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1

Guo, Zilong. "The Ostensible Author of PS.-Aeschines Letter 10 Reconsidered." Journal of Hellenic Studies 139 (September 20, 2019): 210–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426919000703.

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AbstractThis article examines the alleged author, or first-person narrator, of the tenth pseudonymous letter in the Corpus Aeschineum. It argues that the forger, in a short epistolary novel that describes the seduction of a certain Callirhoe in Troy, uses puns (αἰσχύνειν, ἀναισχυντία, etc.) on the name of the fourth-century BC orator Aeschines. It notes that αἰσχρός-words recur in ancient works and, as a rhetorical device, are attested in Demosthenes. The forger’s aims are, first, to serialize the ‘Aeschinean’ letters as a whole by relating them to the same author and, second, to create an ‘aischrologic’ counterpart of the Callirhoe, which is attributed to Chariton (Χαρίτων/‘The Graceful’). Thus there is less likelihood of suggesting other figures such as the eponymous Aeschines Socraticus.
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2

Cook, Brad L., and Chris Carey. "Aeschines." Classical World 96, no. 3 (2003): 332. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352771.

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3

Kapparis, K. "Aeschines." Classical Review 49, no. 1 (1999): 20–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.1.20.

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4

Kamen, Deborah. "KINA[I]DOS: A PUN IN DEMOSTHENES’ ON THE CROWN?" Classical Quarterly 64, no. 1 (2014): 405–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838813000827.

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In his speech On the Crown (330 b.c.e.), the orator Demosthenes twice refers to his opponent Aeschines as a kinados (‘fox’), both times in the context of accusing him of flattery and slandering in the service of Philip of Macedon (18.162, 242). Although a number of scholars have studied the use of invective in the speeches of Demosthenes and Aeschines, very little attention has been paid to the significance of this peculiar epithet. In this note, I investigate why Demosthenes calls Aeschines a kinados, suggesting that, in addition to painting Aeschines as devious, the word may also have served as a pun.
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5

Harris, Edward M., and Nick Fisher. "Aeschines: "Against Timarchos"." Classical World 97, no. 2 (2004): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352860.

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6

Recreo, Silvia Vergara. "Demosthenes and Philip’s Death." Ploutarchos 18 (December 28, 2021): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0258-655x_18_6.

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This paper aims to analyse the episode about Demosthenes’ reaction to Philips’ death both in Aeschines and Plutarch, comparing persuasive devices used by each writer when searching for the audience response that each of them wants. Firstly, we will verify the rhetorical strategies from forensic oratory that Aeschines uses in Against Ctesiphon to portray Demosthenes as a threat to community welfare. Finally, we will emphasise epideictic techniques in the Life of Demosthenes, which allow Plutarch to show a much more favourable image of Demosthenes than Aeschines does.
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7

Schwenk, Cynthia, and Edward M. Harris. "Aeschines and Athenian Politics." American Historical Review 101, no. 3 (1996): 820. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169444.

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8

Rosivach, Vincent J., and Edward M. Harris. "Aeschines and Athenian Politics." Classical World 90, no. 4 (1997): 300. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351949.

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9

Olson, S. Douglas. "AESCHINES ΚΟΙΤΟΦΟΡΟΣ (DEM. 18.260)". Classical Quarterly 67, № 1 (2017): 297–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000192.

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According to the manuscripts of On the Crown (18.260), Demosthenes mockingly claims that, as the youthful Aeschines led processions in his mother's mystery-cult celebrations, he was hailed by various old women as ἔξαρχος καὶ προηγεμὼν καὶ κιττοφόρος καὶ λικνοφόρος καὶ τοιαῦθ’ (‘leader and guide and ivy-bearer and bearer-of-the-winnowing-fan and the like’). Τhese are clearly special titles—Aeschines is not just one celebrant among many but a leading figure in the train of worshippers—and recent editors accordingly note that κιττοφόρος seems weak and follow Albert Rubens (‘Rubenius’) in printing instead κιστοφόρος (‘basket-bearer’), which Harpocration reports was read by some authorities here. κιστοφόρος appears to be supported by ΣF2 18.260 (296 Dilts) ὁ φέρων τὰς κίστας (‘the man who carries the baskets’), which is easily taken to confirm that Demosthenes meant that Aeschines stood out in the crowd of celebrants inter alia because he carried containers within which must have been sacred implements of some sort.
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10

Harris, Edward M. "When Was Aeschines Born?" Classical Philology 83, no. 3 (1988): 211–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/367106.

