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1
Mushair, Hasibullah, D. Murugananthi, A. Rohini, and R. Vasanthi. "Export performance and direction of trade of dried apricot from Afghanistan." INTERNATIONAL RESEARCH JOURNAL OF AGRICULTURAL ECONOMICS AND STATISTICS 11, no. 2 (September 15, 2020): 132–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15740/has/irjaes/11.2/132-136.
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Apricot is one of the most delicious refreshing and nourishing fruits. Afghanistan produces 1.09 lakh tonnes of apricot during 2018 (Afghanistan statistical year book). It is one of the important commodities in export basket of Afghanistan. The major export markets for Afghan dried apricot are India and USA. The present study aims to quantify the export performance and changing structure of dried apricot exports from Afghanistan. Secondary data on area, production and country wise quantity of exports of dried apricot was collected from FAO statistics, ITC and APEDA for a period of 13 years from 2006 to 2018. Compound Annual Growth Rate was computed for studying the trend in area, production, yield, export quantity and export value for dried apricot. Markov chain analysis was attempted to assess the direction of change in exports. Markov chain analysis results showed that, India is the stable market for Afghanistan’s dried apricot and USA is less stable markets India is the main country to import dried apricot in the next five years. It shows high value in terms of quantity and percentage which is more than 50 per cent of all Afghanistan’s dried apricot export.
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Samay, M. Ali. "Afghanistan and Pakistan between the US new Strategy and Eurasian Great Powers." Köz-gazdaság 15, no. 3 (2020): 172–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14267/retp2020.03.14.
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One of the most intricate matters when it comes to fighting against terrorism in Afghanistan and South Asia is the perpetual conflict between Afghanistan and Pakistan. The role of Pakistan is a central debate in all security, political and economic subjects of discussion in Afghanistan since its dawn of existence as a country. Mohammad Ashraf Ghani, as the President of Afghanistan, believes his country is in a state of an undeclared war with Pakistan. The reason for this is that Pakistan plays a double-standard policy towards Afghanistan by having diplomatic relations with Kabul while actively supports the Taliban and terrorist groups who fight against the Afghan government and conduct terrorist attacks and bombings in the country. India shares the same point of view about Pakistan, thus becoming the most important strategic partner of Afghanistan in the region. Both countries are actively trying to turn the international community and international and Eurasian powers against Pakistan. Recently, the USA’s President has accepted its lobby and diplomacy. Today, America, Afghanistan, and India have a common voice in the fight against terrorism and its regional roots, which are in Pakistan. The practical result of this common voice is the newly shaped America-India-Afghan (AIA) strategic trinity against terrorism and Pakistan. In this article, we focus on: – The US new strategy towards Afghanistan and Pakistan – Afghanistan’s new position in the US foreign policy – The reaction and response of Pakistan, China, and Russia to the US new strategy – The fragmentation and lack of common initiatives among Eurasian large powers as far as the fight against terrorism and other trans-regional threats is concerned – The practical and possible outcome of the newly AIA strategical trinity or shift for the USA, Afghanistan, and Pakistan considering the policies of the regional or Eurasian great powers.
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Ramazaniandarzi, Ali Akbar, and Mehrzad Javadikouchaksaraei. "US Presence and Grounds for Cooperation between the Islamic Republic of Iran and United States in Afghanistan." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 2, no. 2 (April 1, 2015): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v2i2.2.
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To date, USA has not designed a policy to deal with Afghanistan and Iraq without Iran. One of the fundamental strategies of USA is to cooperate with the European Union, the Pacific, Russia, the Balkan Area, as well as the Caucasus the Middle East, North Africa, and Middle Asia. All of the countries relate to Iran in saving the Pacific. Iran is the most influential country in the area surrounding Afghanistan, the Middle East, and Northern Africa and Middle Asia. USA has to face Iran in the Middle East to meet the benefits of this relation. Therefore, such situation leads to the main question: does the attendance of USA in Afghanistan create the grounds for cooperation with Iran? Despite the existing disputes between the two governments, the attendance of USA in Afghanistan seems to have created new security, political, economic, and cultural fields for the cooperation of both countries.
