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Journal articles on the topic 'Afghan Women'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Gallagher, Nancy. "Liberating Afghan Women." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 21, no. 3 (July 1, 2004): 70–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v21i3.508.

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Public opinion in the United States and elsewhere celebrated the liberation of Afghan women following the defeat of the Taliban government. The United States promised to stay in Afghanistan and foster security, economic development, and human rights for all, especially women. After years of funding various anti- Soviet Mujahidin warlords, the United States had agreed to help reconstruct the country once before in 1992, when the Soviet-backed government fell, but had lost interest when the warlords began to fight among themselves. This time, however, it was going to be different. To date, however, conditions have not improved for most Afghan women and reconstruction has barely begun. How did this happen? This article explores media presentations of Afghan women and then compares them with recent reports from human rights organizations and other eyewitness accounts. It argues that the media depictions were built on earlier conceptions of Muslim societies and allowed us to adopt a romantic view that disguised or covered up the more complex historical context of Afghan history and American involvement in it. We allowed ourselves to believe that Afghans were exotic characters who were modernizing or progressing toward a western way of life, despite the temporary setback imposed by the Taliban government. In Afghanistan, however, there was a new trope: the feminist Afghan woman activist. Images of prominent Afghan women sans burqa were much favored by the mass media and American policymakers. The result, however, was not a new focus on funding feminist political organizations or making women’s rights a foreign policy priority; rather, it was an unwillingness to fulfill obligations incurred during decades of American-funded mujahidin warfare, to face the existence of deteriorating conditions for women, resumed opium cultivation, and a resurgent Taliban, or to commit to a multilateral approach that would bring in the funds and expertise needed to sustain a long-term process of reconstruction.

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2

Gallagher, Nancy. "Liberating Afghan Women." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 3 (July 1, 2004): 70–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i3.508.

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Public opinion in the United States and elsewhere celebrated the liberation of Afghan women following the defeat of the Taliban government. The United States promised to stay in Afghanistan and foster security, economic development, and human rights for all, especially women. After years of funding various anti- Soviet Mujahidin warlords, the United States had agreed to help reconstruct the country once before in 1992, when the Soviet-backed government fell, but had lost interest when the warlords began to fight among themselves. This time, however, it was going to be different. To date, however, conditions have not improved for most Afghan women and reconstruction has barely begun. How did this happen? This article explores media presentations of Afghan women and then compares them with recent reports from human rights organizations and other eyewitness accounts. It argues that the media depictions were built on earlier conceptions of Muslim societies and allowed us to adopt a romantic view that disguised or covered up the more complex historical context of Afghan history and American involvement in it. We allowed ourselves to believe that Afghans were exotic characters who were modernizing or progressing toward a western way of life, despite the temporary setback imposed by the Taliban government. In Afghanistan, however, there was a new trope: the feminist Afghan woman activist. Images of prominent Afghan women sans burqa were much favored by the mass media and American policymakers. The result, however, was not a new focus on funding feminist political organizations or making women’s rights a foreign policy priority; rather, it was an unwillingness to fulfill obligations incurred during decades of American-funded mujahidin warfare, to face the existence of deteriorating conditions for women, resumed opium cultivation, and a resurgent Taliban, or to commit to a multilateral approach that would bring in the funds and expertise needed to sustain a long-term process of reconstruction.

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3

Wali, Sima. "Afghan Women: Recovering, Rebuilding." Ethics & International Affairs 16, no. 2 (September 2002): 15–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2002.tb00391.x.

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The United States' foreign policy in Afghanistan has a long history of misguided plans and misplaced trust—a fact that has contributed to the destruction of the social and physical infrastructure of Afghan society. Afghans contend that after having fought as U.S. allies against the Soviet Union—with the price of more than two million dead—the United States swiftly walked away at the end of that bloody, twenty-three-year conflict. The toll of the war on Afghan society reflected in current statistics is so staggering as to be practically unimaginable: 12 million women living in abject poverty, 1 million people handicapped from land mine explosions, an average life expectancy of forty years (lower for women), a mortality rate of 25.7 percent for children under five years old, and an illiteracy rate of 64 percent. These horrific indicators place Afghanistan among the most destitute countries in the world in terms of human development.

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4

Saba, Sahar, and Farooq Sulehria. "Afghan Women." South Asian Survey 24, no. 1 (March 2017): 20–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971523118783155.

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In the mainstream narratives on the Afghan conflict, primacy is assigned to a binary of ‘Mujahedeen’ and People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) regime. The struggle of organisations, beyond this binary, such as the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) against and during the communist rule, belies these narratives. Consequently, this article argues that women’s liberation is not possible when a state/society is run by an autocratic regime denying democratic freedoms in general. This is equally true about present-day Afghanistan despite the staging of a mainstream intellectual/political spectacle to show that Afghan women were rescued by the USA. In the case of PDPA, we argue that through the harsh measures to subdue the opposition, the ‘communist’ regime introduced policies with huge consequences for women. Regarding the post-9/11 regime, we flag up its ideologically anti-women character. Therefore, we conclude that women’s liberation cannot be achieved under foreign occupations.

