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Journal articles on the topic 'Aelius'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Sánchez Hernández, Juan Pablo. "AELIUS ARISTIDES AS TEACHER." Greece and Rome 63, no. 2 (September 16, 2016): 227–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383516000085.

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Education was the core activity of the Greek sophists, the πεπαιδευμένοι or ‘those who have received an education’, during the Roman period. Publius Aelius Aristides (c.117–180ce) is by far the best known of them. He studied under the grammarian Alexander of Cotiaeum, received additional training from the sophists Polemo and Herodes Atticus, and then made a successful speaking tour through Asia Minor and Egypt. Aristides’ career seemed assured, with his good connections among the Roman intelligentsia, but a serious illness struck him on his way to the imperial capital. A series of health issues led him to a long period of convalescence at the Asklepieion at Pergamum until 147, which he combined afterwards with stays and brief appearances at Smyrna and other cities. It is therefore commonly believed that his career failed because of his poor health and also because he disliked teaching and performing in public. Aristides would rather be a pure lover of speeches, concerned with his literary afterlife and devoted to the production of exemplary speeches for future generations (especially after his retirement in 170), as he maintained at the end of hisSacred Tales(Or.47–52): ‘it is more important for me to revise some things which I have written; for I must converse with posterity’.

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2

Kennedy, George Alexander. "Book Review: Aelius Theon: Progymnasmata." American Journal of Philology 119, no. 3 (1998): 476–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.1998.0036.

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3

Goeken, Johann. "Aelius Aristide et le vin." Food and History 13, no. 1-3 (January 2015): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.food.5.111862.

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4

Marselos, Marios, and Elias Valiakos. "Kidney Diseases in the Treatise "Dynameron" of Aelius Promotus (2nd Century AD) A Comparison with Dioscorides and Nikolaos Myrepsos." Studia Ceranea 13 (December 21, 2023): 565–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.13.31.

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Dynameron is a medical treatise from the 2nd century AD, written in Greek by an Alexandrian physician named Aelius Promotus. A copy made in Sicily during the 16th century is kept in the Marciana Library of Venice (Codex gr. Ζ. 295). In 130 chapters, Dynameron contains 870 recipes for the treatment of various diseases. Regarding the kidneys, Aelius describes 32 recipes with herbal (59), animal (6) and mineral (1) ingredients, with diuretic, spasmolytic, analgesic, or antiseptic properties, suitable for treating nephrolithiasis, strangury, dysuria and renal inflammations. Several diuretics of Aelius Promotus are similar to those found in De Materia Medica of Dioscorides (1st century AD). On the other hand, all of them are also included in the treatise Dynameron of Nikolaos Myrepsos, written in the 13th century AD. When the recipes are evaluated as a whole, it is evident that Aelius Promotus was a competent practising physician in a city with a glorious tradition in medicine and sciences.

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5

Ryan, F. X. "The Praetorship of L. Aelius Tubero." L'antiquité classique 65, no. 1 (1996): 239–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.1996.1257.

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6

Othero, Gabriel de Ávila, and Mônica Rigo Ayres. "Anotação morfológica automática de corpus de língua falada: desafios ao Aelius." Texto Livre: Linguagem e Tecnologia 7, no. 2 (September 24, 2014): 44–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/1983-3652.7.2.44-60.

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RESUMO: Apresentamos, neste artigo, nosso trabalho de anotação morfológica automática de trechos de um corpus de língua falada – pertencentes ao projeto Varsul –, utilizando um etiquetador automático morfossintático gratuito, o Aelius, em 20 textos, perfazendo um total de 154.530 palavras. Basicamente, apresentamos a ferramenta de anotação automática, o processo de análise morfossintática automática efetuada pelo anotador, o trabalho de revisão manual da etiquetagem automática e as sugestões de melhorias para tratar especificamente de aspectos da oralidade. A partir dos erros do etiquetador, buscamos depreender certos padrões de anotação para superar limitações de desempenho apresentadas pelo programa, propondo algumas sugestões de implementações para que o Aelius etiquete de maneira ainda mais satisfatória um corpus de língua falada. Tratamos especialmente dos casos de interjeições, aféreses, onomatopeias e marcadores conversacionais.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Etiquetagem Automática. Etiquetagem Morfossintática. Linguística de Corpus.ABSTRACT:In this paper, we present the results of our work with automatic morphological annotation of excerpts from a corpus of spoken language – belonging to the VARSUL project – using the free morphosyntatic tagger Aelius. We present 20 texts containing 154,530 words, annotated automatically and corrected manually. This paper presents the tagger Aelius and our work of manual review of the texts, as well as our suggestions for improvements of the tool, concerning aspects of oral texts. We verify the performance of morphosyntactic tagging a spoken language corpus, an unprecedented challenge for the tagger. Based on the errors of the tagger, we try to infer certain patterns of annotation to overcome limitations presented by the program, and we propose suggestions for implementations in order to allow Aelius to tag spoken language corpora in a more effective way, specially treating cases such as interjections, apheresis, onomatopeia and conversational markers.KEYWORDS: Tagger. Morphosyntactic Tagging. Corpus Linguistics.