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11

Guth, Dina. "The king's speech: Philip's rhetoric and democratic leadership in the debate over the Peace of Philocrates." Rhetorica 33, no. 4 (2015): 333–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2015.33.4.333.

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I argue that Philip's speech was a central point of contention in the debate over the Peace of Philocrates and in the legal struggle between Demosthenes and Aeschines that followed it. The ambassadors supportive of the peace praised Philip's speaking ability as part of his philhellenism; in his defense speech as well Aeschines emphasized Philip's rhetorical knowledge in order to show the openness of the contest between the king and the ambassadors. Demosthenes, on the other hand, rejected the king's ability to speak. In so doing, he elevated his own role as the only orator capable of penetrating Philip's silence. For both Aeschines and Demosthenes, their characterizations of Philip's speech were crucial to their self-presentations as orators.
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12

Cook, Brad L. "Swift-boating in Antiquity: Rhetorical Framing of the Good Citizen in Fourth-Century Athens." Rhetorica 30, no. 3 (2012): 219–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2012.30.3.219.

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This paper applies cognitive linguistic frame analysis to three long speeches from fourth-century Athens. It examines how Aeschines constructs and successfully deploys the socio-political concept or frame of the good citizen against Timarchus in 346/5 B.C. and then in a more elaborate form against Demosthenes in 330 B.C. and how Demosthenes wins the case by redefining the frame through metaphor-based reframing of the good, steadfast citizen. This framing analysis reveals Aeschines' overall rhetorical strategy and facilitates rhetorical assessment of the two crown speeches through a comprehensive, socio-politically integrated perspective.
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13

Dilts, Mervin R. "Hiatus in the Orations of Aeschines." American Journal of Philology 115, no. 3 (1994): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295364.

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14

Pentassuglio, Francesca. "Paideutikos eros." Revista Archai, no. 30 (May 10, 2020): e03015. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1984-249x_30_15.

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This paper focuses on the figure and the role of Aspasia in Aeschines’ eponymous dialogue, with special regard to the Milesian’s ‘paideutic’ activity and the double bond connecting it to Socrates’ teaching, namely the elenctic method and a particular application of Σωκρατικὸς ἔρως. The study aims to highlight some crucial traits of Aeschines’ Aspasia by examining three key texts, all numbered among the testimonies on the Aspasia: Cicero’s account in De inventione 1.31.51-53 and two fundamental passages from Xenophon’s Memorabilia (2.3.36) and Oeconomicus (3.14). After analysing a set of ancient sources which repeatedly mention the close and personal association between Socrates and Aspasia (Plato, Maximus of Tyre, Plutarch, Theodoret of Cyrus), I will try to reconstruct the dialogical context of Xenophon’s testimonies and to combine them with Cicero’s account. My final aim is to clarify the role of Aspasia in Aeschines’ presentation of the Socratic theory of ἔρως. In pursuing this main objective, in the concluding section I will address two further issues: (1) Aspasia’s connection with the figure of Diotima, as depicted in the same ancient sources and (2) the relationship between Aspasias’ pedagogical use of ἔρως and that made by Socrates in the Alcibiades.
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15

Perlman, Shalom, and Jan Fredrik Kindstrand. "The Stylistic Evaluation of Aeschines in Antiquity." American Journal of Philology 107, no. 3 (1986): 436. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/294705.

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16

Harris, Edward M. "The Names of Aeschines' Brothers-in-Law." American Journal of Philology 107, no. 1 (1986): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/294858.

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17

Blank, David L. "The Arousal of Emotion in Plato's Dialogues." Classical Quarterly 43, no. 2 (1993): 428–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983880003994x.

