary and Books 2–6 of the Sacred Tales, as a result of which the latter section is crafted as a narrative about Asclepius. I will first identify a large series of shifts in the ST: starting with Book 2, change concerns the protagonist, which from Aristides' abdomen turns to Asclepius, the narrator, dream interpretation, genre, and arrangement of the events. Secondly, I discuss the impact of these shifts upon the readers' response: while the diary invites the readers to relive the everyday tension between known past and unknown future, the spatial form of Books 2–6 creates the opposite effect, turning the readers' attention away from the human flow of time towards Asclepius, and leading them to perceive features of his divine time.

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16

Sansom, Stephen A. "‘STRANGE’ RHETORIC AND HOMERIC RECEPTION IN AELIUS ARISTIDES’ EMBASSY SPEECH TO ACHILLES (OR. 52)." Greece and Rome 68, no. 2 (September 8, 2021): 278–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383521000073.

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This article argues that Aelius Aristides adapts the word atopos (‘strange’, ‘out of place’) as figured speech in his Embassy Speech to Achilles, meaning something that is either illogical according to rhetorical topoi or inconsistent with the text of Homer's Iliad. By doing so, he not only expands the semantic range of atopos but also comments on the rhetorical, intertextual, and pedagogical relationship between oratory and the Homeric tradition.

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17

Pearcy, Lee T. "Theme, Dream, and Narrative: Reading the Sacred Tales of Aelius Aristides." Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-) 118 (1988): 377. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/284178.

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18

Burton, G. P. "The Addressees of Aelius Aristides, Orations 17 K and 21 K." Classical Quarterly 42, no. 2 (December 1992): 444–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800016062.

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Among Aristides' extant works there are five speeches concerning the city of Smyrna, namely the first Smyrnaean oration (17), a monody for Smyrna (18), a letter to I Marcus and Commodus concerning Smyrna (19), a palinode for Smyrna (20) and the second Smyrnaean oration (21). The historical context and purpose of Orr. 18, 19 and 20 are well known and uncontroversial. In contrast, although the dating of Orr. 17 and 21 relative to the others is not in doubt, their context and purpose have been divergently interpreted. In this note I will reargue the case that the dominant modern scholarly tradition, which conceives the speeches as invitations to the emperors Marcus and Commodus respectively to visit Smyrna, is wrong. Rather the speeches were addresses of welcome to two proconsuls, father and son, on their respective arrivals in Smyrna. Secondly, I will briefly indicate the general significance of this identification.

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19

Dzielska, Maria. "The religious panorama of the Roman Empire." Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association 16, no. 1 (2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35253//jaema.2020.1.1.

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While traditional Roman religion was more about orthopraxy than orthodoxy, the emergence of Christianity challenged non-Christian intellectuals of the later empire to respond to issues of personal devotion to the gods and the role of theurgy as well as divine unity. This is exemplified in this paper through an examination of Aelius Aristides, Marcus Aurelius, Apollonius of Tyana, Saturninius Secundus Sallustius, Iamblichus, and Proclus. Not only was their thought a reaction to Christianity but also influenced its development.

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20

Rogers, G. M. "The Crisis of the Third Century A.D." Belleten 52, no. 205 (December 1, 1988): 1509–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1988.1509.

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Late in A.D. 155 the Greek orator Publius Aelius Aristides from Hadrianoi in Northern Mysia praised Roman rule in the presence of the imperial court at Rome. Indeed, the poets say that before the rule of Zeus everything was filled with faction, uproar, and disorder, but that when Zeus came to rule, everything was put in order and the Titans were banished to the deepest corners of the earth, driven there by him and the gods who aided him.

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21

Trapp, Michael. "Receptions and appropriations of Platonic myth: Dio, Plutarch, and Aristides between literary fashion and philosophical exegesis." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 66, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bics/qbad009.

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Abstract This chapter examines the Platonizing myths of Dio Chrysostom, Plutarch, and (to a lesser degree) Aelius Aristides, in the light of our evidence for both the philosophical and the literary-rhetorical reception of Plato’s own myths. It argues that, while reflections of the development of Platonism as a systematic philosophy can be detected in them, it can be hard and may in some respects be pointless to disentangle this philosophical input neatly from the ramifications of the literary-rhetorical reception.