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7

Downie, Janet. "Narrative and Divination: Artemidorus and Aelius Aristides." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 15, no. 1 (March 2014): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2013-0008.

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Abstract Most ancient evidence for divinatory dreams elides the hermeneutic process. However, the two most expansive literary sources on ancient dreaming, both from the second century CE, focus attention on precisely that issue. Artemidorus’ Oneirocritica and Aelius Aristides’ Hieroi Logoi have very different aims, but both writers grapple with the hermeneutic challenges that dreams pose, and both attribute these challenges to dreams’ narrative quality. Artemidorus views the narrative complexity of dreams as an impediment to interpretation. In his technical treatise, therefore, he distills dream visions to their symbolic elements, and offers guidance on correlating those with the dreamer’s personal narrative. Aristides, by contrast, revels in the narrative abundance of divine dreams. The stories they tell allow him to claim divine endorsement for his self-portrait. For both Aristides and Artemidorus- to different effect in each case-the narrative mode is what distinguishes dreams from other methods of divination.

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8

Ratti, Stéphane. "Rutilius Namatianus, Aelius Aristide et les chrétiens." Antiquité Tardive 14 (January 2006): 235–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.at.2.302432.

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9

Jones, C. P. "The Rhodian Oration Ascribed to Aelius Aristides." Classical Quarterly 40, no. 2 (December 1990): 514–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800043081.

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Among the works of Aelius Aristides is preserved one entitled the Rhodian ('Pοδιακ⋯ς, sc. λ⋯γος, no. 25) It concerns an earthquake which has recently struck the city of Rhodes, and since Keil's edition of 1898 it has usually been considered spurious.The work reproduces a true speech, not something like an open letter: the clearest sign is when the author uses the deictic pronoun τοετ⋯, ‘this here’, of the place in which he is speaking (53). One question is best discussed at the outset, since later it will prove vital to the question of authenticity: does the speaker claim to have been in Rhodes at the moment of the earthquake? Keil assumed without argument that he does. He had clearly visited the city before the disaster as well as after it (4, 32), but despite the vividness of his descriptions he nowhere says that he was present, and this reticence surely implies that he was not; and if he had been it is odd that he should talk of ‘the actual climax of the thing that befell you’ (τ⋯ν ⋯κμ⋯ν αὐτ⋯ν το comflex περιστ⋯ντος πρ⋯γματος, 19), using the second person plural. I infer that the speaker had not been present, but gave the speech several months after the event (εἰςμ⋯νας, 28); in the last part of this paper I will argue that he is Aristides, stopping at Rhodes on his wayback from Egypt to Smyrna in or about 142.

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10

Thür, Gerhard. "Patrick Sänger, Veteranen unter den Severern und frühen Soldatenkaisern. Die Dokumentensammlungen der Veteranen Aelius Sarapammon und Aelius Syrion." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte. Romanistische Abteilung 131, no. 1 (August 1, 2014): 562–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra-2014-0145.

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11

Sänger, Patrick. "Veteranen unter den Severern und frühen Soldatenkaisern. Die Dokumentensammlungen der Veteranen Aelius Sarapammon und Aelius Syrion (Naïm Vanthieghem)." Chronique d'Egypte 91, no. 182 (January 2016): 400–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.cde.5.113216.

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12

Atwill, Janet M., and Josie Portz. "Identity and Difference in Aelius Aristides’ “Regarding Sarapis”." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 22, no. 2 (May 2019): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.22.2.0179.

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ABSTRACT This article posits that bringing diversity to histories of rhetoric may require not only revising canons but also “unwriting” the narratives of Western civilization in which canonical figures have been cast. Two conventions of these narratives are of special significance: fixed identities and narrative coherence. Focusing on the cultural contexts of Aelius Aristides’ “Regarding Sarapis,” we suggest that these conventions obscure the cultural differences that were always there.