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In Aeschines' dialogue Alcibiades, Socrates sees his brilliant young partner's haughty attitude towards the great Themistocles. Thereupon he gives an encomium of Themistocles, a man whose wisdom and arete, great as they were, could not save him from ostracism by his own people. This encomium has an extraordinary effect on Alcibiades: he cries and in his despair places his head upon Socrates' knee, realizing that he is nowhere near as good a man as Themistocles (Aesch., Ale. fr. 9 Dittm. = Ael. Aristid. 286.2). Aeschines later has Socrates say that he would have been foolish to think he could have helped Alcibiades by virtue of any art or knowledge, but nonetheless by some divine dispensation he has, in virtue of the eros he felt for the youth, been allowed to make him better (fr. lla, c Dittm. = Ael. Aristid., Rhet. 17).
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18

Kamen, Deborah. "The Consequences of Laughter in Aeschines’ Against Timarchos." Archimède. Archéologie et histoire ancienne 5 (2018): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.47245/archimede.0005.ds1.05.

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19

Rydberg-Cox, J. A. "AN UNUSUAL EXCLAMATION IN AESCHINES' AGAINST TIMARCHUS (1.73)." Mnemosyne 53, no. 4 (2000): 419–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852500510697.

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20

Lampe, Kurt. "“Socratic Therapy” from Aeschines of Sphettus to Lacan." Classical Antiquity 29, no. 2 (2010): 181–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2010.29.2.181.

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Recent research on “psychotherapy” in Greek philosophy has not been fully integrated into thinking about philosophy as a way of life molded by personal relationships. This article focuses on how the enigma of Socratic eros sustains a network of thought experiments in the fourth century BCE about interpersonal dynamics and psychical transformation. It supplements existing work on Plato's Symposium and Phaedrus with comparative material from Aeschines of Sphettus, Xenophon, and the dubiously Platonic Alcibiades I and Theages. In order to select and illuminate commonalities among all of these, it also draws critically upon Jacques Lacan's psychoanalytic technique and his numerous comparisons between Socrates and psychoanalysts. What emerges is a more complex and qualified but no less sincere appreciation for the ideal of reflective, cooperative aspiration toward Beauty portrayed in Plato's dialogues.
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21

Wooten, Cecil W. "Clarity and Obscurity in the Speeches of Aeschines." American Journal of Philology 109, no. 1 (1988): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/294757.

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22

Kidd, Stephen E. "How to Gamble in Greek: The Meaning of Kubeia." Journal of Hellenic Studies 137 (2017): 119–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s007542691700009x.

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AbstractKubeia and its congeners are often translated as ‘playing dice’ or ‘dicing’ because kuboi are ‘dice’. But sometimes kubeia has nothing to do with ‘dice’ (kuboi) at all, and so ought often to be translated simply as ‘gambling’. Pollux explains the nature of the word clearly in book 7, and his position is supported by earlier authors such as Theopompus, Diphilus, Isocrates, Xenophon and Aeschines. Not only is it possible to ‘gamble’ (kubeuein) with knucklebones (astragaloi) as well as cubic dice (kuboi), it is also possible to ‘gamble’ (kubeuein) by folding leather straps, by spinning coins and by guessing about small objects hidden in the hand; it is even possible to ‘gamble’ (kubeuein) during a cock-fight. The mistaken belief that the word means ‘dicing’ has affected not only centuries of translations and interpretations, but also the editing of texts since at least the early 19th century, as is shown regarding a crux in Aeschines’ Against Timarchus.
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23

Badian, E., and Julia Heskel. "Aeschines 2.12-18: A Study in Rhetoric and Chronology." Phoenix 41, no. 3 (1987): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088194.

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24

Weißenberger, Michael. "Aeschines, Against Timarchos. Introduction, Translation, and Commentary by Nick Fisher." Gnomon 76, no. 7 (2004): 581–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2004_7_581.

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25

Macdowell, Douglas M. "The Scholia on Aeschines - Mervin R. Dilts (ed.): Scholia in Aeschinem. (Bibliotheca Teubneriana.) Pp. xxi + 182. Stuttgart and Leipzig: Teubner, 1992. DM 98." Classical Review 43, no. 2 (1993): 245–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x0028712x.

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26

Worman, Nancy Baker. "Insult and Oral Excess in the Disputes between Aeschines and Demosthenes." American Journal of Philology 125, no. 1 (2004): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2004.0011.

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27

Steinbock, Bernd. "Contesting the Lessons from the Past: Aeschines' Use of Social Memory." Transactions of the American Philological Association 143, no. 1 (2013): 65–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apa.2013.0005.