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Khitab, Tayyab Ur Rahman. "Media Framing of Bilateral Security Agreement between Afghanistan and USA." Global Mass Communication Review III, no. I (December 30, 2018): 18–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2018(iii-i).02.
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Security in the region is one of the most important matters in international studies because it had many ups and downs during last decades. Although International Society leading U.S. sent troops to Afghanistan in order to fight against international terrorism, but still security challenges are remained the same. However, currently there is more consideration on roots of terrorism in Pakistan, but they are going to withdraw troops from Afghanistan after 2014. Some countries were pessimistic on presence of U.S. because they think U.S. has interests in Asia, controlling China, Russia and Iran. But others are worrying about future of region; especially that extremism is being expanded to the east part of China, Central Asia, and even to the south borders of Russia. Strategic agreement between Afghanistan and U.S. may have both negative and positive effects and impacts on security in the region. This research paper investigates Afghan media towards bilateral security agreement between Afghanistan and USA and its impact on regional peace and security. For this purpose, it examines the type of coverage's about security agreement get in newspapers. Content analysis of news reports from years 2014 to 2017 has done in order to know the framing of security agreement. Results reveal that media has been releasing favorable, natural and unfavorable coverage on security agreement.
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Connah, Leoni. "US intervention in Afghanistan: Justifying the Unjustifiable?" South Asia Research 41, no. 1 (November 6, 2020): 70–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0262728020964609.
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This article argues that the USA and its Western allies have misused ‘Just War’ narratives to legitimise an external intervention in Afghanistan and their use of force during the War on Terror. It explores the extent to which such external interventions, military strategies, narratives and justifications by the USA may have contributed to state failure in Afghanistan. As the legitimacy of earlier external interventions is called into question, while the road ahead for Afghanistan remains precarious, thinking about a new paradigm of post-war reconstruction becomes important for the country and its people in years to come.
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Uddin, Syed Shuja. "‘SECURITY DILEMMA’ OF PAKISTAN IN THE CONTEXT OF AFGHANISTAN: A REGIONAL TRILATERAL SOLUTION." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 55, no. 2 (December 31, 2016): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v55i2.85.
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Three inevitable realities instigate this study. Primarily, the goal of security in the region will most likely be accomplished just if as a minimum some level of cooperation is achieved between the major countries of the region. Second, Afghanistan cannot advance economically or enhance its security and administration independently without some cooperation from India and Pakistan. Third, although many strategists view the idea of Pak-India cooperation with distrust, there are many common grounds where both can gain considerable security, governance, and economic advantages. Most of the existing studies are focused on the assumptions that how peace in the region will come. First view is about involvement of USA and European countries (Western World) on one side and stake holders (Afghan Administration & Taliban) in Afghanistan on the other. Some believe in a trilateral pattern i.e. Western World, Afghan stake holders and Pakistan. Many also highlight the importance of support from neighboring countries like Iran, the Central Asian Republics (CARs), and China. This study highlights the significance of a trilateral (India, Pakistan and Afghanistan) solution in Afghanistan and the steps forward from this particular aspect. The possible answer to security dilemma of Pakistan in the context of Afghanistan is a solution within the region.
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Shah, Muhammad Naveed Ul Hasan, Muhammad Irfan Mahsud, and Azadar Ali Hamza. "A brief history of Pakistan–USSR bilateral relations 1947–1991." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 01 (January 1, 2021): 171–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202101statyi24.
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Pakistan, since 1947 remains under the umbrella of US, as a result, relations of Pakistan were not smooth with anti US states including USSR. The US was to increase its role in the region in order to make secure the largest petroleum reserves in the Persian Gulf. Pakistan’s alignment with the western world was mainly to counter possible Indian aggression, not to lessen the Soviet influence in the region, but the approach was more or less thwarting Soviet interests in the region. Over 3 million Afghan refugees had travelled to Pakistan in the 1st year of Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. The main objective of the USA during the initial stages of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan was primarily to ensure that the Soviet exercise would be a costly one. The United States of America supported Afghan militants with the help of Pakistan to organize them against the USSR. A general perception is that US did not want to be directly involved to thwart the Soviet invasion; rather USA handed over the operational aspect of the program to the Pakistan. The Pakistan was in charge of providing the funds and weapons to the mujahedin and setting up training camps. The US remained indecisive over the next course of action in Afghanistan and the Pakistan took the opportunity to carry out its own agenda in Afghanistan to promote their national interests.