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22

Petridou, Georgia. "“One Has To Be So Terribly Religious To Be An Artist”: Divine Inspiration and theophilia in Aelius Aristides’ Hieroi Logoi." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 20, no. 1 (March 28, 2018): 257–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2018-0015.

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Abstract:This paper deals with the close link between divine epiphany and artistic inspiration in the life and work of one of the most renowned rhetoricians of the second century AD, Aelius Aristides. The argument in a nutshell is that when Aristides lays emphasis on the divinely ordained character of the Hieroi Logoi, in particular, and his literary and rhetorical composition, in general, he taps into a rich battery of traditional theophilic ideas and narratives (oral and written alike). These narratives accounted for the interaction of divine literary patrons and matrons with privileged members of the intellectual elite to provide thematic or stylistic guidance to their artistic enterprises. Thus, Aristides makes wider claims about his own status of theophilia (lit. ‘the state of being dear to the gods’), a status that was much-praised and much-prized in the Graeco-Roman world, and one that functioned as a status-elevating mechanism in the eyes of both his contemporaries and posterity. Furthermore and on a different level, he also utilizes his theophilic aspirations to elevate his prose-hymns (a genre he invented) to the higher and already established level of encomiastic poetry, which Greeks regarded for centuries as fit for the ears of the gods.

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23

Christensen, Lisbeth Bredholt, and Ole Davidsen. "Ph.d.-afhandling om Arstides' hellige taler." Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift, no. 43 (August 18, 2003): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rt.v0i43.1903.

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Det følgende er en skitse af mit arbejde med den selvbiografiske fortælling Hieroi Logoi – Hellige Taler (herefter HT) – af den græske taler og intellektuelle Aelius Aristides (117-181 e.v.t.). Teksten tematiserer, hvordan religion i det 2. århundrede ikke længere alene var et spørgsmål om kultisk praksis, men at religion i form af et personligt gudsforhold blev knyttet sammen med selvfortælling og identitet.Aristides er kendt som antikkens største sygdomstilfælde. Som 27-årig blev han første gang så alvorligt syg, at han for en årrække blev uarbejdsdygtig. HT er en beskrivelse af, hvordan han gennem et halvt liv led af utallige sygdomme, og hvordan de i perioder på det nærmeste invaliderede ham. Dermed blev hans selvopfattelse til et problem. Nok så vigtigt er det dog, at HT også er en ‘frelseshistorie’, som beskriver, hvordan lægeguden Asklepios igen og igen (men aldrig én gang for alle!) har helbredt Aristides, reddet hans liv og hjulpet ham med hans talervirksomhed, så at han blev en endnu bedre og endnu mere populær taler, end han var før sygdommene satte ind. HT er dermed en beretning om, hvordan Aristides på én gang oplevede, at hans helbred svigtede og hans ‘ånd’ blev større.

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24

DOWNIE, JANET. "A PINDARIC CHARIOTEER: AELIUS ARISTIDES AND HIS DIVINE LITERARY EDITOR (ORATION 50.45)." Classical Quarterly 59, no. 1 (April 23, 2009): 263–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838809000202.

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25

Trapp, Michael. "With All Due Respect to Plato: The Platonic Orations of Aelius Aristides." TAPA 150, no. 1 (2020): 85–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apa.2020.0007.

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26

Sheppard, A. R. R. "Aelius Aristides Translated - C. A. Behr: P. Aelius Aristides, The Complete Works Translated into English, Vol. I: Orations I–XVI. Pp. vii + 536. Leiden: Brill, 1986. fl. 220." Classical Review 38, no. 2 (October 1988): 233–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00121262.

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27

Pernot, Laurent. "The Rhetoric of Religion." Rhetorica 24, no. 3 (2006): 235–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2006.24.3.235.

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Abstract The paper explores the intersections between rhetoric and religion in Graeco-Roman antiquity, both pagan and Christian. Rhetorical forms of religious expression include discourse about the gods (narrative, eulogy, preaching, naming) and discourse addressed to the gods, especially prayers and hymns. Rhetoric itself possesses a religious dimension in the power of words, the effectiveness of speech, and the magic of persuasion. Discourse can have supernatural effectiveness, and the orator can be invested with religious powers. Aelius Aristides (2nd c. CE) displays these different aspects; his Sacred Tales illustrate the cross-fertilization of rhetoric and religion.