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13

Ádám, Szabó. "Der oberpreistertitel von Publius Aelius antioater aus Dacia." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 41, no. 1-2 (October 2001): 99–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.41.2001.1-2.9.

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14

Stok, Fabio. "Commenting on Virgil, from Aelius Donatus to Servius." Dead Sea Discoveries 19, no. 3 (2012): 464–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685179-12341240.

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15

Atwill, Janet M., and Josie Portz. "Identity and Difference in Aelius Aristides’ “Regarding Sarapis”." Advances in the History of Rhetoric 22, no. 2 (May 4, 2019): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15362426.2019.1618056.

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16

Marques Junior, Nelson Kautzner. "PERIODIZAÇÃO DA ANTIGUIDADE: CONTRIBUIÇÃO DE CLAUDIUS AELIUS GALENUS." Edu-física.com 14, no. 29 (February 9, 2022): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.59514/2027-453x.2456.

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O objetivo da revisão foi explicar sobre a periodização do treino de força elaborada por Galenus. Em setembro de 129 durante Cristo na cidade de Pérgamo, nasceu um menino de pais gregos que foi chamado de Claudius Aelius Galenus. Galenus estudou na universidade filosofia e medicina, contribuiu para a evolução das ciências da saúde porque escreveu diversos trabalhos científicos sobre anatomia, fisiologia, neurociência, patologia, farmacologia e filosofia. Esse conhecimento de Galenus sobre o corpo humano proporcionaram a esse cientista um melhor conhecimento sobre o exercício físico. Ele informou que o exercício moderado era a melhor maneira para otimizar a saúde do ser humano. Galenus trabalhou por quatro anos com os gladiadores, ele conheceu bem sobre os tetras. Essa experiência de Galenus com os tetras ajudou a ele a criar a primeira periodização para o treino de força. Em conclusão, os primórdios da periodização foram fundamentais para a evolução desse conteúdo do treinamento nos anos seguintes. Palavras chaves: esportes, treino, rendimento esportivo, Galenus.

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17

Coates, Alan. "Aelius Donatus, De Octo Orationis Partibus." Bodleian Library Record 32, no. 1-2 (April 2019): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/blr.2019.32.1-2.191.

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18

Torello, Giulia. "The Resurrection of Aristeides, Miltiades, Solon and Perikles in Eupolis’ Demes." Antichthon 42 (2008): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001830.

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The arrival of Aristeides, Miltiades, Solon and Perikles in Eupolis' Demes was arguably one of the most celebrated scenes of Attic Old Comedy. Platonios (diff. char. 13-4) praises Eupolis for ‘being capable of resurrecting (ἀνάγειν) from Hades the characters of lawgivers and through them to discuss the establishment or the repeal of laws.’ Aelius Aristides (3.365) observes that ‘a certain comic poet depicted four of the Athenian leaders as coming back to life (ἀνεστῶτας).’ Platonios uses the verb ἀνάγω to refer to the ascent of the four statesmen to the upper world, whereas Aelius Aristides chooses ἀνίστημι. Both ἀνάγω and ἀνίστημι describe an upwards movement, and suggest a return to the world of the living. Neither of them, however, specifies the nature of this journey.

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19

Cioffi, Carmela. "SOME TEXTUAL PROBLEMS IN AELIUS DONATUS’ COMMENTARY ON TERENCE." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 1 (April 3, 2017): 263–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000039.

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In the first act of Terence's Andria, we find a dialogue between the old man Simo and Sosia, the freedman, with the former explaining why he has decided to arrange a false wedding for his young son Pamphilus. He has, in fact, learned that his son, despite being betrothed, has had a relationship with another girl and that—quite a serious matter—the fiancée's father, Chremes, has heard about the clandestine affair. In verses 144–9 Simo reports on the not-altogether friendly meeting he has had with Chremes, who is furious about the complete disrespect that has been shown to his daughter; Simo's only defence is to attempt to deny the truth (146: ego illud sedulo negare factum).

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20

Tagliabue, Aldo. "AN EMBODIED READING OF EPIPHANIES IN AELIUS ARISTIDES’SACRED TALES." Ramus 45, no. 2 (December 2016): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2016.11.