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Rooh ul Amin, Dr. Ghulam Muhammad Awan, and Afzal Mahmood. "PAK–US Relations: Paradoxes & Enigmas during War on Terror." sjesr 3, no. 3 (October 21, 2020): 408–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/sjesr-vol3-iss3-2020(408-414).
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Pakistan –USA relations with the punctuated history of over seventy years roller-coaster motion have passed through phases of intense engagement to era of sanctions and betrayal during the Cold war, followed by spells of distrust, suspicions, and discord during the War against Terror. The intensity of close relations of the 50s and 60s shifted from one extreme to that of complete ignorance in the 70s, followed by urgent marrying up during the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and turning in to a most sanctioned Ally after soviet withdrawal. 9/11 served as another anchorage once again for the two old allies; however the warmness of relations remained frequently affected by numerous vexatious irritants thereby eroding mutual trust and War results. The discord in bilateral relations was transformed into cooperation by the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the US and Pakistan is listed as a key ally in the war against Afghanistan. Since the commencement of the War against Terror in Afghanistan, the pattern of interstates relations has taken turns with every major event and the changing tones of the last few years indicated that the sky over Pakistan once again seems to be overcast. The rhetoric of "do more" and suspension of all kinds of military and economic aid was a true replica of the past. The backlash of War in Afghanistan appeared with bangs in Pakistan threatening its peace and stability on one hand and polarizing its socio-political fibre of the society on the other. Soon Pakistan's army was left alone by the US and the NATO in its operation against the safe havens of terrorists alongside Durand line with disregard to all of its human and economic cost, suffered as a non-NATO ally. Pakistan's role in the fulfilment of USA interests in Afghanistan is once again signified in the wake of US Withdrawal forces and culmination of promising peace process in Afghanistan. The situation is once against ripe for Pakistan to pursue the USA's objectives and in return seek USA's support in resolving its economic, security, and Kashmir.
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Ishaque, Waseem, Muhammad Bilal, and Muhammad Usman. "EXPLORING OPTIONS OF RAPPROCHEMENT WITH TALIBAN ON THE PERPETUAL STATE OF WAR IN AFGHANISTAN." Global Political Review 1, no. 1 (December 30, 2016): 10–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2016(i-i).02.
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Afghanistan since the Soviet Invasion in 1979 and later by the USA in 2001 on the pretext of Global War on Terrorism (WoT) has remained in a perpetual state of war even after the collapse of the USSR and before US invasion. The fragile state with a lack of central government and dysfunctional state institutions has created serious international and regional security issues with an influx of refugees, drugs, and above all terrorism. The instability in Afghanistan has created national security problems for Pakistan and despite enormous sacrifices and instability, Pakistan is in the eye of storms for not doing enough despite US active military presence. The USs willingness to engage the Taliban for an honorable exit strategy and ensuring that the government in Afghanistan is more representative, are in fact positive signals which need to be capitalized by engaging all parties to the conflict.
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Scholtz, W. "The changing rules of jus ad bellum : conflicts in Kosovo, Iraq and Afghanistan." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 7, no. 2 (July 10, 2017): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2004/v7i2a2853.
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This article focuses on three instances of the use of armed force in international relations. The three instances that are explored are the intervention by NATO in Kosovo, the armed attack by mainly the USA and the UK against Afghanistan and the war against Iraq in 2003. The purpose of this investigation is to examine the legality of the coercive measures in order to ascertain the effects that these actions had in relation to article 2(4) of the UN Charter. The proposed justifications for the attacks differ and these are carefully scrutinized against the jus ad bellum as to determine the legality of the attacks. The notion of humanitarian intervention was used as a ground for justification by various international scholars to explain the use of force in Kosovo, but this concept is not recognized in terms of international law. The attack on Afghanistan was based on article 51 of the UN Charter. The attacks were directed at Afghanistan as this state harboured the terrorists responsible for the attacks on the USA. The mere harbouring of terrorists does not give rise to the use of armed force on the basis of article 51 and as such the use of coercive measures against Afghanistan was illegal. The use of force in Iraq was mainly based on the doctrine of pre-emptive force which is alien to international law. The USA and its coalition partners also acted in contravention with the jus ad bellum in this regard. The author poses certain proposals in relation to the jus ad bellum and stresses the importance of article 2(4) which must ensure that international relations are not once more regulated by the use of armed force.