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28

Hammond, N. G. L. "The Macedonian Navies of Philip and Alexander until 330 B.C." Antichthon 26 (November 1992): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400000678.

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In this article it is argued that Philip developed a considerable navy in the course of his reign, and that Alexander took that Macedonian navy as well as the Greek navy when he first entered Asia in 334 B.C. I shall discuss the literary testimonia in two sections, one for Philip and the other for Alexander.1. Aeschines 2.72. Setting out from Macedonia, Philip was contending with us no longer for Amphipolis but already for Lemnos, Imbros and Scyros, our possessions. And our citizens abandoned the Chersonese, which was by general agreement an Athenian property.
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29

Diego Pintado, Aristotle. "La ética como arte sustitutiva del favor divino: Esquines y Aristóteles." Thémata Revista de Filosofía, no. 55 (2017): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/themata.2017.i55.02.

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30

Ha, Jaihong. "Phēmē and Rhetorical Strategy The case made by Aeschines in Against Timarchus." Korean Journal of Rhetoric 37 (April 30, 2020): 221–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31325/kjr.2020.4.37.221.

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31

HOBDEN, FIONA. "IMAGINING PAST AND PRESENT: A RHETORICAL STRATEGY IN AESCHINES 3, AGAINST CTESIPHON." Classical Quarterly 57, no. 2 (2007): 490–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838807000523.

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32

HUTCHINSON, G. O. "DEFLECTED ADDRESSES: APOSTROPHE AND SPACE (SOPHOCLES, AESCHINES, PLAUTUS, CICERO, VIRGIL AND OTHERS)." Classical Quarterly 60, no. 1 (2010): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838809990450.

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33

Pentassuglio, Francesca. "Sócrates sobre a virtude e o autoconhecimento no Alcibíades I e no Alcibíades de Aeschines." Revista Archai, no. 12 (2014): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1984-249x_12_7.

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34

Dué, Casey. "Achilles' Golden Amphora in Aeschines' "Against Timarchus" and the Afterlife of Oral Tradition." Classical Philology 96, no. 1 (2001): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449522.

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35

Luz, Menahem. "The Erlangen Papyrus 4 and Its Socratic Origins." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 8, no. 2 (2014): 161–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341286.

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P. Erlangen 4 is papyrus fragment of an ancient Greek, “Socratic” dialogue discussing cures for the (desire) of the beautiful—and, by implication, the meaning of moral beauty itself. Previous discussions have made general comparisons with the works of Plato, Xenophon and Aeschines. Prior to its philosophical analysis, I will re-examine the fragment, suggesting new reconstructions of the text, accompanied by an English translation. Although the precise authorship still remains a mystery, I will attempt to show that its philosophical language, argument and dramatic background are closer to the remains of Antisthenes than other Socratic writers and in particular to one of his Alcibiades compositions. The possibility will then be considered that it originated in one of his works or with one of his immediate followers.
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36

Alieva, Olga V. "Testing Burrows' Delta on Ancient Greek Authors." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 16, no. 2 (2022): 693–705. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2022-16-2-693-705.

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This paper tests the effectiveness of Burrow’s Delta Method on a corpus of selected prose writings in ancient Greek. When tested on a corpus of fourteen and eight authors, the method yields good results with relatively small samples (1000, 3000, and 5000 words) and different word frequency vectors (100, 200, 500 words), but its performance is worse with texts of similar genres (oratory, historical or medical writings). We conclude that it is the generic proximity that influences the results of classification most. However, in cases where confusion is more likely, such as the writings of Demosthenes and Aeschines, the method proves effective for shortlisting potential authors. Shortlists can give an adequate idea of a sample’s nearest neighbors while leaving some freedom for the researcher in interpreting the results.
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37

Dyck, Andrew R. "The Function and Persuasive Power of Demosthenes‘ Portrait of Aeschines in the Speech on The Crown." Greece and Rome 32, no. 1 (1985): 42–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500030126.