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5

Dadras, Omid, Takeo Nakayama, Masahiro Kihara, Masako Ono-Kihara, Seyedahmad Seyedalinaghi, and Fateme Dadras. "The prevalence and associated factors of adverse pregnancy outcomes among Afghan women in Iran; Findings from community-based survey." PLOS ONE 16, no. 1 (January 15, 2021): e0245007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0245007.

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Backgrounds An estimated 2.5 million Afghans are living in the Iran and almost half of them are young women at the childbearing ages. Although the evidence indicates lower rates of antenatal care and higher incidence of pregnancy complications in Afghan compared to Iranian women, the underlying reasons are not well defined. Therefore, in the present study, we aimed to explore the prevalence and associated sociodemographic factors of adverse pregnancy outcomes and examine the impact of intimate partner violence, food insecurity, poor mental health, and housing issues on pregnancy outcome in Afghan women living in Iran. Methods In July 2019, we enrolled 424 Afghan women aged 18–44 years old using the time-location sampling at three community health centers in the south region of Tehran province. The data was collected through face to face interviews using the researcher-developed questionnaire. Using bivariate and multivariate analysis, the impact of poor antenatal care, intimate partner violence, food insecurity, and poor mental health was assessed on the incidence of adverse pregnancy outcome. Results More than half (56.6%) of Afghan women reported at least one pregnancy complication in their recent pregnancy. The results showed that undocumented, illiterate, and unemployed Afghan women with lower socioeconomic status are more likely to experience adverse pregnancy outcomes. Furthermore, we observed lower prevalence of adverse pregnancy outcomes among documented immigrants with health insurance compared to those with no health insurance. It is also been found that the food insecurity [Adjusted OR = 3.35, 95% CI (1.34–8.36)], poor antenatal care [Adjusted OR = 10.50, 95% CI (5.40–20.39)], intimate partner violence [Adjusted OR = 2.72, 95% CI (1.10–6.77)], and poor mental health [Adjusted OR = 4.77, 95% CI (2.54–8.94)] could adversely impact the pregnancy outcome and we observed higher incidence of adverse outcomes among those suffering from these situations. Conclusion To our knowledge, this is the first study that explored the prevalence and associated factors of adverse pregnancy outcomes and the impact of intimate partner violence, food insecurity, poor mental health on pregnancy outcome among Afghan women in Iran. Enhancing the psychosocial support and empowering Afghan women through expanding the social network and safety net should be a priority for the central government and international parties. Psychological counseling should be incorporated into routine maternity care for Afghan refugees. Access to free antenatal care is a right for all Afghan women and it should be facilitated by universal health insurance for all Afghans regardless of their legal status.

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6

Rahim, Taiba. "The future of Afghanistan: an Afghan responsibility." International Review of the Red Cross 92, no. 880 (December 2010): 993–1002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383111000063.

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AbstractBad news about Afghanistan is a daily reality. War has plagued the country for three uninterrupted decades. Afghan women and men face daunting survival struggles. The majority of them have known nothing else but war. Considerable responsibility lies on the shoulders of Afghans themselves, who have caused extensive suffering for their fellow countrywomen and men. This article, however, argues that the future of Afghanistan lies in Afghan hands. The solution to its current problems cannot and will not come from outside. It is time for Afghan men and women to confront their problems, to address their divisions, and to envisage home-grown solutions.

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7

Ghani, Bilquis, and Lucy Fiske. "‘Art is my language’: Afghan cultural production challenging Islamophobic stereotypes." Journal of Sociology 56, no. 1 (November 8, 2019): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783319882536.

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Afghans and Afghanistan have, since September 11, risen to prominence in Western popular imagination as a land of tradition, tribalism and violence. Afghan women are assumed to be silent, submissive, and terrorised by Afghan men, who are seen as violent patriarchs driven by an uncompromising mediaeval religion. These Islamophobic tropes also inform perceptions of Afghans seeking asylum. In transit, identities are further reduced; asylum seekers lose even a national identity and become a Muslim threat – criminals, terrorists or invaders. These narrative frames permeate political discourse, media, and reports of non-governmental organisations (seeking donor funds to ‘save’ Afghan women). Drawing on fieldwork in Afghanistan and Indonesia, this article looks at how Afghans in Kabul and Indonesia are using art and other forms of cultural production to challenge over-simplified hegemonic narratives in the West, to open spaces for dialogue and expression within their own communities, and to offer a more nuanced account of their own identities.

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8

Fahmy, Shahira. "Picturing Afghan Women." Gazette (Leiden, Netherlands) 66, no. 2 (April 2004): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0016549204041472.

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9

Mitra, Saumava. "‘Picturing Afghan Women’ for Western audiences: The Afghan perspective." Journalism 21, no. 6 (May 15, 2019): 800–820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884919849359.

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As the United States engages with the Taliban in a peace process that might return them to influence within Afghanistan, concerns are rising regarding the future status of Afghan women. In this background, this article returns to the much studied subject of the portrayal of Afghan women in Western news media through Orientalist stereotypes. Noting the lack of Afghan perspectives in previous research on this topic, the study investigates the views and practices of Afghan photojournalists, who have today come to replace international photojournalists in the country, when it comes to ‘picturing Afghan women’ for Western audiences. It sheds light on the day-to-day professional activities of these photojournalists when producing images of Afghan women for Western audiences. It goes on to explore Afghan photojournalists’ perceptions about how Afghan women have been and are being portrayed in Western news media. Finally, it reports on how most of these Afghan photojournalists may perpetuate the same stereotypes about Afghan women for Western audiences because hierarchies in the international ‘visual gatekeeping chain’ supersede the Afghan photojournalists’ power to shape visual narratives and coupled with the need to earn an income as precarious labor, their individual self-reflexivity regarding picturing Afghan women are suppressed. The study also notes how photographing Afghan women causes risks for Afghan photojournalists as well as the Afghan women who are photographed. Attention is called to this hitherto invisible ethical concern that lives are jeopardized to validate Western savior narratives regarding Afghan women through images.

