Relevant bibliographies by topics / Aemilia Ars

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Academic literature on the topic 'Aemilia Ars'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Aemilia Ars"

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Loughlin, Marie H. "“Fast ti'd unto them in a golden Chaine”: Typology, Apocalypse, and Woman's Genealogy in Aemilia Lanyer's Salve Deus Rex Judaeorum." Renaissance Quarterly 53, no. 1 (2000): 133–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2901535.

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Aemilia Lanyer uses the genealogical model of promise, fulfillment, and supersedure implied by biblical typology and the vindication of the godly implied in scriptural apocalypse to accomplish several related aims: to represent her dedicatees as biblical types; to fashion Margaret, Countess of Cumberland, as the apotheosized Christian woman; to write women's literary history. Her fluid metaphors and biblical allusions, which require reading equally for their material and spiritual significance, acknowledge Margaret and her daughter's desire for the spiritual inheritance of the Kingdom and the worldly aristocratic inheritance willed away from their female line in favor of a male heir.
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Syndikus, Candida. "Zu Leon Battista Albertis Studium der Basilica Aemilia auf dem Forum Romanum." Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 57, no. 3 (1994): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1482760.

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Healy, Margaret. "Paracelsian Medicine and Female Creativity: Aemilia Lanyer's Salve Deus Rex Judaeorum." Renaissance and Reformation 36, no. 2 (October 26, 2013): 75–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v36i2.20168.

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Par l’entremise du paradigme de la médecine alchimique introduit par Paracelse et sa transmission dans la culture anglaise du début du dix-septième siècle, cet article montre comment le recueil de poésie de Aemilia Lanyer, Salve Deus Rex Judaeorum (1611), exalte sa mécène, Lady Margaret Clifford, en tant que guérisseuse ayant regénéré son âme par l’alchimie spirituelle. On y montre comment Lanyer exploite adroitement les représentations positives de la médecine paracelsienne de la nature féminine par rapport à l’art masculin. Elle défend ainsi sérieusement la cause du potentiel féminin de créativité et construit sa propre persona de créatrice douée, mais socialement compromise, d’une poésie guérisseuse par la grâce spéciale de la nature et les puissances célestes de Dieu.
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Coch, Christine. "An arbor of one's own? Aemilia Lanyer and the early modern garden." Renaissance and Reformation 40, no. 2 (January 1, 2004): 97–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v40i2.9016.

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Le jardin d'agrément de la Renaissance offrait aux femmes un accès inaccoutumé à un espace produit de l'art et où elles pouvaient exercer une puissance créatrice. Le statut ambigu du jardin, à la fois comme extension de l'espace public de la résidence et comme lieu retiré et plus intime, procure un site tout à fait adapté à l'expression dramatique des difficultés de la femme écrivain, déchirée entre les contraintes sociales et la volonté d'expression personnelle artistique. Pour Aemilia Lanyer, le jardin joue ces deux rôles. En tant que sanctuaire pour elle et son mécène, le jardin de Cookham inspire la vision utopique d'un monde acceptant son travail en tant que poète. Or, ce même jardin, par sa perméabilité à l'ordre social extérieur, laisse apercevoir également les limites du jardin comme vision utopique. Ultimement, Lanyer réfute au jardin sa capacité de servir d'analogie à son art comme refus de soumission aux iniquités de l'ordre.
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Furey, C. M. "Utopia of Desire: The Real and Ideal in Aemilia Lanyer's Salve Deus Rex Judaeorum." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 36, no. 3 (October 1, 2006): 561–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-2006-005.

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Klingshirn, William E. "Clavis patrum Latinorum.Eligius Dekkers , Aemilius Gaar." Speculum 74, no. 3 (July 1999): 730–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2886789.

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Trill, Suzanne. "Feminism versus Religion: Towards a Re-Reading of Aemilia Lanyer’s Salve Deus Rex Judaeorum." Renaissance and Reformation 37, no. 4 (January 1, 2001): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v37i4.8738.

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D’après la manière dominante d’aborder la poésie de Lanyer, ses croyances religieuses ne servaient qu’à lui fournir un discours socialement acceptable pour transmettre ses arguments proto-féministes. La plus grande attention prêtée à sa position sociale et raciale problématiques a mis l’accent sur le désaccord plutôt que sur l’unité dans son texte, mettant en cause à la fois son féminisme imputé, ainsi que son Protestantisme. Cet article souligne le besoin d’intégrer de la théorie féministe dans les études récentes de la religion pré-moderne afin d’apprécier pleinement la complexité de l’œuvre de Lanyer.
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White, Micheline. "A Woman with Saint Peter's Keys?: Aemilia Lanyer's Salve Deus Rex Judaeorum (1611) and the Priestly Gifts of Women." Criticism 45, no. 3 (2003): 323–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/crt.2004.0013.

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9

Allély, Annie. "Les Aemilii Lepidi et l'approvisionnement en blé de Rome (IIe-Ie Siècles av. J.-C.)." Revue des Études Anciennes 102, no. 1 (2000): 27–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rea.2000.4789.

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Santangelo, Federico. "Roman Politics in the 70sb.c.: a Story of Realignments?" Journal of Roman Studies 104 (May 23, 2014): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435814000045.

