Academic literature on the topic 'Affirmative action programs – Ethiopia'

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Journal articles on the topic "Affirmative action programs – Ethiopia"

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Bohmer, Susanne, and Kayleen U. Oka. "Teaching Affirmative Action." Teaching Sociology 35, no. 4 (October 2007): 334–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0092055x0703500403.

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Affirmative action, a controversial topic about which students have many misconceptions, lends itself especially well to a sociological analysis. This paper describes an approach to teaching that: 1) informs students of different affirmative action programs; 2) gives them the opportunity to apply and integrate a variety of concepts and research findings covered in our sociology courses; 3) allows us to assess how well students understand affirmative action and to what degree they retain myths about the programs; and 4) covers an emotionally charged topic with enough depth to go beyond surface reactions. We find that this integrated approach dispels some of the most common myths, leads students to become more thoughtful and analytical, and gives them a good foundation from which to examine affirmative action in the future.
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Rhodes, Shelton. "Affirmative action review “report to the president”: implications of military affirmative action programs to current and new millennium affirmative action programs." International Journal of Public Administration 22, no. 7 (January 1999): 1059–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01900699908525418.

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McKillip, Jack. "Affirmative Action at Work." education policy analysis archives 9 (April 22, 2001): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v9n12.2001.

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IMGIP and ICEOP are minority graduate fellowship programs sponsored by the State of Illinois in order to increase the number of minority faculty and professional staff at Illinois institutions of higher education through graduate fellowships, networking and mentoring support. Nearly 850 fellowships have been awarded since 1986. A performance audit examined immediate (areas of graduate study, ethnicity of awards), intermediate (graduation areas and rates), and long-range results (academic job placement). The primary source for the audit was the database maintained by the programs' administrative office. These data were compared with data sets maintained by the Illinois Board of Higher Education and with national benchmarks (NSF and Ford Foundation Minority Graduate Fellowships). Findings revealed: (a) the IMGIP and ICEOP programs led to major diversification of minority doctoral study in Illinois; (b) a high percentage of all fellows graduated, both absolutely and in relation to national benchmarks, and fellows made up a large percentage of doctoral degrees awarded to minorities by Illinois institutions (e.g., 46% of doctorates in the hard sciences awarded to African Americans from 1988-1998); and (c) fellows made up an important proportion of all minority faculty in Illinois (9%). Most ICEOP doctoral fellows and many other fellows have taken academic positions. The audit revealed outcomes-based evidence of a successful affirmative action program in higher education—evidence that is not otherwise available.
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Burt, Sandra. "Voluntary Affirmative Action. Does it Work?" Articles 41, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 541–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/050229ar.

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Leck, Joanne D., David M. Saunders, and Micheline Charbonneau. "Affirmative action programs: an organizational justice perspective." Journal of Organizational Behavior 17, no. 1 (January 1996): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1099-1379(199601)17:1<79::aid-job745>3.0.co;2-5.

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Wilson, William Julius. "RACE AND AFFIRMING OPPORTUNITY IN THE BARACK OBAMA ERA." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 9, no. 1 (2012): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x12000240.

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AbstractI first discuss the Obama administration's efforts to promote racial diversity on college campuses in the face of recent court challenges to affirmative action. I then analyze opposition in this country to “racial preferences” as a way to overcome inequality. I follow that with a discussion of why class-based affirmative action, as a response to cries from conservatives to abolish “racial preferences,” would not be an adequate substitute for race-based affirmative action. Instead of class-based affirmative action, I present an argument for opportunity enhancing affirmative action programs that rely on flexible, merit-based criteria of evaluation as opposed to numerical guidelines or quotas. Using the term “affirmative opportunity” to describe such programs, I illustrate their application with three cases: the University of California, Irvine's revised affirmative action admissions procedure; the University of Michigan Law School's affirmative action program, which was upheld by the Supreme Court in 2003; and the hiring and promotion of faculty of color at colleges and universities as seen in how I myself benefited from a type of affirmative action based on flexible merit-based criteria at the University of Chicago in the early 1970s. I conclude by relating affirmative opportunity programs for people of color to the important principle of “equality of life chances.”
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Arnold, N. Scott. "Affirmative Action and the Demands of Justice." Social Philosophy and Policy 15, no. 2 (1998): 133–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500001977.