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The contrasts could hardly be drawn more boldly than in the speech On the Crown: from the majestic tone of the prayers that articulate the opening, the conclusion, and some transitions (18.1, 8, 141, 324) to the scurrility of the portrait of Aeschines' parents (18.129–30), from the noble conception of Athens' historical mission as leader in the fight for freedom (18.66ff., 199ff.) to the reading off of the names of the traitors of all the Greek states, a veritable muster-roll of infamy (18.295), from the portrait of the orator's own work in building a resistance to Philip (18.79–94,169ff.) to the depiction of his opponent's inertia, venality, obstructionism, and collaboration with the enemy. Black and white divide the canvas between them with very little room reserved for shading.
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38

Nijk, Arjan A. "A Pragmatic Account of the Use of the Historic Present in De corona." Mnemosyne 66, no. 3 (2013): 365–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852511x584946.

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AbstractThe aim of this article is to account for the eight Historic Present (HP) forms in Demosthenes’De corona. The starting point is the theory of Sicking & Stork (1997, 165): “The primary function of HP is to lift out from their context those narrative assertions that are essential for what the speaker has stated to be his immediate concern”. It is argued that this approach yields a convincing interpretation of (a) the five HP forms in the narrative of the Amphissian war (141-59), and (b) the three HP forms in 17-52, divided over several small narratives. Finally, it is argued that considerations of presentation and pragmatics help to explain why HP is used only in those parts of the speech where Demosthenes does not so much discuss his own policies as show that Aeschines is to blame for the current situation in Greece.
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39

Stagnell, Alexander. "Hovets sofister: Diplomati, retorik och representationens problem." TEMA Fred, konflikt og kommunikasjon, no. 81 (June 1, 2020): 48–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.52610/haan6614.

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Rhetoric and diplomacy shares something we might call the problem of representation, arising out of the difficulties to ever accurately represent something. In the article, this joint problem is approached through an investigation into its different solutions, taking us from Plato’s and Aristotle’s critique of the sophists, through Demosthenes’ and Aeschines’ joint effort to create peace between Athens and Philip II of Macedon, to Rousseau, Kant, and contemporary scholars studying diplomatic rhetoric. In Kant’s idea of perpetual peace and Perelman’s concept of a universal audience, we eventually find what we might call modernity’s answer to this ancient problem, the acceptance of what in Hegelian parlance could be called the bad infinity of diplomatic and rhetorical communication. Finally, and by contrast, Lacan’s use of the diplomat as an illustration of the limits of representation is discussed and the possibility of avoiding the endless dialectic of trial and error is developed
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40

Kaltsas, Demokritos. "Commentaria et lexica Graeca in papyris reperta (CLGP). Ediderunt Guido Bastianini, Michael Haslam, Herwig Maehler, Franco Montanari, Cornelia Römer adiuvante Marco Stroppa. Pars I: Commentaria et lexica in auctores. Vol. 1: Aeschines– Bacchylides. Fasc. 1: Aeschines–Alcaeus." Gnomon 79, no. 5 (2007): 407–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2007_5_407.

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41

WEILER, INGOMAR. "GAMES, CONTESTS, AND THE IDEA OF COMPETITIVE RIVALRY IN EARLY GREEK AND ROMAN CHILDHOOD." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 61, no. 1 (2018): 104–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/2041-5370.12073.

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Abstract This contribution discusses some topics concerning the physical activities of young children in ancient Greek society, especially games and contests. In Greek terminology and in general language use, these children are denoted as bréphos, paidíon or paidískē and paidískos. Paidíon is a term for a young child generally less than seven years and paīs for the age of seven up to fourteen years. Several Greek and Roman authors inform us about the games, contests, and the educational program for this age-category (i.e., before boys go to the gymnasium). The following texts discuss some examples of games and physical exercise in early childhood: Plato, Protagoras 325c–326c, Leges 794c–808c; Ps.-Plato, Axiochus 366–7; Aeschines, Kata Timarchou 9–12; Aristotle, Politika 1336a9–15 and 8.1338b40–1339a7; Horatius Flaccus, Ars Poetica 409–14; Quintilian, Institutio oratoria 1.1.20; Plutarch, Lycurgus 14; Pausanias 5.16.2; Flavius Philostratos, Peri gymnastikes 25, 28 and Vitae sophistarum 1.21.
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42

Gagarin, M. "Law, Politics, and the Question of Relevance in the Case On the Crown." Classical Antiquity 31, no. 2 (2012): 293–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2012.31.2.293.