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Saba, Sahar, and Farooq Sulehria. "Afghan Women." South Asian Survey 24, no. 1 (March 2017): 20–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971523118783155.
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In the mainstream narratives on the Afghan conflict, primacy is assigned to a binary of ‘Mujahedeen’ and People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) regime. The struggle of organisations, beyond this binary, such as the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA) against and during the communist rule, belies these narratives. Consequently, this article argues that women’s liberation is not possible when a state/society is run by an autocratic regime denying democratic freedoms in general. This is equally true about present-day Afghanistan despite the staging of a mainstream intellectual/political spectacle to show that Afghan women were rescued by the USA. In the case of PDPA, we argue that through the harsh measures to subdue the opposition, the ‘communist’ regime introduced policies with huge consequences for women. Regarding the post-9/11 regime, we flag up its ideologically anti-women character. Therefore, we conclude that women’s liberation cannot be achieved under foreign occupations.
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Junaid, Aamir. "External Invasions in Afghanistan: A Comparative Analysis of USSR and USA." Journal of Development and Social Sciences 2, no. III (September 30, 2021): 1–08. http://dx.doi.org/10.47205/jdss.2021(2-iii)01.
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Sabawoon, Mirza. "The European Union’s strategy on Afghanistan. Selected Issues." Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, no. 3 (October 2, 2019): 181–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ssp.2019.3.9.
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Zamach na World Trade Center z 11 września 2001 roku był dowodem na zwiększające się zagrożenie terrorystyczne dla USA, ale również dla Unii Europejskiej. Nie dziwi zatem, że UE zaczęła walczyć z terroryzmem również poza jej własnym obszarem. Afganistan stanowił na tyle duże zagrożenie, że wspólnota europejska zdecydowała się na czynny udział najpierw w wojnie z talibami, a następnie w misji pokojowej na tamtym terenie. Artykuł pozwala prześledzić ewolucję zaangażowania Unii Europejskiej w pomoc Afganistanowi, w sprawę demokratyzacji, odbudowy kraju i jego struktur, stworzenia społeczeństwa obywatelskiego oraz poprawę jakości życia. Pochylono się też nad zapisami najnowszej strategii UE dla Afganistanu z 2017 roku, która najsilniejszy nacisk kładzie na kwestie przestrzegania praw człowieka, zwiększenia roli kobiet w życiu społecznym oraz zapewnieniu pokoju i stabilności w regionie.
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Saldanha-Alvarez, Jose Mauricio. "War in Afghanistan: Europe and America, between Films and Documentaries. 1979-2014." Asian Culture and History 9, no. 1 (February 28, 2017): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ach.v9n1p26.
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This research looks at the Afghanistan War from the Soviet invasion of 1979 until the withdrawal of North Atlantic Treaty Organization in 2014 through films chosen. This research demonstrates how the Soviets, supported by the USA and the Muslim world, operated on misconceptions during an insurrectional conflict against the Mujahedin. After September 11, the Bush-Cheney administration invaded Afghanistan, restricting the informative role of the corporate media system. According to Kellner, this action triggered a creative revolution in American cinema. Turning to the production of documentaries, directors abandoned large-scale productions, preferring highly dramatically charged narratives of real soldiers and real action. The Afghan war, a fragmented, relentless, and unremitting struggle, is portrayed in 9th Company (Rus), Restrepo (USA). And Armadillo (Denmark); and Kajaki (UK), films that narrates the conflict from the NATO perspective, can not be won.
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Al Hammoud, Roukaya, James R. Murphy, and Michael L. Chang. "Plasmodium vivax Infection in Multiple Family Members in Texas, USA." Case Reports in Infectious Diseases 2019 (June 9, 2019): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2019/8568710.
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We report a cluster of 6 pediatric residents of Houston, Texas, USA, who presented with Plasmodium vivax infection within an eight-week period. All had immigrated to the United States from Afghanistan within the previous year. The clustering raises the possibilities of local mosquito vectored infection and/or synchronous relapses. Molecular typing and local mosquito testing are crucial in delineating the source of similar clusters in nonendemic regions. Single-dose hypnozoite eradication treatment may be considered in emigrating children to malaria nonendemic countries.