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This essay is about the moral and political justification of affirmative action programs in the United States. Both legally and politically, many of these programs are under attack, though they remain ubiquitous. The concern of this essay, however, is not with what the law says but with what it should say. The main argument advanced in this essay concludes that most of the controversial affirmative action programs are unjustified. It proceeds in a way that avoids dependence on controversial theories of justice or morality. My intention is to produce an argument that is persuasive across a broad ideological spectrum, extending even to those who believe that justice requires these very programs. Though the main focus of the essay is on affirmative action, in the course of making the case that these programs are illegitimate, I shall defend some principles about the conditions under which it is appropriate for the state to impose on civil society the demands of justice. These principles have broader implications for a normative theory of social change in democratic societies.
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Hill, Thomas E. "The Message of Affirmative Action." Social Philosophy and Policy 8, no. 2 (1991): 108–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500001151.

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Affirmative action programs remain controversial, I suspect, partly because the familiar arguments for and against them start from significantly different moral perspectives. Thus I want to step back for a while from the details of debate about particular programs and give attention to the moral viewpoints presupposed in different types of argument. My aim, more specifically, is to compare the “messages” expressed when affirmative action is defended from different moral perspectives. Exclusively forward-looking (for example, utilitarian) arguments, I suggest, tend to express the wrong message, but this is also true of exclusively backward-looking (for example, reparation-based) arguments. However, a moral outlook that focuses on cross-temporal narrative values (such as mutually respectful social relations) suggests a more appropriate account of what affirmative action should try to express. Assessment of the message, admittedly, is only one aspect of a complex issue, but it is a relatively neglected one. My discussion takes for granted some common-sense ideas about the communicative function of action, and so I begin with these.Actions, as the saying goes, often speak louder than words. There are times, too, when only actions can effectively communicate the message we want to convey and times when giving a message is a central part of the purpose of action. What our actions say to others depends largely, though not entirely, upon our avowed reasons for acting; and this is a matter for reflective decision, not something we discover later by looking back at what we did and its effects. The decision is important because “the same act” can have very different consequences, depending upon how we choose to justify it.
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Glazer, Nathan. "THIRTY YEARS WITH AFFIRMATIVE ACTION." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 2, no. 1 (March 2005): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x05050022.

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Affirmative Discrimination: Ethnic Inequality and Public Policy(1975) criticized government policies requiring goals and timetables from federal contractors in order to implement affirmative action, arguing that this opposed the clear language of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 aiming at a color-blind society, was unnecessary, and threatened a full-scale Balkanization in employment procedures. It also criticized school busing and nascent programs to require publicly supported housing to reach some statistical goal in proportions of Black and White. In time, the author changed his position, as indicated in the introduction to the 1987 edition ofAffirmative Discrimination. In particular, he saw the virtue and necessity of race preference in admission to institutions of higher education, recognizing the degree to which slavery and discrimination had placed blacks in a unique position of disadvantage, and the imperative for a democratic society to incorporate in its leading institutions all major elements of the population.
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Aguirre, Adalberto. "Academic Storytelling: A Critical Race Theory Story of Affirmative Action." Sociological Perspectives 43, no. 2 (June 2000): 319–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389799.

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The minority (nonwhite) can tell stories about institutional practices in academia that result in unintended benefits for the majority (white). One institutional practice in academia is affirmative action. This article presents a story about a minority applicant for a sociology position and his referral to an affirmative action program for recruiting minority faculty. One reason for telling the story is to illustrate how an affirmative action program can be implemented in a manner that marginalizes minority persons in the faculty recruitment process and results in benefits for majority persons. Another reason for telling the story is to sound an alarm for majority and minority faculty who support affirmative action programs that the programs can fall short of their goals if their implementation is simply treated as a bureaucratic activity in academia.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Affirmative action programs – Ethiopia"

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Roberts, Olivia DeHaviland. "The historical approach to the analysis of the affirmative action controversy and the perspective of the United States Supreme Court the need for affirmative action to exist in present day America /." Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 1990. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.

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Thesis (M.P.A.)--Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, 1990.
Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2959. Abstract precedes thesis as 4 preliminary leaves. Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 107-110).
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Sorenson, Robert Randall. "Attitudes and actions of affirmative action." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1992. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/608.

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Kent, Charles T. "Affirmative action policy and procedures for Illinois schools /." View online, 1990. http://ia301520.us.archive.org/1/items/affirmativeactio00kent/affirmativeactio00kent.pdf.