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10

Papell, Catherine P. "Working with “Women for Afghan Women”." Social Work with Groups 38, no. 3-4 (July 3, 2015): 224–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01609513.2014.948588.

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11

Ibrahim, Muhammad, and Razia Mussarat. "Women Participation in Politics: A Case Study of Afghan Women." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 4, no. 3 (March 5, 2015): 433. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v4i3.7190.

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Women are awarded minimized role in politics. Political activities are considered the special domain for men. Women are stressed that home is predominant place. The major role related for women is reproduction of human race. The objectives of the study are to discuss concept of political participation and its objectives for women participation in politics. The central aim is to examine the empowerment of women particularly of Afghanistan. The paper focuses on present contribution of afghan women in presidential election of Afghanistan in 2014. The process includes the voice of Afghan women for successful outcome in election 2014. The empirical and analytical analyses have been adapted to forecasting the present status of afghan women by empowering their right not only by casting a vote rather by full political participation. The under discussion issue is voter turn-out after huge participation of women in presidential election. The study will analyse structural causes and customs which limit women opting to pursue elected offices and member of loyia Jirga. The future prospects for Afghan women participation in politics.

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12

Akseer, Spogmai. "Afghan women: identity and invasion." Feminist Review 98, no. 1 (June 6, 2011): e20-e22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.2011.17.

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13

NekZad, Farida. "Women and the Afghan Media." Media Asia 32, no. 1 (January 2005): 4–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01296612.2005.11726762.

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14

Choksy, Jamsheed. "Afghan Women: Identity and Invasion." Comparative Sociology 8, no. 1 (2009): 147–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913308x384801.

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15

Alemi, Ahmad Wali. "Role of Afghan Women in War against British Ahmad Wali Alemi,." Addaiyan Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 10 (December 18, 2020): 09–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.2.10.2.

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The presence of Afghan women in Afghan society in major national and local decision-making is faded and often marginalized. But they have a key role in the production and processing of resources that are unfortunately deprived of ownership. On the contrary, in issues such as conflict, Afghan women are present on the battlefields and stand on the train with their men in a single row, fighting with their enemies and defending their country. With the end of the war, their role does not end, but they are also involved in more serious decisions related to the war.One good example of this can be remembered in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, that Afghan women have played a key role in the solution of local conflicts in Afghan tribal society and, through the Jirga and the Soviets, have made peace with the warring factions and ultimately. Ends of strife, war, and hostility have become essential. Therefore, in this article, citing the archives and historical sources, efforts have been made to express the role of Afghan women in War against the British and to investigate their activities.

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16

Isti'anah, Arina. "TRANSITIVITY ANALYSIS OF AFGHAN WOMEN IN ÅSNE SEIERSTAD’S THE BOOKSELLER OF KABUL." LiNGUA: Jurnal Ilmu Bahasa dan Sastra 14, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/ling.v14i2.6966.

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Transitivity analysis is the tool offered by Halliday’s Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG) to observe the writer’s/ speaker’s experience of the real world. In the novel entitled The Bookseller of Kabul, Åsne Seierstad’s description of Afghan women reveals how they are represented in the story. By observing the different characters in the novel, this research focuses on outiling three different woman character roles: wife (Sharifa), mother (Bibi Gul), and daughter (Leila). Stylistic approach focusing on the grammatical features is utilized in this research. The writer’s descriptions of Sharifa, Bibi Gul, and Leila are categorized into the transitivity processes adopting Halliday’s SFG. The analysis shows that different woman roles are represented in similar processes: material, mental, relational, verbal and behavioral. The processes reveal that Afghan women are represented as submissive and devoted characters. Behavioral process is only used to reveal the characters’ being submissive, while material process is employed the most to portray Afghan women’s devotion to the family.

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17

Zabihzadeh, Seyedeh Robabeh. "Engendered Violence Against Afghan Women in Atiq Rahimi’s A Thousand Rooms of Dream and Fear." English Language and Literature Studies 10, no. 2 (April 27, 2020): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ells.v10n2p57.