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Krajewski, Markus. "Terroranschläge in den USA und Krieg in Afghanistan - Welche Antworten gibt das Völkerrecht?" Kritische Justiz 34, no. 4 (2001): 363–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0023-4834-2001-4-363.
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Mustafa, Ghulam, and Adil Khan. "Afghanistan: A Study in Internal Conflict and National Cohesion." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 2, no. 4 (July 31, 2015): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v2i4.18.
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Conflicts are caused by various reasons. When competing groups’ goals, objectives, needs or values clash the aggression and violence is a result. Afghanistan as multi ethnic state enjoyed internal flexibility till socialist revolution (1978) that changed its social fabric due to ideological clash. In bipolar world this conflict invited the involvement of external actors (USSR & USA). Even after the withdrawal of Soviet troops this conflict sustained till 1992. The Mujahidin who had become new masters of the war torn country added fuel to the fire by converting an ideological clash into an ethnic one. Taliban replaced the Mujahidin but their religious orthodoxy also failed to bring national cohesion.The long sustained conflict has direct bearings on national and individual life of people of Afghanistan who have lost their ability to work together. All attempts made on national cohesion and integration so far have failed. People do not rely and trust each other and they have lost their motivation to work together and to rebuild their institutions and economy. It is the legacy of the long war that is still going on. A closer look at the last 35 years traumatic history of the country clearly illustrates the complexity of the problem due to clash of divergent aims and objectives of several parties.
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Ghosh, Sourish. "“Enemy at the Gates”: An Analysis on India’s Experiences with the Taliban." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 24, no. 2 (April 8, 2020): 152–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598420913656.
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India’s long history of relations with Afghanistan dates back to the time of the Mauryans. It became even stronger after India’s independence in 1947. Since 1947, India has always maintained the policy to support whosoever comes to power in Kabul, but in 1996, there was a shift from that policy as the Taliban, a radical Islamist group, captured power. Pakistan has always been paranoid about India–Afghanistan relations as it never wanted hostile neighbours on both sides of its borders. Its urge for a friendly government in Kabul got satiated when the Taliban came to power, with its support. New Delhi did not recognize the Taliban government and, instead, shunned all diplomatic relations with Kabul. It was only after the Taliban regime was ousted through the US intervention that India rejuvenated its relations with Kabul. However, even after 19 years of intervention, the Taliban remained a potent force, and now as the USA plans to withdraw from Afghanistan, it is trying to negotiate a peace settlement with the Taliban. Currently, India too is trying to engage in dialogues with the Taliban, which again marks a shift from its earlier strategy. This study analyzes India’s experiences with the Taliban and shift in its policy from the pre-9/11 period (1996–2001) to the post-9/11 period (2001–early 2019).
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Malkin, Stanislav Gennadyevich. "Legacy of empires: academic expertise and USA policy in Afghanistan and Iraq in 2001-2014." Samara Journal of Science 8, no. 2 (April 1, 2019): 313–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv201982232.
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The heritage of the European colonial empires should be perceived as missing dimension while studying the history of the USA foreign policy at the beginning of the XXI century. The comparative-historical analysis as well as transfers of colonial experience of the European powers should be discussed. It promotes making a fuller picture of imperialism as a phenomenon in the history of international relations as well as a certain style of thinking during a decolonization era. At the same time the American case became the most striking example of reception of the European powers colonial experience in political practice of the 2000th. The main characteristic feature of the USA foreign policy decisions examination was its realization in the form of historical modeling of the asymmetric conflicts - the analysis of Washington policy prospects in Afghanistan and Iraq in a wide context of experience of global colonial empires. While working with such researches a constant methodological reflection caused by their political involvement as well as restrictions of disciplinary character is necessary. At the same time a special role in this case belonged to the academic world representatives who professionally studied colonial experience of the European. It is them who were the most serious competitors to the Pentagon representatives with academic degrees as well as to think tanks analysts who cooperated with the military in fight for their own expert opinion domination about historical modeling of the asymmetric conflicts in the Middle East. It is this aspect of the academic examination of the USA policy in Iraq and Afghanistan in 2001-2014 that the following paper deals with.