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Soto-Marquez, Victor. "Whites' physiological and psychological reactions toward affirmative action programs." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2007. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/3313.

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Discrimination has many effects on the individual/group being discriminated against regardless of the reasons for the discrimination. Further exploration on discrimination processes and their relationships to physiological and psychological outcomes, both of which, over time may become problematic and affect the health and well-being of individuals.
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Guest, Katie Rose. "Actions in the affirmative pragmatism, pedagogy, law, and the affirmative action debate /." Greensboro, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Greensboro, 2007. http://libres.uncg.edu/edocs/etd/1409/umi-uncg-1409.pdf.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of North Carolina at Greensboro, 2007.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Oct. 22, 2007). Directed by Hephzibah Roskelly; submitted to the Dept. of English. Includes bibliographical references (p. 169-177).
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Kgapola, Leslie Seth. "Perceptions of compensation fund employees towards affirmative action." Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2008. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-11212008-120643.

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Myoli, Vuyiseka Marly. "An evaluation of affirmative action in public sector." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/14190.

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The South African public service has been undergoing fundamental transformation since 1994. The new government has had to build a democratic, inclusive and responsive public sector to the extent that the last two decades have witnessed the most dramatic shifts in public reform. After 1994, the public sector had to be transformed so that it could be representative of the nation’s racial composition, caters for the needs of all citizens irrespective of their racial, ethnic, gender, sexual persuasion and orientation. The government agenda of reconstructing and developing a democratic state depends on the willingness, capabilities and patriotism of the public service. As part of its transformation agenda, the government had to introduce policies that were focusing on promoting affirmative action and employment equity. Through this policy and other related employment equity measures, the South African public sector had to be transformed in terms of racial and gender representivity. This study assesses and evaluates whether the policies and legislation that were geared towards the transformation and democratization of public sector have yielded positive or negative results. By way of a literature review and comparative analysis, this study examines the objectives of affirmative action and analyses the approaches that have been taken since the adoption of this policy in the workplace. It looks at public sector and argues that there are still flaws relating to the implementation of affirmative action in public sector. The extent to which affirmative action programs attempt to implement affirmative action differs if South Africa and the United States of America can be taken as examples. The study considers some of the challenges faced by the new South African government in transforming public sector and interrogates the courts’ application and interpretation of affirmative action legislation. It concludes with recommendations that could be put in place in order to position affirmative action policies in line with the objectives of the South African Constitution, labour laws and American approach where the policy was adopted from.
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Barrett, Christine Ann. "The impact of affirmative action programs on perceptions of organizations." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1687.

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Davis, Gloria-Jeanne Halinski Ronald S. Lynn Mary Ann. "Affirmative action implementation in Illinois public state universities." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1986. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p8626589.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Illinois State University, 1986.
Title from title page screen, viewed July 14, 2005. Dissertation Committee: Ronald S. Halinski, Mary Ann Lynn (co-chairs), Charles E. Morris, Jeanne B. Morris, Thomas W. Nelson. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 90-93) and abstract. Also available in print.
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Swartbooi, Aurick Devlin. "Managing the perceptions about affirmitive action (AA)." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1120.

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The main research problem focused on the effective management of the perceptions about Affirmative Action (AA). A literature study and a survey were conducted to investigate the extent and nature of perceptions, the effect of these perceptions on labour and personal relations, current and suggested management practice of the perceptions of AA. A definition of AA, earlier measures of AA, the implementation of AA in the South African context, the stages of AA, theories, relevant legislation, perceptions and the management thereof are discussed. The survey was conducted at the George and Beaufort West District offices of the Department of Rural Development and Land Reform (DRDLR) with a response rate of 78.95 percent. The perceptions about AA can be managed effectively by complying with legislation, by involving and making all levels of employees responsible for the achievement of employment equity, skills development, personal development, consultation and communication.
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Books on the topic "Affirmative action programs – Ethiopia"

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E, Sadler A., ed. Affirmative action. San Diego, Calif: Greenhave Press, 1996.

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Cosson, M. J. Affirmative action. Edina, Minn: ABDO Pub. Company, 2007.

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Holzer, Harry J. Assessing affirmative action. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1999.

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P, Green Robert, ed. Affirmative action. Santa Barbara, Calif: Greenwood Press, 2009.

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Affirmative action. New York: Watts, 1989.

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Kowalski, Kathiann M. Affirmative action. New York: Marshall Cavendish Benchmark, 2006.