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This article focuses on theSacred Tales(henceforthST), Aelius Aristides’ first-person account of his terrible diseases and subsequent healing brought about by Asclepius, and sheds new light on this text with the help of the notion of embodiment. In recent decades theSThas received a great deal of attention: scholars have offered two main readings of this work, oscillating between the poles of religion and rhetoric. Some have read theSTas an aretalogy while others have emphasised the rhetorical aims of this text and its connection with Second Sophistic literature.

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21

TOZAN, Murat. "Physiognomy and Geosophy of Pergamon according to Aelius Aristeides." Gephyra, no. 26 (August 25, 2023): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.37095/gephyra.1300441.

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Geographical depictions in ancient texts are often personal, biased, subjective, and sometimes imaginative. Therefore, the concept of geosophy coined by J. Kirtland Wright is important in terms of examining the geographical narratives and expressions in historical texts. According to him, geosophy is the study of geographical information in all respects and covers both true and false geographical ideas of all manner of people. Hence, Wright emphasizes that intuitive, imaginative and subjective thoughts are also valuable in geographical perception and should be taken into consideration. Examining all kinds of information related to the geographical perception in the texts from past to present brings the concept of geosophy closer to history as a discipline. In this study, physiognomic and geographical definitions of Aelius Aristeides, an orator and sophist of the 2nd century CE, about Pergamon, which is the most important ancient settlement of Kaikos Valley, and its surroundings are examined in terms of geosophical subjectivity and imagining categories. Thus, it is revealed that the examination of the narratives of ancient texts on terrestrial space from the geosophical point of view can offer new perspectives in studies on ancient history and historical geography.

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Zabłocka, Maria. "Pierwsza palingenezja Ustawy XII tablic." Prawo Kanoniczne 36, no. 3-4 (December 10, 1993): 149–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.1993.36.3-4.07.

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It is hard to overstimate the importance o f the Twelve Table law framed in the fifth century B.C. Therefore there were several attempts to reconstruct its content. ’’Tripertita” of Aelius Catus could be considered the first palingenesis of this act.

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23

Beu-Dachin, Eugenia, and Adriana Isac. "A votive inscription from Samum set by Publius Aelius Caerialis." Acta Musei Napocensis 56 (December 12, 2019): 195–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.54145/actamn.i.56.10.

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A votive monument discovered in the summer of 2010 in the military vicus of Samum (Cășeiu) attests a new officer of cohors I Britannica, the decurio Publius Aelius Caerialis. The monument was found in a secondary position, abandoned since ancient times. It was dedicated to a group of five deities of the Roman pantheon and it could be linked to a temple.

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24

Pokrajac, Gordana. "Darinka Nevenic-Grabovac as a researcher of Aelius Lampridius Cerva." Prilozi za knjizevnost, jezik, istoriju i folklor, no. 78 (2012): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/pkjif1278053p.

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Classical philologist Darinka Grabovac dedicated the main part of her work to translat?ing and publishing Ragusean latinists. Besides the opus of Didak Pir and Rudjer Boskovic, she especially concentrated on the greatest Ragusean latinist-Ilija Crijevic. Her work includes translations of this poet and also analyses his theoretical tract. Her poetic works are Rhetoric and poetic in works of Ilija Crijevic and Aelius Lampridius Cervinus (1463-1520). Praelectio in explicationem Propertii. In the other group there is epic work De Epidauro and four ?oratio funebris-es? (to Ivan (Dzivo) Gucetic, Junije Sorkocevic, Matija Korvin and Pavla Dzamanjic). The studies of Darinka Grabovac are significant because they express thorough a point of wiev to Crijevics ?oratio funebris-es? significant persons and their work in the Republic of Ragusa.

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25

Salazar, C. "Der Traktat. Aelius Promotus. Erstedition mit textkritischem kommentar. S Ihm." Classical Review 48, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/48.1.153.

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26

Gasco, Fernando. "The Meeting between Aelius Aristides and Marcus Aurelius in Smyrna." American Journal of Philology 110, no. 3 (1989): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295222.

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27

Petridou, Georgia. "Death, Rebirth, and Pilgrimage Experience in Aelius Aristides’ Hieroi Logoi." Religions 15, no. 8 (July 25, 2024): 899. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15080899.