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The universal concern of domestic violence against women in its various manifestations came to the center of scholarly attention due to its harmful effects and consequences on the lives of thousands of women worldwide. This umbrella term that refers to any form of physical, sexual, and psychological abuse against women is the result of gender-based power imbalance and sexist inequalities in societies where patriarchal norms hold sway. However, the enormity and severity of the problem is more profound in third-world countries where governing policies are determined by traditional and religious doctrines. Afghanistan is one such third-world country where woman’s oppression and abuse originate from the reigning religious principles that dominate its culture, society and politics. Nevertheless, there is a recent trend among literary figures of the Afghan Diaspora in highlighting the plight of Afghan women in Afghanistan through the medium of fiction. This paper therefore intends to investigate the manifestations of domestic violence against women in the Afghan context through a reading of Atiq Rahim’s novella, A Thousand Rooms of Dream and Fear (2007). Rahimi’s novella narrates the story of a male protagonist named Farhad and simultaneously highlights the miserable living conditions of the Afghan people, particularly the lives of Afghan women during the turbulent period of the Soviet Invasion as well as the many internal political upheavals that followed soon after. Using feminist literary criticism, the present paper shall discuss the depictions of three prominent forms of domestic violence against women as experienced by the female characters in the novella, namely physical, sexual and psychological violence that have shaped them into oppressed, silenced and traumatized individuals.

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18

Ross-Sheriff, Fariyal. "Afghan Women in Exile and Repatriation." Affilia 21, no. 2 (May 2006): 206–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0886109905285782.

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19

Khattak, Saba Gul. "Afghan Women: Bombed to Be Liberated?" Middle East Report, no. 222 (2002): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1559266.

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20

Collett, Pamela. "Afghan women in the peace process." Peace Review 8, no. 3 (September 1996): 397–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659608425986.

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21

Amiri, Rana, Kathryn M. King, Abbas Heydari, Nahid Dehghan-Nayeri, and Abu Ali Vedadhir. "Health-Seeking Behavior of Afghan Women Immigrants: An Ethnographic Study." Journal of Transcultural Nursing 30, no. 1 (August 5, 2018): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043659618792613.

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Background: Nowadays, in light of gender inequity, new concern has been raised for health-seeking behavior of women in clinical setting. The aim of this study was to investigate the perceptions and health-seeking behaviors of Afghan immigrant women residing in Mashhad, Iran. Method: An ethnographic design was used to examine the health-seeking behavior of Afghan women. This study took place in Tollab Tabarsi area of Mashhad, Iran, from March 2013 to July 2014. For gathering of data, participant observations, fieldwork, and formal interviews were included. Data were analyzed using thematic analysis. Results: Fourteen Afghan women immigrants and five health care professionals were interviewed. The overarching category derived from the data was gender inequity. The emergent three themes were cultural taboos, women position, and information gap. Discussions: The displaced Afghan women were found to be at significant risk of adverse health events, which affected both their physical health and mental health.

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22

Alimajrooh, Parwin. "Afghan women between Marxism and Islamic fundamentalism." Central Asian Survey 8, no. 3 (January 1989): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634938908400675.

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23

Aziz, Nahid. "What Self-Immolation Means to Afghan Women." Peace Review 23, no. 1 (January 2011): 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659.2011.548251.

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24

Solberg, Kristin. "Intimate moments: the lives of Afghan women." Lancet 379, no. 9816 (February 2012): 606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(12)60256-6.

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25

Coursen-Neff, Zama. "Afghan Women and Girls Still Held Hostage." Middle East Report, no. 228 (2003): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1559374.

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26

Grenfell, Laura. "Paths to Transitional Justice for Afghan Women." Nordic Journal of International Law 73, no. 4 (2004): 505–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571810043083324.

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27

Morat, Wil. "Afghan Women Find a Partner for Justice." Tikkun 23, no. 5 (September 2008): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08879982-2008-5006.

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28

Lipson, Juliene G., Taiyaba Hosseini, Susan Kabir, Patricia A. Omidian, and Frances Edmonston. "Health issues among Afghan women in California." Health Care for Women International 16, no. 4 (July 1995): 279–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07399339509516181.

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29

Kheirkhah, Masoomeh, Razia Hakimi, Jamileh Abolghasemi, and Masumah Hakimi. "Sex education and Afghan migrant adolescent women." Journal of Family Medicine and Primary Care 10, no. 2 (2021): 791. http://dx.doi.org/10.4103/jfmpc.jfmpc_395_20.

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30

Kaifi, Belal A., and Wajma Aslami. "Managing Diversity: Afghan-Americans And The Aftermath Of The Twin Towers Tragedy." Journal of Diversity Management (JDM) 4, no. 4 (October 1, 2009): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jdm.v4i4.4968.

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Ethnic and religious diversity is part of each society in the modern world and being an Afghan is another dimension of these differences in the United States. The research question for this study was to see if Afghan-Americans are experiencing more discriminatory practices as a result of the 9/11 events. The results of 502 Afghan-Americans demonstrated that they do report more discrimination in the post-9/11 era. Specifically, Afghan men have experienced more discrimination in the workplace and Afghan women have experienced more discrimination in public. Implications and recommendations are offered for effective diversity management.

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Sehin, Oleksandra, Joellen Coryell, and Trae Stewart. "Engendering Hope: Women’s (Dis)engagement in Change in Afghanistan." Adult Learning 28, no. 3 (November 20, 2016): 91–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1045159516679357.

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Afghan women’s human rights are a crucial concern for the international community and the government in Afghanistan. Framed by hope theory, this study captured Afghan women’s understandings of recent realities, particularly those focused on expanding women’s roles in Afghan life and community. Based on focus groups with 107 women conducted in 10 different locations, findings reveal that many Afghan females are conditioned into self-perceptions that may undermine their capacity to believe they are worthy of human rights, education, and freedom from oppression. A discussion on agency, pathways, sociocultural influences, and education for hope in Afghan women’s future is presented.