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28

Guast, William. "ACCEPTING THE OMEN: EXTERNAL REFERENCE IN GREEK DECLAMATION." Cambridge Classical Journal 63 (July 17, 2017): 82–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270517000069.

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Traditional accounts of Greek declamation paint this important imperial genre as a flight from the alleged impotence of Greek cities under Roman rule into a nostalgic fantasy of the autonomy of the classical past. But there is clear evidence of declaimers using their works to refer to the world outside the fiction, often to the immediate performance context, and above all to themselves. This paper examines examples from Aelius Aristides, Philostratus’ Lives of the Sophists and Polemo, and shows that such a practice facilitated vigorous and eloquent communication, while also allowing for any external message to be plausibly denied.

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29

Mezheritskaya, S. "Genre of prose hymn as rhetorical innovation (based on orations of Aelius Aristides)." Indo-European linguistics and classical philology XXII (June 7, 2018): 851–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.30842/ielcp230690152261.

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30

Rochette, Bruno. "Alexia Petsalis-Diomidis, Truly Beyond Wonders. Aelius Aristides and the Cult of Asklepios." Kernos, no. 24 (January 1, 2011): 335–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/kernos.1971.

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31

Petridou, G. "Alexia Petsalis-Diomidis, Truly Beyond Wonders: Aelius Aristides and the Cult of Asklepios." Social History of Medicine 25, no. 2 (March 16, 2012): 569–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/hks016.

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32

Squire, Michael. "Truly Beyond Wonders: Aelius Aristides and the Cult of Asklepios, by Alexia Petsalis-Diomidis." Studies in Travel Writing 15, no. 2 (June 2011): 211–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13645145.2011.565587.

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33

Pernot, Laurent. "Greek “Figured Speech” on Imperial Rome." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 18, no. 2 (July 2015): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.18.2.0131.

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ABSTRACT Under the Roman Empire, the Greek elites expressed the greatest respect for the emperors and celebrated the advantages of Roman domination. But behind the brilliant façade, certain factors of complexity were at work. This article uses the notion of “figured speech” to detect covert advice or reservation in the works of Dio of Prusa, known as Dio Chrysostom, and Aelius Aristides, two important representatives of Greek literature and the so-called Second Sophistic (first to second century CE). By “figured speech” ancient rhetoricians meant the cases in which orators resorted to ruses to disguise their intentions, by using indirect language to get to the points they wanted to make. Our method consists of linking certain texts by Aristides and Dio and passages from theoretical treatises together to make clear the precise procedure of figured speech that is used in each case: eloquent silence, “the hidden key,” blame behind praise, generalization, and speaking through a mask. Figured speech is an avenue of research that is opening up to interpret Greek rhetoric and literature better. The Greek case is particularly rich, and it could help analyze the return of the same phenomenon in other epochs and other cultures.

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Montana, Fausto. "Alexander of Cotiaeum Teacher, Exegete, Diorthotes." AION (filol.) Annali dell’Università degli Studi di Napoli “L’Orientale” 40, no. 1 (December 20, 2018): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17246172-40010003.

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Abstract Alexander of Cotiaeum, the cultivated sophistes and one among the teachers of Aelius Aristides and Marcus Aurelius, distinguished himself in linguistic and literary studies, teaching, and cultural communication. Though without achieving brilliant results, he also engaged in some of the questions previously discussed by the most learned scholars. This cultural figure displays some typicality with respect to the average educated personalities (grammatikoi) of the Antonine renaissance. However, current studies are revealing a possible specificity of Alexander’s role: his influence, by way of educational approach, on the making of literary trends and models (canons) of the concurrent high culture, between New Sophistic and Atticism. This paper focuses on the very philological side (diorthosis, or textual criticism) of the composite and complex intellectual profile of Alexander.

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Petridou, Georgia. "What is Divine about Medicine? Mysteric Imagery and Bodily Knowledge in Aelius Aristides and Lucian." Religion in the Roman Empire 3, no. 2 (2017): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/219944617x15008820103333.