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This paper seeks to give a more precise grounding to the question of relevance in Athenian forensic argument with a specific focus on the speeches delivered by Aeschines and Demosthenes in the case On the Crown. I argue that in Athenian litigation relevance can be determined quite precisely by the specific terms of the accusation, and that the litigants are well aware of this standard and take care to make their arguments relevant or to justify them if they may appear to be “outside the issue.” Because all the issues specified in the accusation are legally relevant, the distinction commonly drawn between legal and political arguments has no place in a discussion of relevance. The effect of this rule of relevance, I argue, is not to promote fairness but to increase the advantage enjoyed by the plaintiff. I conclude with a few observations on the Athenian view of law which, I suggest, was considerably broader than ours.
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43

Bremmer, Jan. "Attis: A Greek God in Anatolian Pessinous and Catullan Rome." Mnemosyne 57, no. 5 (2004): 534–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525043057892.

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AbstractIn my contribution I attempt a new analysis of the myth and ritual of Attis and its reception in Catullan Rome. I argue (1) that the attempts to identify Attis with the Herodotean Atys are unconvincing, as they are based on Hermesianax's poem, which intended to provide an aetiology for a taboo on the pig in Pessinous; (2) that Attis starts to appear in the Greek world in the middle to the third quarter of the fourth century BC; the mention in Demosthenes should be taken as referring to his own time, not to that of Aeschines' mother; (3) that a careful comparison of Timotheus' account with that of Pausanias enables us to reconstruct the Phrygian myth and ritual of Pessinous as well as its gradual development, whereby special attention is given to Kybele, Agdistis, Attis and his festival, and the eunuch Galli; (4) that the religious aspects of Catullus 63 show a close identification of the cult of Kybele with that of Dionysus.
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44

Tronci, Liana. "Impersonal Constructions Between Personae and ‘Personlessness’. Strategies of Language Manipulation in Aeschines and Demosthenes." Trends in Classics 14, no. 2 (2022): 318–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tc-2022-0014.

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Abstract This paper investigates the distribution of different types of impersonal constructions in Attic oratory and focuses on the data taken from two political speeches, i. e., Aeschines’ Against Ctesiphon (speech 3) and Demosthenes’ On the Crown (speech 18). The topic of impersonal constructions in Ancient Greek has not yet received much attention from scholars, with the exception of some studies devoted to singular aspects, e. g., the semantics and morphosyntax of impersonal verbs and the comparison with other Indo-European languages. No attention has been paid to the analysis of textual distribution of impersonal constructions and to the effects that impersonal constructions produce in communicative terms. This paper aims at filling the gap, by analysing different types of clauses under the umbrella of impersonal constructions. Some of them are usually recognised as impersonal constructions, while others are not. Constructions are of three types: the first includes constructions with impersonal verbs, e. g., δεῖ, δοκεῖ, etc., which are to be compared with the corresponding personal constructions. The second group contains some non-personal uses of grammatical persons, namely the non-referential uses of the first person plural and the clauses with indefinite subject τις. Finally, the third type includes constructions with non-human subjects, which display no-agreement in number between the verb and its external argument. The purpose of the paper is twofold. On the one hand, it aims at contributing to the debate on ancient Greek impersonal constructions; on the other hand, it investigates the role played by impersonal linguistic strategies in building the contents of forensic speeches and conveying the messages that orators wanted to communicate to the audience.
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45

Serafim, Andreas. "MAKING THE AUDIENCE:EKPHRASISAND RHETORICAL STRATEGY IN DEMOSTHENES 18 AND 19." Classical Quarterly 65, no. 1 (2015): 96–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838814000901.