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The close conceptual links between symbolic death, rebirth, and pilgrimage are widely known to modern sociologists and anthropologists and can be observed in several modern pilgrimage traditions. This study argues that the same connections can already be detected in Aristides’ Hieroi Logoi, “the earliest detailed first-person account of pilgrimage that survives from antiquity”. In terms of methodology, this article follows recent scholarly work on ancient lived religion perspectives and religiously motivated mobility that favours a broader understanding of the notion of pilgrimage in the Greek-speaking world. Rutherford, in particular, has produced a plethora of pioneering studies on all aspects of ‘sacred tourism’ experience in various media including documentary papyri, inscriptions, and graffiti. This chapter builds further on Rutherford’s work and focuses on Aristides’ accounts of his visits to smaller, less-well known healing centres. The main aim is to demonstrate how Aristides’ pilgrimage experience to the healing temple of Asclepius at Poimanenos or Poimanenon (a town of ancient Mysia near Cyzicus) is wholly recast and presented in terms of travelling to the sacred site of Eleusis, one of the most important cultural and religious centres of the Roman Empire in the Antonine Era. Thus, Aristides’ pilgrimage experience to Poimanenos is successfully reframed as a mystic initiation that marks the death of the previous ill self and the birth of the new, enlightened, and healthy self.

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28

Primmer, Adolf. "Akte und Spannung: Zur hellenistischen Theorie der Komödienstruktur bei Aelius Donatus." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 48, no. 3-4 (March 2009): 405–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.48.2008.3-4.8.

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29

Juhász, L. "Die Pannonia-Münze des Aelius Caesar im Spiegel der Nachfolgepolitik Hadrians." Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 63, no. 2 (December 2012): 367–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aarch.63.2012.2.5.

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30

Pearcy, Lee T. "Theme, Dream, and Narrative: Reading the Sacred Tales of Aelius Aristides." Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-) 118 (1988): 377. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/284178.

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31

Rochette, Bruno. "Johann Goeken, Aelius Aristide et la rhétorique de l’hymne en prose." Kernos, no. 26 (October 10, 2013): 419–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/kernos.2166.

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Daintree, David. "The Virgil Commentary of Aelius Donatus ‘ Black Hole or ‘Éminence Grise‘?" Greece and Rome 37, no. 1 (April 1990): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500029570.

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Helen Waddell, in her charming Medieval Latin Lyrics, surely a book which inspired many a young person, trained in the classics, to become a ‘convert’ to the middle ages, described the collection of poems known as the Appendix Virgiliana, as coming ‘down through the Middle Ages bobbing at a painter's end in the mighty wash of the Aeneid’. This same description can, I think, be prettily applied to the Virgil scholia, the humble and often nameless attempts of innumerable scholars to elucidate the master's poems; notes and glosses sometimes wise and often banal, which exist, not like other literature as an end in themselves, but solely as a means towards a better understanding of Virgil.

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33

Xenis, Georgios A. "MICHAEL SYNCELLUS: A NEGLECTED SOURCE FOR AELIUS HERODIAN'S ΠΕΡΙ ΚΑΘΟΛΙΚΗΣ ΠΡΟΣΩΙΔΙΑΣ." Classical Quarterly 65, no. 2 (September 15, 2015): 868–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838815000415.

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In his book Περὶ τῆς τοῦ λόγου συντάξεως Michael Syncellus includes a section on the rules for accenting prepositions that occur in anastrophe (1128–204, §§ 144–9). This section is also part of the chapter on the accentuation of prepositions preserved in the Τονικὰ παραγγέλματα by John of Alexandria (26.13–28.19), an important epitome of Aelius Herodian's lost work Περὶ καθολικῆς προσῳδίας. Further below (1595–606, § 189, and 1614–43, §§ 191–2), Michael's treatment of the various functions of the conjunction ἤ/ἦ (διαζευκτικός, παραδιαζευκτικός, διασαφητικός, διαπορητικός, διαβεβαιωτικός) again presents very strong similarities with the corresponding unit of the chapter on the accentuation of conjunctions in the Τονικὰ παραγγέλματα (41.1–42.24). In this article I first argue that Michael's sections, which have gone entirely unnoticed by students of the Cath. Pr., have drawn directly upon the Cath. Pr., and I identify the ways in which they add to our picture of Herodian's and John's aforementioned works. Then I turn my attention to John's chapter on the accentuation of prepositions: I provide additional evidence to support Eduard Hiller's view that it does not form a coherent whole, and I discuss the implications of this problematical structure for defining the contents of Book 18 and the Appendix of the Cath. Pr.