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J, Grapes Bryan, ed. Affirmative action. San Diego, Calif: Greenhaven Press, 2000.

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Affirmative action revisited. New York: Novinka Books, 2002.

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Jones, Augustus J. Affirmative talk, affirmative action: A comparative studyof the politics of affirmative action. New York: Praeger, 1991.

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Affirmative action, affirmative discrimination. Boston, Mass: Branden Pub., 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "Affirmative action programs – Ethiopia"

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Blanchard, Fletcher A. "Effective Affirmative Action Programs." In Recent Research in Psychology, 193–208. New York, NY: Springer New York, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4613-9639-0_16.

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Dawes, Robyn M. "Affirmative Action Programs: Discontinuities between Thoughts about Individuals and Thoughts about Groups." In Applications of Heuristics and Biases to Social Issues, 223–39. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4757-9238-6_12.

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Diwan, Anmol, and Aditi Lal. "Social Justice Programs in Higher Education: Affirmative Action in the USA and Reservation System in India." In Handbook on Promoting Social Justice in Education, 1253–76. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-14625-2_99.

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Diwan, Anmol, and Aditi Lal. "Social Justice Programs in Higher Education: Affirmative Action in the USA and Reservation System in India." In Handbook on Promoting Social Justice in Education, 1–24. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74078-2_99-1.

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Chatterji, P. C. "Affirmative Action Programs (India): Cultural Concerns." In International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 218–22. Elsevier, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/b0-08-043076-7/04573-3.

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Thernstrom, A., and S. Thernstrom. "Affirmative Action Programs (United States): Cultural Concerns." In International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 222–26. Elsevier, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/b0-08-043076-7/04572-1.

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Bell, Derrick. "Affirmative Action and Racial Fortuity in Action." In Silent Covenants. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195172720.003.0017.

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The Conclusions Of Legal Commentators about the less than crit­ical role of Brown in post–World War II racial reform are not well known and would probably not be accepted by much of the public. It thus should not be surprising that the mostly unrecognized racial fortuity that so influenced the outcomes in school desegregation campaigns are also central to the decades-long controversy over the legality and fundamental fairness of affirmative action in general, and minority admissions to colleges and professional schools in particular. Once again, the rhetoric obscures the issues, allowing the argument to focus on the cost to whites of racial remedies rather than their necessity or appropriateness. As a result, few persons have recognized why, without the pressure of law, white-dominated institutions began opening schooling and employment areas to minorities long excluded both by outright bias and by discrimination’s debilitating effect on their qualifi­cations. The major cases I will review in this chapter reflect the pressures of interest-convergence and the resistance to any reform that threatened alteration of the racial status quo. As we have seen, an implicit stumbling block impedes society’s approach to racial remedies. The issues of cost and cost assessment crucial to earlier racial remedies, though, were not closely examined during the tumult of the late 1960s. Then, urban rebellions, sparked by the 1968murder of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., served as scary reminders that, more than a dozen years after Brown and a half-dozen years after enactment of federal civil rights laws, most corporations, government tagencies, and institutions of higher learning remained virtually all-white and mostly male. At these organizations, managers chose toestablish “racial and gender preferences” to accomplish the admission, hiring, and upgrading of a moderate number of white women and people of color. They did so rather than overhaul the policies and practices that, beyond blatant racial and sexual discrimination, were responsible for their institutions’ all-white and all-male culture. The affirmative action approach served the immediate need of breaking down this culture, and as a bonus it brought in competent individualsable and willing to advance the institutions’ goals. This was certainly the case with minority admissions programs. Faced with social and political pressures to increase the minuscule number of minority students, colleges and professional schools typically opted to use minority racial status as a positive admissions factor.
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Lippert-Rasmussen, Kasper. "Publicity." In Making Sense of Affirmative Action, 210–29. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190648787.003.0011.

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According to the publicity objection to affirmative action, inevitably public affirmative action programs are self-defeating. This is the empirical premise of the objection. The normative premise says that affirmative action is justified only if it does not violate the liberal publicity constraint and has a reasonable chance of being successful. The chapter argues that the former premise is false and the latter groundless. The normative premise is groundless because, in the form publicity must take to be congenial to the publicity objection, it cannot be based on the work of a selection of prominent liberal defenses of publicity. The empirical premise is false. Even if we focus on those goals which most plausibly are best served by nonpublic rather than public affirmative action, public affirmative action might still serve these goals even if not optimally so. While some actual affirmative action schemes might be objectionable because of the way in which they flout requirements of publicity, we cannot reject affirmative action on grounds of publicity.
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Lipson, Daniel N. "Should all (or some) multiracial Americans benefit from affirmative action programs?" In Race Policy and Multiracial Americans, 101–22. Policy Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447316459.003.0007.