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In this paper, I intend to explore three examples ofekphrasis– narrative scene painting – in Demosthenes 18 and 19: the first is Demosthenes' depiction of the announcement in Athens of the capture of Elatea by Philip (18.169–73), while the second and third are descriptions of Aeschines' (allegedly) failed theatrical performances (18.262 and 19.337–8). Scholars have paid insufficient attention to these descriptive accounts: there have been a few limited discussions of 18.169 in commentaries but, otherwise, the use and purpose of these accounts as part of Demosthenes' rhetorical strategy have not been widely appreciated. This article aims to show thatekphrasis, when skilfully deployed as in Demosthenes 18 and 19, is a powerful weapon in the speaker's arsenal that merits thorough investigation. By instructing the audience as to what and how to think, imagine and remember, orators seek to engage the audience, elicit their verbal or non-verbal reaction in the law court, create a certain disposition in them towards the litigants, stir up and manipulate their emotions, and thus affect their verdict.
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46

Pasini, Gianluca. "The ἐξεταστιχὸν εἶδος of the Rh. Al. and Parallels in Aeschines' Against Timarchus and Demosthenes' On the False Embassy". Rhetorica 29, № 3 (2011): 336–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2011.29.3.336.

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L'exetastikon eidos della Rh. Al. (capp. 5 e 37) appare come una tipologia argomentativa utilizzabile in contesti istituzionali e non, ovvero nei discorsi privati e nei discorsi pubblici. In questi ultimi, in particolare, esso tende a fondersi con il kategorikon eidos, quantunque non vada statutariamente sussunto nel genere giudiziario. Ciò è ben evidente nella Contro Timarco di Eschine e nell' orazione Sull'ambasceria corrotta di Demostene.
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47

Edwards, M. J. "C. Carey: Aeschines. Pp. xxi + 261. Austin: University of Texas Press, 2000. Paper, £13.50. ISBN: 0-292-71223-5." Classical Review 51, no. 2 (2001): 388–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/51.2.388.

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48

O’Connell, Peter A. "Enargeia, Persuasion, and the Vividness Effect in Athenian Forensic Oratory." Journal for the History of Rhetoric 20, no. 3 (2017): 225–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jhistrhetoric.20.3.0225.

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ABSTRACT This essay argues that enargeia, the “vivid” quality of language that encourages listeners or readers to develop mental images, was an integral element of rhetorical strategy in the courts of Classical Athens. It relies on ancient evidence and modern comparanda. Ancient rhetorical theorists demonstrate how enargeia would have contributed to a sense of presence and simulated in Athenian jurors an experience similar to that of actual eyewitnesses. Modern lawyers and authors of trial handbooks advise litigators to appeal to their jurors’ imaginations with language that recalls ancient descriptions of enargeia and the related concept phantasia, “imagination.” The results of modern psychology research into the “vividness effect,” especially the distinction between figural and ground vividness, show how enargeia may have increased the likelihood of Athenian jurors accepting an argument. Lysias deploys ground vividness in On the Death of Eratosthenes (1) to draw his jurors’ attention away from the question of entrapment and figural vividness in Against Eratosthenes (12) to focus their attention on the crimes of the Thirty Tyrants. Finally, Aeschines’ description of the Thebans’ sufferings in Against Ctesiphon (3) may have harmed his case by emphasizing a weak point through misplaced figural vividness.
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49

Barbato, Matteo. "The Rhetoric of the Past in Demosthenes and Aeschines: Oratory, History, and Politics in Classical Athens, written by Guy Westwood." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 38, no. 2 (2021): 355–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340334.

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50

Harris, Edward. "The Work of Craterus and the Documents in the Attic Orators and in the “Lives of the Ten Orators”." Klio 103, no. 2 (2021): 463–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2020-1024.

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Summary This essay is divided into three parts. The first examines the documents about Antiphon in the “Lives of the Ten Orators” (Plut. X orat. 833d–834b), which have been attributed to the collection of Craterus, and shows that they must be forgeries because the information contained in them is inconsistent with reliable sources about Athenian laws and legal procedure and with the language and formulas of the preserved decrees of the fifth century and contains other serious mistakes. The second section examines the fragments of the work of Craterus and shows that all are Athenian decrees, most of which relate to imperial administration or to famous personalities and are dated to the period between roughly 480 and 410. None of the fragments of this work can be dated earlier or later than this period. The third section reviews the documents inserted into the texts of the speeches of Andocides, Aeschines and Demosthenes and shows that in the majority of cases the editors who inserted these documents into the text could not have used the work of Craterus either for the texts of the genuine documents or for the information contained in the forged documents. In the other cases there is no evidence indicating that these editors consulted his work, and it appears that those who composed these documents used other sources.
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