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Mitton, John Logan. "Rivalry intervention in civil conflicts: Afghanistan (India–Pakistan), Angola (USSR–USA), and Lebanon (Israel–Syria)." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 23, no. 3 (July 26, 2017): 277–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2017.1348957.
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Saeed, Ahmad, Syed Inam ur Rahman, and Mohammad Qaim Mahmoodi. "Analysis of War and Peace Related Photographs in Afghanistan Print Media." Journal of Peace, Development & Communication Volume 5, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 40–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.36968/jpdc-v05-i01-04.
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The researcher investigates the conflict in photographs of two Afghani newspapers daily Kabul Times and daily Weesa related to Afghanistan war in this research. The time period assigned for the study was six months — from July l, 2018 to December 31, 2018. This quantitative content analysis of the photographs, on one hand, depicted the current war in the country; it helped to determine whether the photographs conform to the perspective of peace and war journalism approaches, on the other. Such an approach seemed significant for know how the visual depictions of Afghanistan war were conducted and what appropriate conceptual and methodological tools existed in this regard. The finding showed that Kabul Times contributed more peace frames than war in pictures while covering war in the country. Weesa newspaper has given the more space to war frame instead of peace in its pictures. Overall, the results of the study suggest that peace framed pictures were comparatively more than the war framed pictures, in terms of contents in particular. So, the study seems to be very optimistic about the outcome of the ongoing peace negotiations between Taliban and USA and this study recommends that the future research in the area must focus on the media visual frame of intra-negotiations between the government and Taliban.
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Schauer, Steven G., Michael D. April, Erica Simon, Joseph K. Maddry, Robert Carter, and Robert A. Delorenzo. "Prehospital Interventions During Mass-Casualty Events in Afghanistan: A Case Analysis." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 32, no. 4 (May 3, 2017): 465–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x17006422.
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AbstractBackgroundMass-casualty (MASCAL) events are known to occur in the combat setting. There are very limited data at this time from the Joint Theater (Iraq and Afghanistan) wars specific to MASCAL events. The purpose of this report was to provide preliminary data for the development of prehospital planning and guidelines.MethodsCases were identified using the Department of Defense (DoD; Virginia USA) Trauma Registry (DoDTR) and the Prehospital Trauma Registry (PHTR). These cases were identified as part of a research study evaluating Tactical Combat Casualty Care (TCCC) guidelines. Cases that were designated as or associated with denoted MASCAL events were included.DataFifty subjects were identified during the course of this project. Explosives were the most common cause of injuries. There was a wide range of vital signs. Tourniquet placement and pressure dressings were the most common interventions, followed by analgesia administration. Oral transmucosal fentanyl citrate (OTFC) was the most common parenteral analgesic drug administered. Most were evacuated as “routine.” Follow-up data were available for 36 of the subjects and 97% were discharged alive.ConclusionsThe most common prehospital interventions were tourniquet and pressure dressing hemorrhage control, along with pain medication administration. Larger data sets are needed to guide development of MASCAL in-theater clinical practice guidelines.SchauerSG, AprilMD, SimonE, MaddryJK, CarterR III, DelorenzoRA. Prehospital interventions during mass-casualty events in Afghanistan: a case analysis. Prehosp Disaster Med. 2017;32(4):465–468.
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Raza, Syed Sami. "Introduction 2-1." Review of Human Rights 2, no. 1 (December 15, 2016): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.35994/rhr.v2i1.73.
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With this volume, the Review of Human Rights has successfully entered its second year of publication. We have become more confident about its regular publication as well as about success of the overall academic initiative. In this volume we were able to attract five original articles and three book reviews. These articles focus on human rights in the backdrop of global concerns for security. A number of countries make the subject of discussion, especially Pakistan, Germany, USA, Myanmar, and Afghanistan. It is also worth mentioning that this volume introduces at least two new concepts: “necro-biographies” by Michael J. Shapiro and “uneven humanitarianism” by Tani Sebro.
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Каzаntsev, A. A. "Politics of the USA in Post-Soviet Central Asia: character and prospects." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(25) (August 28, 2012): 155–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2012-4-25-155-164.