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Wafeq, Manizha, Omar Al Serhan, Kimberley Catherine Gleason, S. W. S. B. Dasanayaka, Roudaina Houjeir, and Mohamad Al Sakka. "Marketing management and optimism of Afghan female entrepreneurs." Journal of Entrepreneurship in Emerging Economies 11, no. 3 (September 2, 2019): 436–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jeee-02-2018-0020.

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Purpose For the present generation of entrepreneurs, the operating environment in Afghanistan has been among the most tenuous in the world. Numerous regime changes, civil unrest and war have created tremendous uncertainty, making civilian business planning difficult. These challenges incrementally impact female entrepreneurs. This paper aims to investigate the relationship between one aspect of entrepreneurial psychological capital – optimism regarding enterprise success of Afghan female entrepreneurs – and aspects of the marketing function. Design/methodology/approach Primary data collection was used for this study. A total of 248 women business owners were surveyed via telephone from five provinces of Afghanistan. Over half (133) of respondents were from the Afghan capital, Kabul. A total of 49 respondents were obtained from Herat, 44 from Mazar, 12 from Nangarhar and ten were obtained from Kandahar. Findings We find that a focus on marketing positively and significantly impacts reported optimism by female Afghan entrepreneurs, as do marketing planning efforts. However, self-reliance and orientation toward the outside world do not impact the perceived success of the entrepreneurial venture. Research limitations/implications Like other empirical studies, this research has its own limitation. First, we would have liked a larger sample size, but date collection in a war-torn country and from female business women in a male-dominated society is proofed very challenging task. Also, some cities had less representation due to security concerns especially Kandahar province. Practical implications Our results have significant relevance for economic development policymakers, non-governmental organizations and entrepreneurs throughout the developing world. What drives the psychological capital of these entrepreneurs under these extreme conditions should be of interest not only from the perspective of the entrepreneurship literature, but also for policymakers who are often uninformed regarding on the ground conditions under which individuals in the environment function. Social implications It is our hope that our results inform those in a position of power so that they support the development of human capital of Afghan women who are or who seek to be entrepreneurs. We also hope to raise questions for other researchers related to the importance of human capital investment and the business functions for entrepreneurs in other less developed, conflict-prone environments with low mean educational levels. Originality/value This paper is the first to use proprietary, hand collected survey data from Afghani female entrepreneurs to collect, analyze and draw conclusions and recommendations from a sample of 248 women-owned businesses regarding the relationship between the marketing function and one aspect of psychological capital – perceived optimism – in five Afghan cities.

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Fazli, Dr Rose, and Dr Anahita Seifi. "The public image of women in post-Taliban Afghanistan." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 1(2021) (March 25, 2021): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-1-44-49.

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The present article is an attempt to offer the concept of political development from a novel perspective and perceive the Afghan Women image in accordance with the aforementioned viewpoint. To do so, first many efforts have been made to elucidate the author’s outlook as it contrasts with the classic stance of the concept of power and political development by reviewing the literature in development and particularly political development during the previous decades. For example Post-World War II approaches to political development which consider political development, from the Hobbesian perspective toward power, as one of the functions of government. However in a different view of power, political development found another place when it has been understood via postmodern approaches, it means power in a network of relationships, not limited to the one-way relationship between ruler and obedient. Therefore newer concept and forces find their way on political development likewise “image” as a considerable social, political and cultural concept and women as the new force. Then, the meaning of “image” as a symbolic one portraying the common universal aspect is explained. The Afghan woman image emphasizing the historic period of 2001 till now is scrutinized both formally and informally and finally the relationship between this reproduced image of Afghan women and Afghanistan political development from a novel perspective of understanding is represented.

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Ahmadi, Zahra, Leila Amini, and Hamid Haghani. "“Determining a Health-promoting Lifestyle among Afghan Immigrants Women in Iran”." Journal of Primary Care & Community Health 11 (January 2020): 215013272095468. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2150132720954681.

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Background Health-promoting lifestyle is an effective strategy for maintaining and controlling health, especially in immigrant women as a vulnerable group. Regarding this, the present study was conducted to determine the health promoting lifestyle and its associated factors in Afghan migrant women in Iran. Method This was a population based cross-sectional study in which 255 Afghan women of reproductive age. The study population was selected using the continuous sampling method from all Afghan women who referred to health centers of southwest of Tehran in 2018. The data were collected through the socio-demographic and Health Promoting Lifestyle Profile-II (HPLP-II) questionnaire. Results The total HPLP-II mean score of women was (124.05 ± 17.28). The lowest score was related to physical activity dimension (14.70 ± 3.78) and the highest score was related to spiritual growth (24.56 ± 5.06). Although some factors such as age, duration of education, income level, ability to speak Persian, education level of husband, and number of children significantly related factors to participant’s lifestyle ( P <.05), but multiple regression model showed that income level and ability to speak Persian are final statistically related factors to Afghan women health promoting lifestyle in Iran. Conclusion Familiarization of the individual with the Persian language and the promotion of employment status should be considered due to the low socio-economic level and the fact that most women participating in the study are housewives.

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Muhammad, Rehan Khan. "International Forced Migration and Pak- Afghan Development Concerns: Exploring Afghan Refugee Livelihood Strategies." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 2, no. 4 (October 15, 2011): 181–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v2i4.667.