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34

Burton, G. P. "The Addressees of Aelius Aristides, Orations 17 K and 21 K." Classical Quarterly 42, no. 2 (December 1992): 444–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800016062.

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Among Aristides' extant works there are five speeches concerning the city of Smyrna, namely the first Smyrnaean oration (17), a monody for Smyrna (18), a letter to I Marcus and Commodus concerning Smyrna (19), a palinode for Smyrna (20) and the second Smyrnaean oration (21). The historical context and purpose of Orr. 18, 19 and 20 are well known and uncontroversial. In contrast, although the dating of Orr. 17 and 21 relative to the others is not in doubt, their context and purpose have been divergently interpreted. In this note I will reargue the case that the dominant modern scholarly tradition, which conceives the speeches as invitations to the emperors Marcus and Commodus respectively to visit Smyrna, is wrong. Rather the speeches were addresses of welcome to two proconsuls, father and son, on their respective arrivals in Smyrna. Secondly, I will briefly indicate the general significance of this identification.

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35

Takács, László. "Kutatási beszámoló Hieronymus és Aelius Donatus Vergilius-kommentárjai (OTKA F 029866)." Antik Tanulmányok 48, no. 1-2 (December 1, 2004): 211–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/anttan.48.2004.1-2.25.

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36

Simon, Róbert. "Aelius Gallus' Campaign and the Arab Trade in the Augustan Age." Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 55, no. 4 (December 2002): 309–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aorient.55.2002.4.1.

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37

Stoll, Oliver. "Patrick Sänger, Veteranen unter den Severern und frühen Soldatenkaisern. Die Dokumentensammlungen der Veteranen Aelius Sarapammon und Aelius Syrion. (Heidelberger Althistorische Beiträge und Epigraphische Studien, Bd. 48.) Stuttgart, Steiner 2011 Sänger Patrick Veteranen unter den Severern und frühen Soldatenkaisern. Die Dokumentensammlungen der Veteranen Aelius Sarapammon und Aelius Syrion. (Heidelberger Althistorische Beiträge und Epigraphische Studien, Bd. 48.) 2011 Steiner Stuttgart € 59,–." Historische Zeitschrift 295, no. 1 (September 2012): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/hzhz.2012.0377.

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Sansom, Stephen A. "‘STRANGE’ RHETORIC AND HOMERIC RECEPTION IN AELIUS ARISTIDES’ EMBASSY SPEECH TO ACHILLES (OR. 52)." Greece and Rome 68, no. 2 (September 8, 2021): 278–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383521000073.

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This article argues that Aelius Aristides adapts the word atopos (‘strange’, ‘out of place’) as figured speech in his Embassy Speech to Achilles, meaning something that is either illogical according to rhetorical topoi or inconsistent with the text of Homer's Iliad. By doing so, he not only expands the semantic range of atopos but also comments on the rhetorical, intertextual, and pedagogical relationship between oratory and the Homeric tradition.

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Graafstal, Erik P. "The original plan for Hadrian’s Wall: a new purpose for Pons Aelius?" Archaeological Journal 178, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 107–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2020.1863670.

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Lehmann, Yves. "La dette de Varron à l'égard de son maître Lucius Aelius Stilo." Mélanges de l’École française de Rome. Antiquité 97, no. 1 (1985): 515–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mefr.1985.5496.

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DOWNIE, JANET. "A PINDARIC CHARIOTEER: AELIUS ARISTIDES AND HIS DIVINE LITERARY EDITOR (ORATION 50.45)." Classical Quarterly 59, no. 1 (April 23, 2009): 263–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838809000202.

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Trapp, Michael. "With All Due Respect to Plato: The Platonic Orations of Aelius Aristides." TAPA 150, no. 1 (2020): 85–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apa.2020.0007.

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Sheppard, A. R. R. "Aelius Aristides Translated - C. A. Behr: P. Aelius Aristides, The Complete Works Translated into English, Vol. I: Orations I–XVI. Pp. vii + 536. Leiden: Brill, 1986. fl. 220." Classical Review 38, no. 2 (October 1988): 233–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00121262.

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Kasdi, Zheira. "P. Aelius Peregrinus Rogatus et le gouvernement de la province de Maurétanie césarienne." Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz 27, no. 1 (2016): 325–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ccgg.2016.1875.