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Markov, K. V. "HISTORICAL EXAMPLES AND ANALOGIES IN AELIUS ARISTIDES’ REPRESENTATION OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE (OR. XXVI KEIL)." Vestnik of Lobachevsky University of Nizhni Novgorod, no. 6 (2021): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.52452/19931778_2021_6_9.

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Kim, Seon Yong. "Reading Romans with Dio Chrysostom and Aelius Aristides: Preliminary Remarks on the Epistle’s Rhetorical Genus." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 40, no. 1 (August 4, 2017): 3–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x17723474.

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The present study argues that the main content of Paul’s letter to the Romans is a deliberative argument based on appeals to honor, which aimed at promoting mutual tolerance among Roman believers. Providing both a corroboration of, and a minor corrective to, Robert Jewett’s monumental reading of Romans, this article reads Romans against the background of symbouleutic rhetoric, as attested in the orations of Dio Chrysostom and Aelius Aristides, and it seeks to shed light on the argumentative functions and nuances of each ‘theological’ unit for the overall ﬂow of the argumentation in Romans. Paul elaborates upon the particular ramiﬁcations of his gospel most pertinent for addressing communal problems in the Roman congregations, namely, the transformative potential of the gospel to create a newly enabled moral agency through the indwelling spirit. Paul tries to cultivate an ‘analytical stance’ among the Roman believers so that they could deliberate about the best course of action with regard to the Jewish law concerning food and Sabbath.

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Körner, Christian. "Das Verständnis von Herrschaft in der anonymen Rede Eἰς βασιλέα (Ps.-Aelius Aristides): Ein Fürstenspiegel." Klio 93, no. 1 (June 2011): 173–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/klio.2011.0011.

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Calvo, José María Zamora. "Neoplatonic Exegesis of Hermaic Chain: Some Reflections." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 16, no. 2 (2022): 439–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2022-16-2-439-461.

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In his exposition of the philosophical history of Neoplatonist School in Athens, Damascius attempts to prove that Isidore's soul was part of the Hermaic chain to which Proclus also belonged. According to Marinus (V. Procl. 28), Proclus had the revelation of this very fact and had learned from a dream that he possessed the soul of the Pythagorean Nicomachus of Gerasa. In the 4th and 6th centuries the expression “pattern of Hermes Logios” is transmitted through the various links of the Neoplatonic chain, Julian (Or. 7.237c), Proclus (in Parm. I.618), Damascius (V. Isid. Fr. 16) and Olympiodorus (in Gorg. 41.10.16–22; in Alc. 190.14–191.2). The formula that Aelius Aristides (Or. III.663) dedicates to the praise of Demosthenes, the best of Greek orators, arises in the context of an opposition between rhetoric and philosophy, and appears transferred and transmuted in the texts of the Neoplatonic schools to a philosophical context that defends an exegetical mode of teaching. Demosthenes, through his admirer Aristides, exerts an influence on Neoplatonism, introducing Hermes as the key piece that strengthens the chain of reason and eloquence. Hermes, the “eloquent” god or “friend of discourses”, transmits divine authority through the word of the exegete: an exceptional philosopher, a model of virtue to strive to rise to.

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Fields, Dana. "At the Limits of Art: A Literary Study of Aelius Aristides’ Hieroi Logoi by Janet Downie." Classical World 108, no. 1 (2014): 135–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2014.0056.

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Cribiore, Raffaella. "At the Limits of Art: A Literary Study of Aelius Aristides’ Hieroi Logoi by Janet Downie." Rhetorica 34, no. 1 (January 2016): 106–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rht.2016.0025.

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Cribiore, Raffaella. "Review: At the Limits of Art: A Literary Study of Aelius Aristides' Hieroi Logoi, by Janet Downie." Rhetorica 34, no. 1 (2016): 106–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2016.34.1.106.

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Petridou, Georgia. "At the Limits of Art. A Literary Study of Aelius Aristides’ Hieroi Logoi, written by Downie, J." Mnemosyne 69, no. 6 (November 18, 2016): 1074–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342262.

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Pasetti, Lucia. "The wisdom of the eagle: a (Middle) Platonic reading of Apuleius, Florida 2." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 66, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bics/qbad005.