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"7. “A Truly Influential Role”: College Presidents Develop Affirmative Action Programs." In The Campus Color Line, 274–311. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691206752-010.

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Reports on the topic "Affirmative action programs – Ethiopia"

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Cestau, Dario, Dennis Epple, and Holger Sieg. Admitting Students to Selective Education Programs: Merit, Profiling, and Affirmative Action. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, June 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w21232.

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Berg, Geraldine. Affirmative action programs in social service agencies : status of the female M.S.W. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.2819.

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Blanchflower, David. Minority Self-Employment in the United States and the Impact of Affirmative Action Programs. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, May 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13972.

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Blanchflower, David, and Jon Wainwright. An Analysis of the Impact of Affirmative Action Programs on Self-Employment in the Construction Industry. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, November 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w11793.

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Lazonick, William, Philip Moss, and Joshua Weitz. The Unmaking of the Black Blue-Collar Middle Class. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp159.

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In the decade after the Civil Rights Act of 1964, African Americans made historic gains in accessing employment opportunities in racially integrated workplaces in U.S. business firms and government agencies. In the previous working papers in this series, we have shown that in the 1960s and 1970s, Blacks without college degrees were gaining access to the American middle class by moving into well-paid unionized jobs in capital-intensive mass production industries. At that time, major U.S. companies paid these blue-collar workers middle-class wages, offered stable employment, and provided employees with health and retirement benefits. Of particular importance to Blacks was the opening up to them of unionized semiskilled operative and skilled craft jobs, for which in a number of industries, and particularly those in the automobile and electronic manufacturing sectors, there was strong demand. In addition, by the end of the 1970s, buoyed by affirmative action and the growth of public-service employment, Blacks were experiencing upward mobility through employment in government agencies at local, state, and federal levels as well as in civil-society organizations, largely funded by government, to operate social and community development programs aimed at urban areas where Blacks lived. By the end of the 1970s, there was an emergent blue-collar Black middle class in the United States. Most of these workers had no more than high-school educations but had sufficient earnings and benefits to provide their families with economic security, including realistic expectations that their children would have the opportunity to move up the economic ladder to join the ranks of the college-educated white-collar middle class. That is what had happened for whites in the post-World War II decades, and given the momentum provided by the dominant position of the United States in global manufacturing and the nation’s equal employment opportunity legislation, there was every reason to believe that Blacks would experience intergenerational upward mobility along a similar education-and-employment career path. That did not happen. Overall, the 1980s and 1990s were decades of economic growth in the United States. For the emerging blue-collar Black middle class, however, the experience was of job loss, economic insecurity, and downward mobility. As the twentieth century ended and the twenty-first century began, moreover, it became apparent that this downward spiral was not confined to Blacks. Whites with only high-school educations also saw their blue-collar employment opportunities disappear, accompanied by lower wages, fewer benefits, and less security for those who continued to find employment in these jobs. The distress experienced by white Americans with the decline of the blue-collar middle class follows the downward trajectory that has adversely affected the socioeconomic positions of the much more vulnerable blue-collar Black middle class from the early 1980s. In this paper, we document when, how, and why the unmaking of the blue-collar Black middle class occurred and intergenerational upward mobility of Blacks to the college-educated middle class was stifled. We focus on blue-collar layoffs and manufacturing-plant closings in an important sector for Black employment, the automobile industry from the early 1980s. We then document the adverse impact on Blacks that has occurred in government-sector employment in a financialized economy in which the dominant ideology is that concentration of income among the richest households promotes productive investment, with government spending only impeding that objective. Reduction of taxes primarily on the wealthy and the corporate sector, the ascendancy of political and economic beliefs that celebrate the efficiency and dynamism of “free market” business enterprise, and the denigration of the idea that government can solve social problems all combined to shrink government budgets, diminish regulatory enforcement, and scuttle initiatives that previously provided greater opportunity for African Americans in the government and civil-society sectors.
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Women’s Attitudes to Affirmative Action Programs for Leadership. IEDP Ideas for Leaders, January 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.13007/302.

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