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Amongst the equestrian career of P. Aelius Peregrinus Rogatus under Septimius Severus and Caracalla, his office of procurator ducenarius of Mauretania Caesariensis is especially well-known, through a profuse epigraphic documentation coming from this Roman province. The dossier has never been the subject of a comprehensive survey. Through its full re-examination, we propose to focus on the role of this equestrian officer in Mauretania Caesariensis. The documentation emphasizes the diverse aspects of his government and also provides a concrete testimony about provincial governors activity in general.

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Dzielska, Maria. "The religious panorama of the Roman Empire." Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association 16, no. 1 (2020): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35253//jaema.2020.1.1.

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While traditional Roman religion was more about orthopraxy than orthodoxy, the emergence of Christianity challenged non-Christian intellectuals of the later empire to respond to issues of personal devotion to the gods and the role of theurgy as well as divine unity. This is exemplified in this paper through an examination of Aelius Aristides, Marcus Aurelius, Apollonius of Tyana, Saturninius Secundus Sallustius, Iamblichus, and Proclus. Not only was their thought a reaction to Christianity but also influenced its development.

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Rogers, G. M. "The Crisis of the Third Century A.D." Belleten 52, no. 205 (December 1, 1988): 1509–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.1988.1509.

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Late in A.D. 155 the Greek orator Publius Aelius Aristides from Hadrianoi in Northern Mysia praised Roman rule in the presence of the imperial court at Rome. Indeed, the poets say that before the rule of Zeus everything was filled with faction, uproar, and disorder, but that when Zeus came to rule, everything was put in order and the Titans were banished to the deepest corners of the earth, driven there by him and the gods who aided him.

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Trapp, Michael. "Receptions and appropriations of Platonic myth: Dio, Plutarch, and Aristides between literary fashion and philosophical exegesis." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 66, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bics/qbad009.

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Abstract This chapter examines the Platonizing myths of Dio Chrysostom, Plutarch, and (to a lesser degree) Aelius Aristides, in the light of our evidence for both the philosophical and the literary-rhetorical reception of Plato’s own myths. It argues that, while reflections of the development of Platonism as a systematic philosophy can be detected in them, it can be hard and may in some respects be pointless to disentangle this philosophical input neatly from the ramifications of the literary-rhetorical reception.

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Mortensen, Jacob P. B. "Signs of Greek Education in the Book of Judith." Journal for the Study of Judaism 51, no. 4-5 (July 2, 2020): 457–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-bja10011.

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Abstract This article examines Judith’s prayer in chapter 9 of the book of Judith from the perspective of the guidelines on speech-in-character found in Aelius Theon’s Progymnasmata (mid/end of the first century CE). According to the guidelines, it is important for an author of prose to achieve correspondence between the literary persona and the actual speech-in-character. This article examines the extent to which Judith’s prayer in chapter 9 observes Theon’s guidelines, as well as the theological implications of this.

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Gavrilovic-Vitas, Nadezda, and Jelena Andjelkovic-Grasar. "A message from beyond the grave: Hercules rescuing Hesione on a Stojnik funerary monument." Starinar, no. 70 (2020): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta2070111g.

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The research of this study is dedicated to a unique iconographical scene in the territory of the Central Balkan Roman provinces, of Hercules rescuing Hesione from a sea-monster (ketos), depicted on a funerary monument found in 1931 at the site of Stojnik, in the vicinity of Belgrade, antique Singidunum, and now displayed in the lapidarium of the National Museum in Belgrade. The funerary monument was erected for the deceased, a veteran of cohors II Aurelia nova, Publius Aelius Victorinus, by his wife Aurelia Rufina and their son Publius Aelius Acutianus. The rich iconography of the monument makes it a very important example of funerary art in the period from the end of the 2nd and the beginning of the 3rd century - the eschatological symbolism of the presented scenes and motifs is more than clear and underlines not only the hope of the deceased?s family for his eternal and blessed life after death, but also the deceased?s victory over death and presents him as a symbol of courage and virtue. The architectural scheme of the monument, along with its iconography, suggests strong artistic influences from Noricum and both the Pannonian provinces, while the the mythical tale of Hercules and Hesione was chosen, it is argued, not only because Hercules was one of the most favoured gods in the Roman army, but also because he was a protector of miners and mines.

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Szabó, Ádám. "ZUR FRAGMENTARISCHEN VOTIVINSCHRIFT DES P. AELIUS MAXIMUS SACERDOS ARAE AUGUSTI NOSTRI AUS DAZIEN *." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 39, no. 1-4 (March 1999): 355–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.39.1999.1-4.27.

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