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This study investigates the livelihood strategies employed by Afghan refugees residing in Pakistan. These refugees were forced to take refuge in Pakistan after Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1978. Three decades after their migration, and after repeated Pakistani government attempts to resettle them in Afghanistan, scores of Afghan refugees still reside in Pakistan. This paper discusses the evolving relationship between Afghanistan and Pakistan over the years and their respective implications. Researching the various livelihood strategies that Afghan refugees pursued their impact on the Pakistani labor market is discussed. By means of taking a case study of an Afghan refugee woman, this study concludes that there exists a gender dimension in Afghan refugee population. In doing so two developmental concerns are identified i) development projects focused on refugee assistance in Afghanistan and Pakistan ignore the development concerns of the women population ii) countries that provide refuge to victims of war are exposed to a new set of development challenges in addition to their already burdened economy. This paper furthers the academic debate on achieving the development challenge of attaining a stable South Asia, in light of the AfPak strategy initiated by President Obama in 2010, and reflects on potential areas for policy making for Pakistan, Afghanistan and the United States.

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Hoodfar, Homa. "Families on the Move: The Changing Role of Afghan Refugee Women in Iran." Hawwa 2, no. 2 (2004): 141–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569208041514707.

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AbstractIn their attempts to "modernize" and bring about socio-economic change, Afghan governments have been preoccupied with restructuring the institutions of marriage and family, and women's role within them, since the 1880s. Serious commitment to introduce legal reform and democratize the family and gender roles cost King Amanullah his throne (1919–1929). From 1930 to 1976 the government attempted a gradual approach introducing reforms piecemeal which had little impact beyond the capital and major cities. After the coup d'état in 1973 and the installation of socialism, the regime introduced a new family decree (known as Number 7) in October 1978 and aggressively pursued women's education and the reform of family laws. This policy incensed the conservative communities and tribal societies, who rebelled against the government; the ensuing Russian occupation brought about the resistance movements and subsequent civil war that has wreaked havoc on Afghanistan for more than two decades. Many conservatives who had tried to resist the intended changes regarding family law and education for girls and "protect" their women, who represented the males honor, decided to leave the country with their families. More than six million Afghans moved to neighboring countries, mostly to Iran and Pakistan. Examining data collected among Afghan refugees in Iran from 1999 to 2002, this paper argues that, ironically, living in exile has brought about the very changes resistance to which had forced them into the refugee situation. Forced to cope with a crisis situation, they developed economic and social survival strategies that altered women's role. Moreover, that exposure to an Islamic society very different from their own brought about structural and ideological changes in the family and in gender roles which legal reforms in Afghanistan had failed to induce. Given the considerable size of the refugee population in Iran (but also in Pakistan and elsewhere) and the destruction of the old fabric(s) of Afghan society, this paper argues that these changes may be irreversible.

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Nunan, Timothy. "Under A Red Veil: Staging Afghan Emancipation in Moscow." Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 38, no. 1 (2011): 30–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633211x564265.

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AbstractThis article explores the Soviet mission to emancipate Afghan women during the Soviet war in Afghanistan through a detailed reading of the stenogram of a 1982 seminar in Moscow designed as an exchange of ideas and experiences between leading members of the Committee for Soviet Women and the Democratic Organization of Women of Afghanistan. Approaching this episode as a moment in the quest to find new forms of modernity – Communist, Islamic, or Western – in Afghanistan, the article shows how Soviet women's representatives repeatedly played up the important of the hujum in 1930s Soviet Central Asia as a model program for Afghan and, to some extent, all Third World societies. At the same time, however, the Afghan women at the conference, while avid Communists, articulated their own vision of women's emancipation for Afghanistan which did not reject the veil, a vision at odds with that articulated by their Soviet 'teachers.'

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Sharifi, Mahnaz, Leila Amiri-Farahani, Shima Haghani, and Syedeh Batool Hasanpoor-Azghady. "Information Needs During Pregnancy and Its Associated Factors in Afghan Pregnant Migrant Women in Iran." Journal of Primary Care & Community Health 11 (January 2020): 215013272090594. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2150132720905949.

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Background: Access to pregnancy-related information is an important requirement for all pregnant women, especially women at risk, such as immigrants. Regarding this, the present study was conducted to determine the information needs during pregnancy and its associated factors in the Afghan pregnant women. Methods: This cross-sectional study was conducted on 280 Afghan pregnant women who received care at the prenatal clinics of selected health care centers in the southeast of Tehran in 2018. The study population was selected using the continuous sampling method. The sampling was performed through the continuous sampling method from all the Afghan pregnant women who received care at the prenatal health centers of the southeast of Tehran. Results: Among the information needs during pregnancy, the fetal (83.34 ± 20.65) and smoking (62.61 ± 28.88) domains had the highest and lowest mean scores by percentage, respectively. The information needs during pregnancy showed a statistically significant relationship with age, women’s education level, husband’s education level, duration of living in Iran, place of residence, insurance status, number of children, place of the previous delivery, and routine prenatal care. Based on the multiple regression model, only the place of birth and place of residence accounted for 19% of information needs during pregnancy. Conclusion: As the findings indicated, the prenatal care–related education should address the domains that are unknown for Afghan women. Furthermore, in this education, the demographic and reproductive characteristics of the recipients should be taken into account to improve the pregnancy outcome among this population.