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Four main periods can be distinguished in US policy in Central Asia. In the first half of the 1990-s the relations with Russia were a priority, and the region was perceived as a «Russia's backyard». In the second half of the 1990-s US policy in the region has become more active and strategic competition with Russia started to grow. However, Russia's strategic priority in the region was contested only partially. After 9/11 American strategy in the region has become quite aggressive, geopolitical competition with Russia (and, partially, with China) has peaked during the «color» revolutions and then during Russian-Georgian war in 2008. During Obama's presidency serious attempts to establish a dialogue with Russia and China have been made. Post-Soviet space has partially lost its priority due to its connection with European dimension of American policy, while Afghan dimension is still a key factor determining American strategy in Central Asia. Now we are on the threshold of a new period in American policy, which is connected to the withdrawal from Afghanistan.
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Ali, Ahmad, Tajwer Ali, and Haseena Sultan. "SINO-RUSSIA NEXUS AND NEW COLD WAR IN EURASIA." Pakistan Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Research 3, no. 01 (June 30, 2020): 01–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.37605/pjhssr.3.1.2.
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Cold war between US and Soviet Union ended in 1989 but Cold War between Russia and USA is still there. US-Soviet Cold war was in fact an indirect clash of ideologies, while the New Cold War between US and Russia is an indirect clash of hegemony and influence. USA considers itself the master of the Globe after the end of First Cold War and Russia does not accept the superiority of USA and practise all those Activities, which are mainly punished by super powers. Without the consent of US, Russia is cooperating with rogue states, it makes alliances, and it attacks small countries like Georgia and Ukraine. USA is busy in all those states which were previously part of Soviet Union like Central Asian Countries. This paper states that Cold war has not ended but it has taken a pause and again it has been started between Russia and USA. Glaring examples in this regards are formation of BRICS, SCO, EEC and NATO expansionism in Afghanistan and Iraq and US USSR involvement in Middle East.
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Yousufi, Musab. "A Critical Analysis of Terrorism and Military Operations in Malakand Division (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) after 9/11." Global Social Sciences Review II, no. II (December 30, 2017): 109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-ii).06.
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The 9/11 was a paradigm shifting event in the international and global politics. On September 11, 2001, two jet planes hit the twin's tower in United States of America (USA). US official authorities said that it is done by alQaeda. This event also changes Pakistan's internal and foreign policies. The government of United States compel Afghan Taliban government to handover the master mind of 9/11 attack and their leader Osama bin Laden but the talks failed between the both governments. Therefore US government compel the government of Pakistan to give us Military bases and assistance against Afghan Taliban. Pakistan agreed with US as frontline ally of US in war on terror. The majority of Pakistani people were not happy with the decision, therefore, some non-state actors appeared in different part of the country especially in Malakand Division and FATA to support Taliban regime in Afghanistan. In Malakand Division Mulana Sufi Muhammad head of Tehrik Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Muhammadi started a proper armed campaign for Afghan Taliban Support and sent thousands of people to Afghanistan support Taliban against US and their allied forces. It was a basic reason behind the emergence of terrorism in Malakand division KP but it did not played it role alone to cause terrorism in the region. Many other important factors i.e. weak political administration, unemployment, economic deprivation, socio-political instability constituted the main reason that opened room for non-state actors to consolidate their grip on the region.
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Mutonyi, Gerald Peter. "Pursuing National Security by Iran is Not Equal to Being Paranoid about the USA." Path of Science 7, no. 3 (March 31, 2021): 1008–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22178/pos.68-6.
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In most countries of the world where there is a strong western influence, there has been a persistent narrative that Iran is paranoid about the United States of America. It will not spare any grain to ensure the destruction of the mighty American nation. But according to the leaders of Iran, their actions are about the safeguarding of their country national security interest. Yet, there have been limited studies to respond to whether Iran is paranoid about the USA or if it is all about national security. Hence this study sought to illustrate the dangers of appeasing the USA when your national policies are in contract. The study selected a few countries and scenarios: Vietnam, Afghanistan, Iraq-Iran war, the Axil of Evil phrase, Iraq, and Syria for the illustration. The study has shown that the USA will not relent to pursue its national interest against those opposing it, notwithstanding the consequences on the recipients. This USA trend will continue to manifest to the unforeseeable, thereby putting Iran in danger that befell other nations who had opposed the USA. Based on the findings, the study concludes that Iran is not paranoid about the USA but is concerned with preserving its national security and interests.