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Abstract The eagle of Florida 2 is the literary synthesis of many Homeric eagles. The description of this raptor is not only a display of erudition and rhetorical technique, but reflects Middle Platonic thought on the animal’s λόγος. The use of Homer, in addition to stylistically ennobling the described subject, documents the relationship between the eagle and the divine that is emphasized by Plutarch and Aelius Aristides and also occurs more than once in Apuleius’ macro-text. The reference to Odyssey 6.42–46, which connects the ascent of the raptor to celestial heights with the Platonic motif of the Himmelfahrt, is particularly significant in this regard. The description of the downward flight of the eagle, based on several Homeric passages, also emphasizes the lightning speed and the infallibility that are also pertinent to divine intelligence, which is capable, as Maximus of Tyre observes, of catching its target anywhere and with the swiftness of a glance.

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Schönborn, Lena. "THE SACRED TALES OF AELIUS ARISTIDES - I. Israelowich Society, Medicine and Religion in the Sacred Tales of Aelius Aristides. (Mnemosyne Supplements 341.) Pp. x + 206. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2012. Cased, €101, US$140. ISBN: 978-90-04-22908-2." Classical Review 63, no. 2 (September 12, 2013): 396–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x13000401.

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Perkins, Judith. "The “Self” as Sufferer." Harvard Theological Review 85, no. 3 (July 1992): 245–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001781600000331x.

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The early Roman Empire provides little evidence for the personal religious feelings of its inhabitants; only a few texts reflect what we would call individual testimony of personal religious experience. The works of second-century authors which in fact display such religious feelings often offend modern sensibilities. Commentators have described Aelius Aristides'Orationes sacrae, the letters of Ignatius of Antioch, and theMeditationsof Marcus Aurelius as neurotic or pathological. In a recent book, for example, Charles A. Behr introduced a discussion of Aristides with the deprecatory comment: “peculiar and unpleasant though his personality may seem to us today.” The same offense, moreover, is ascribed to all three men, namely, an inordinate fixation on bodily pain and suffering. Interpreting these authors' textual emphasis on pain as merely a reflection of the pathology of aberrant individuals of the early empire is an unfair simplification of the texts. Such a reading prevents the recognition that their emphasis on pain and suffering reflects a widespread cultural concern of the period that used representations of bodily pain and suffering to construct a new subjectivity of the human person.

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Trapp, M. "Review. Sextus Empiricus Against Aelius Aristides: the Conflict Between Philosophy and Rhetoric in the Second Century AD. D Karadimas." Classical Review 47, no. 2 (February 1, 1997): 291–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/47.2.291.

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Athanassiadi, Polymnia. "Dreams, Theurgy and Freelance Divination: the Testimony of Iamblichus." Journal of Roman Studies 83 (November 1993): 115–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300982.

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The men of the Antonine era shared with us a keen interest in divination, which they expressed in a variety of complementary or apparently contradictory ways: in polemic and dispassionate research, but more obviously in the act of reviving their ancient prophetic shrines and of establishing new oracles. If the rage that the vaticinating demons inspired in Oenomaus of Gadara and in Lucian is sufficient evidence of the rationalist's reaction to a mounting social and intellectual trend, the scholarly achievement of Artemidorus of Daldis at the instigation of Apollo himself exemplifies in more positive fashion the involvement of the age with prophetic lore. So does the incredible success of the Pythagorean Alexander's oracular establishment on the inhospitable shores of the Black Sea, and the personality of Aelius Aristides, that professional valetudinarian whose night-diaries dictated by Asclepius covered more than three hundred thousand lines. It was in precisely this world that the Delphic oracle underwent a remarkable renaissance under the auspices of a Platonist philosopher, and that an emperor commended the publication by a senator of a work about the dreams which foretold his ascent to the throne.

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Kessels, A. H. M. "C . A. BEHR, Aelius Aristides. The Complete Works. Vol II: Orations XVII-LIII. Leiden, Brill, 1981. VII, 502 pp. Pr. Hfl. 196,-." Mnemosyne 39, no. 1-2 (1986): 174–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852586x00220.

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Petsalis-Diomidis, Alexia. "I. Israelowich Society, Medicine and Religion in the Sacred Tales of Aelius Aristides (Mnemosyne Supplements 341). Leiden: Brill, 2012. Pp.206. €101. 9789004229082." Journal of Hellenic Studies 134 (2014): 230–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426914002122.

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