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Mudaber, Mohammad Jawad, and Nimetcan Mehmet. "Breast cancer screening practices among Afghan women visiting Istiqlal and Jumhuriat hospitals in Kabul city, Afghanistan." International Journal of Research in Medical Sciences 8, no. 6 (May 26, 2020): 1973. http://dx.doi.org/10.18203/2320-6012.ijrms20202081.

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Background:The Incidence of breast cancer is rising in developed and developing countries. Early detection, screening, awareness of early signs, and symptoms are critical to improve breast cancer by seeking diagnosis and treatment. The aim of this study is to examine practices regarding breast cancer among Afghan women, visiting Istiqlal and Jumhuriat hospitals in Kabul city.Methods:A cross-sectional descriptive study was conducted among 410 Afghan women aged 18 years and above who visited Istiqlal and Jumhuriat national hospitals in Kabul city, Afghanistan. The data was collected using self-administrative methods and face to face interviews from February to March 2020. A standard questionnaire was used for the study and it was translated from the English language to Pashto and Dari languages. The data was analyzed using SPSS version 24.Results: The majority of Afghan women who participated in this study had weak screening practices of breast cancer. Only 27.6% of participants were practicing breast self-examination, 14.9% of them practiced clinical breast examination during the past one year and 13.9% of them performed mammograms in the past 2 years. The commonest reason for not practicing breast self-examination was that they have never taught how to perform breast self-examination. The reason for not performing clinical breast examination was that they were shy to go for clinical breast examination and the other common reason was that the clinics were far from them. The education level had a significant association with their practices of breast self-examination (p=0.001) and clinical breast examination (p=0.031).Conclusions: Overall the findings of this study indicate that Afghan women who participated in this study had weak practices of breast cancer screening. It is important to increase future screening programs and improve the awareness level about screening methods of breast cancer among Afghan women through appropriate health education campaignsBackground:The Incidence of breast cancer is rising in developed and developing countries. Early detection, screening, awareness of early signs, and symptoms are critical to improve breast cancer by seeking diagnosis and treatment. The aim of this study is to examine practices regarding breast cancer among Afghan women, visiting Istiqlal and Jumhuriat hospitals in Kabul city.Methods:A cross-sectional descriptive study was conducted among 410 Afghan women aged 18 years and above who visited Istiqlal and Jumhuriat national hospitals in Kabul city, Afghanistan. The data was collected using self-administrative methods and face to face interviews from February to March 2020. A standard questionnaire was used for the study and it was translated from the English language to Pashto and Dari languages. The data was analyzed using SPSS version 24.Results: The majority of Afghan women who participated in this study had weak screening practices of breast cancer. Only 27.6% of participants were practicing breast self-examination, 14.9% of them practiced clinical breast examination during the past one year and 13.9% of them performed mammograms in the past 2 years. The commonest reason for not practicing breast self-examination was that they have never taught how to perform breast self-examination. The reason for not performing clinical breast examination was that they were shy to go for clinical breast examination and the other common reason was that the clinics were far from them. The education level had a significant association with their practices of breast self-examination (p=0.001) and clinical breast examination (p=0.031).Conclusions: Overall the findings of this study indicate that Afghan women who participated in this study had weak practices of breast cancer screening. It is important to increase future screening programs and improve the awareness level about screening methods of breast cancer among Afghan women through appropriate health education campaigns

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Wais Mohammad, Qarani. "Depression Among Afghan Women: A Public Health Concern." i-manager’s Journal on Nursing 6, no. 2 (2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26634/jnur.6.2.6040.

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Hamidazada, Marina, Ana Maria Cruz, and Muneta Yokomatsu. "Vulnerability Factors of Afghan Rural Women to Disasters." International Journal of Disaster Risk Science 10, no. 4 (September 16, 2019): 573–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13753-019-00227-z.

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Abstract Disaster management is a global challenge, but disasters do not affect men and women equally. In most of the world’s disasters, more females are impacted than males, and in Afghanistan the disparity between female and male victims is even greater. This study identifies and maps the relationships between the factors that make Afghan rural women more vulnerable to natural hazard-induced disasters. Data for this study were obtained through focus group discussions with rural women and men, as well as person-to-person interviews with employees of government and nongovernmental organizations at the national and local levels in Afghanistan. The study uses Grounded Theory and Interpretive Structural Modeling, not widely used before for this type of study, to analyze the data collected and to map the factors of vulnerability identified and their relationships. In agreement with previous studies, our findings show that insufficient disaster education, inadequate protection measures, and powerful cultural issues, both pre- and post-disaster, increase women’s vulnerability during and after disasters. In particular, cultural issues play a role after disasters by affecting women’s security, access to disaster aid, and health care. The study also found that perception regarding these cultural issues and how they affect women during disasters differs among men and women. Finally, by using Interpretive Structural Modeling, we show how the importance of the factors and their interrelationships change in pre-disaster and post-disaster situations. We conclude the article with some policy recommendations such as finding ways to allow women to participate in disaster planning activities and decision-making processes related to disaster risk reduction, as well as securing dedicated funds for the mainstreaming of gender in disaster risk reduction policies in Afghanistan.