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AbstractThis paper revisits the political history of the Roman Republic in the third decade of the first centuryb.c.Its central contention is that the dominant feature of the period was neither a reshuffle of alliances within the ‘Sullan’ senatorial nobility nor the swift demise of Sulla's legacy. Attention should be focused instead on some crucial policy issues which attracted debate and controversy in that period: the powers of the tribunes, the corn supply of Rome, the rôle of the Senate, the revival of the census, and the full inclusion of the Allies into the citizen body. The political strategy of M. Aemilius Lepidus (cos. 78b.c.) and its medium-term repercussions also deserve close scrutiny in this connection.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Aemilia Ars"

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Weber, Brigitte. "Der Hylas" des Dracontius : Romulea 2 /." Stuttgart : B. G. Teubner, 1995. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37096283q.

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Texte remanié de: Diss.--Altertumswissenschaften--Berlin--Freie Universität, 1993.
Contient le texte latin du poème "Hyllas", faisant partie du recueil des "Poèmes profanes" ou "Romulea", avec une traduction et un commentaire en allemand. Comprend par ailleurs d'abondantes citations en latin et en grec. Bibliogr. p. 9-20. Index.
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Castellanos, Santiago. "Hagiografía y sociedad en la hispania visigoda : la "Vita Aemiliani" y el actual territorio riojano : siglo VI /." Logroño : Instituto de estudios Riojanos, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb391516419.

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Tesina de licenciatura--Facultad de geografía e historia--Salamanca--Universidad, 1994. Titre de soutenance : El Alto Valle del Ebro en el siglo VI : la "Vita sancti Aemiliani.
Bibliogr. p. 145-170.
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Books on the topic "Aemilia Ars"

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Ghiggini, Francesca. Bologna bella: Immagini di gioielli della donazione Cavazza al Museo della Tappezzeria : Aemilia Ars e Alfonso Rubbiani. Bologna: Casa editrice Nuova S1, 2014.

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Aemilia Ars: 1898-1903: Arts & Crafts a Bologna. A+g, 2001.

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Carla, Bernardini, Forlai Marta, and Musei civici di arte antica (Bologna, Italy), eds. Industriartistica bolognese: Æmilia Ars--luoghi, materiali, fonti. Cinisello Balsamo, Milano: Silvana Editoriale, 2003.

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4

McCarthy, Erin A. Doubtful Readers. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198836476.001.0001.

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Doubtful Readers: Print, Poetry, and the Reading Public in Early Modern England focuses on early modern publishers’ efforts to identify and accommodate new readers of verse that had previously been restricted to particular social networks in manuscript. Focusing on the period between the maturing of the market for printed English literature in the 1590s and the emergence of the professional poet following the Restoration, this study shows that poetry was shaped by—and itself shaped—strong print publication traditions. By reading printed editions of poems by William Shakespeare, Aemilia Lanyer, John Donne, and others, this book shows how publishers negotiated genre, gender, social access, reputation, literary knowledge, and the value of English literature itself. It uses literary, historical, bibliographical, and quantitative evidence to show how publishers’ strategies changed over time. Ultimately, Doubtful Readers argues that although—or perhaps because—publishers’ interpretive and editorial efforts are often elided in studies of early modern poetry, their interventions have had an enduring impact on our canons, texts, and literary histories.
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Book chapters on the topic "Aemilia Ars"

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Schwab, Heinrich W. "Friedrich Ludwig Æmilius Kunzen als Komponist religiöser Musik." In Der Komponist Friedrich Ludwig Aemilius Kunzen (1761-1817), 90–129. Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.7788/9783412216931-004.

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2

Schneider, Rolf Michael. "Context Matters: Pliny’s Phryges and the Basilica Paulli in Rome." In The Archaeology of Greece and Rome, edited by John Bintliff and Keith Rutter. Edinburgh University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474417099.003.0017.

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In the nineteenth century, remains on the north-eastern side of the Forum Romanum were identified as belonging to the Basilica Paulli (Chioffi 1996 4–5; Fig. 17.18 below), which had been situated opposite the Basilica Iulia. This identification had been based on ancient texts which are, however, ambiguous in their reading. They attest in the Forum Romanum either a single Basilica Fulvia-Aemilia-Paulli (communis opinio) or two separate basilicas, namely an archaeologically unverifi ed Basilica Aemilia and the verified Basilica Fulvia-Paulli. The latter is here called the Basilica Paulli and not the Basilica Aemilia, which is what, confusingly, most scholars have called it.2 In 1993 Eva Margareta Steinby scrutinised the opposing statements again and concluded that only the assumption of two separate basilicas, set up in the Forum Romanum in two different areas, would resolve the contradictions in the texts.
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Treggiari, Susan. "The Iuniae (?c.75–49)." In Servilia and her Family, 131–44. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198829348.003.0007.

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Servilia is likely to have taken the lead in arranging her daughters’ marriages, all of which were distinguished. One Iunia was married ?c.61 to the much older P. Servilius Isauricus, cos. 48, 41; they had a son, Publius (c.55–AD 35) cos. 25, and a presumed daughter, who married her first cousin, M. Lepidus, and died, like him, in 30. Another Iunia was married (?late 60s/early 50s) to M. Aemilius Lepidus; they had two sons, Marcus and Quintus. She was still alive in 30. The other daughter (died AD 22) married C. Cassius pr. 44. His parents are unknown. If he had no prior wife, Iunia probably married him by 59 and bore a son (known to have become adult 15 March 44) c.58. In 49–48 Cassius was a Pompeian admiral, but Caesar forgave him. He was a man of warmth and charm.
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