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Lee. "Dialogue of Soul and FemalePrayer for Afghan Women." Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 28, no. 1 (2012): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jfemistudreli.28.1.135.

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Fleschenberg, Andrea. "Afghan Women Parliamentarians— Caucusing amidst Contestation and Insecurity." Gender, Technology and Development 14, no. 3 (January 2010): 339–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097185241001400303.

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Hunt-Hurst, Patricia. "Embroideries within Boundaries: Afghan Women Creating a Future." Dress 44, no. 2 (July 3, 2018): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612112.2018.1497857.

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Imran, Muhammad, and Jonathan Locke Hart. "Embroidering within boundaries: Afghan women creating a future." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 46, no. 2 (November 20, 2018): 335–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2018.1549003.

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Hussaini, Latifa. "University-of-the-Future’s Role in Gender Fairness: Providing Fair Access to Balanced Education and Decent Work in Afghanistan." Volume 5 - 2020, Issue 8 - August 5, no. 8 (September 8, 2020): 1195–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.38124/ijisrt20aug313.

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- Traditionally, Afghanistan has remained a hotbed of gender inequality in various aspects. Women and girls encounter numerous hindrances in the education sector. Despite concerted efforts to enhance the educational system in the past several years, the situation of Afghan girls and women education continues deplorable. There is still much work to be done in enhancing education, in particular female literacy. This paper aims to explain the main barriers that hinder girls and women of access to education. It utilizes the design and system thinking methodology to describe the main obstacles and suggest a business model of the University of the Future (UotF) for a Malaysian university in providing fair access to a balanced education and decent work for girls and women in Afghanistan. The augmentation of this paper is a conceptual and validated business model in the BMC and VPC format. The proposed UotF business model for the Malaysian university will help Afghan females to obtain entrepreneurship education, experiences, and human values in contributing to the wellbeing and improvement of the Afghan nation.

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Diyarbakirlioglu, Kaan, and Sureyya Yigit. "The Women of Afghanistan: Past and Present Challenges." Journal of Social Science Studies 4, no. 2 (June 5, 2017): 208. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jsss.v4i2.11349.

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Women face tough challenges in developing countries which usually enforce strong traditional stereotypes. Afghanistan is a good example where women have experienced both radical and moderate changes. Some of the changes have ameliorated their position in society whereas for the most part the changes endured have kept them from fulfilling their potential roles in a traditional patriarchal structure. This article attempts to highlight the various fluctuations that have occurred in the 19th and 20th centuries, paying special attention to the period during and after the Soviet invasion of 1978. Afghan women possess legal rights which are on a par with other developed states but it is the implementation of these rights which leaves much to be desired. The impact of culture and history cannot be minimised when trying to explain the obstacles faced in improving Afghan women’s rights.

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Jauhiainen, Jussi S., and Davood Eyvazlu. "Entrepreneurialism through Self-Management in Afghan Guest Towns in Iran." Urban Science 4, no. 4 (October 22, 2020): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/urbansci4040051.

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This article studies the self-management of guest towns (GTs) in Iran and the development of Afghan refugees’ employment and entrepreneurship in these settlements. No earlier research exists on refugee entrepreneurialism in GTs in Iran. The research is based on surveys (546 refugee respondents), interviews (35 refugees) and observations in four GTs in Iran, and interviews (12) with key public authorities related to Afghan refugees in Iran. Of the nearly one million Afghan refugees in Iran, approximately 30,000 reside in 20 GTs, each having up to a few thousand inhabitants. Following a decrease in international support for Afghan refugees and national privatisation policies, the Iranian government decided in 2003 that GTs needed to be self-managed to be financially self-sustainable by their Afghan refugee inhabitants. The motivation and necessity generated by GT self-management led to the increase, diversification, and profit orientation in Afghan refugees’ economic activities in the GTs. The GT refugee councils facilitated internal entrepreneurship fostered externally by state policies, such as the GTs’ obligation to become economically self-sustainable and the provision of tax exemptions and other incentives to GTs. A larger number of Afghan refugees (including women) obtained employment, various entrepreneurial trajectories emerged, and several businesses connected the GTs to the external economy.

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Sapkota, Binod. "Ideological Essentialization of Afghan Women in Hosseini's A Thousand Splendid Suns." Batuk 6, no. 1 (November 2, 2020): 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/batuk.v6i1.32628.

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This article analyses the representation of women in Khaled Hoesseini’s novel A Thousand Splendid Suns (2003). This novel foregrounds the Afghan history in the aftermath of the fall of monarchy and the subsequent Russianinvasion, rise of Taliban and the arrival of the US after 9/11. All these events resulted in ethnic cleansing, hunger, mass exploitation, displacement and physical and psychological trauma to the common people especially the poor, women, and children. They brought eternal political instability to the ancient nation. The article uses the feminist lens of interpretation and concludes that the novel presents a graphical picture of Afghan women, their sufferings, their fight against the social and political patriarchy and biasness, their pain, human values and struggle for dignity.

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Waheed, Waheedullah. "The Causes Violence against Afghan Women and Recommended Solutions." International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications (IJSRP) 10, no. 11 (November 6, 2020): 144–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.29322/ijsrp.10.11.2020.p10715.

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