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Wall, Tyler, and Torin Monahan. "Surveillance and violence from afar: The politics of drones and liminal security-scapes." Theoretical Criminology 15, no. 3 (August 2011): 239–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480610396650.
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As surveillance and military devices, drones—or ‘unmanned aerial vehicles’—offer a prism for theorizing the technological politics of warfare and governance. This prism reveals some violent articulations of US imperialism and nationalism, the dehumanizing translation of bodies into ‘targets’ for remote monitoring and destruction, and the insidious application of militarized systems and rationalities to domestic territories and populations. In this article, we analyze the deployment of drones within warzones in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Pakistan and borderzones and urban areas in the USA. What we call ‘the drone stare’ is a type of surveillance that abstracts people from contexts, thereby reducing variation, difference, and noise that may impede action or introduce moral ambiguity. Through these processes, drones further normalize the ongoing subjugation of those marked as Other.
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Ishaque, Waseem, Rizwana Karim Abbasi, and Usha Rehman. "Comparative Analysis of the US and Chinese Foreign Policy Towards South Asia; Implications for Pakistan." Global Regional Review V, no. IV (December 30, 2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2020(v-iv).01.
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South Asia has its geopolitical significance due to its proximity with the oil-rich Middle Eastern States, natural resourcerich Central Asia and economically developed states of South-East Asian States. South Asia has two nuclear states; Pakistan and India. Since the end of 2nd World War, the USA has been present which has provided stability to this region. The USA had extended its investment and aid to Pakistan in during cold war which had maintained a Balance of Power between India and Pakistan. U.S. articulated response against Soviet invasion in 1979 and later entered in Afghanistan in 2001 on the pretext of WoT. Chinese foreign policy has fostered stability in South Asian region. Through its "Win-Win" policy, China has very firm economic relations with all South Asian states. Through BRI, China wants economic prosperity in the South Asian region. In such environments, Pakistan must have to act pragmatically, avoiding zero-sum policy.
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Fozia, Abida Yousaf, and Imran Ashraf. "The Impacts of International Structure on the Foreign Policy of Pakistan." Global Foreign Policies Review II, no. I (December 30, 2019): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2019(ii-i).03.
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Foreign policy is one of the key tools to maintain the affairs of international relations. Foreign policy of a state is mainly shaped by domestic environment and international system. This study highlights the impacts of international structure on the foreign policy behaviour of Pakistan since 1947. During cold war period, the bi-polar world order mainly shaped the foreign policy of Pakistan. After independence, the economic, political and security challenges pushed Pakistan towards western bloc to protect its interests. Being an ally of west, Pakistan supported USA to contain the spread of communism. With the collapse of Soviet Union, the world order was shifted from bi-polarity to uni-polarity. Consequently, American supremacy shaped the world politics as a sole super power. With the start of 21st century, the incident of 9/11 and in response American invasion of Afghanistan again made Pakistani an ally of USA on their Global War on terror. Pakistan has faced serious consequences as an ally of USA. However, with the emergence of multi-polar world order, now Pakistan has opportunity to balance its relations with global powers like China, Russia and USA on the basis of mutual benefits, equality and equity.
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Dr. Faiz Muhammad Shaikh, Ali Raza Memon, and Kashaf Shaikh. "Impact of COVID-19 caronavirus on poverty in Pakistan: a case study of Sindh." International Journal on Integrated Education 3, no. 6 (June 29, 2020): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v3i6.415.
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The current research investigated the COVID-19 is spread vigorously in China, USA, France, Italy, Germany, and European countries and Iran Pakistan being as a neighbor country of china & IranOne was for the incoming Pakistani from various countries, such as Iran, China, Afghanistan, and India. The other was arranged inside various hospitals for COVID-19 positive cases. As hundreds and thousands of Pakistani were in Iran for religious purposes, they were. Most of the students and businessmen, inside China, were not allowed to come back. Handling of large scale influx from Iran was the main problem. Out of the total COVID-19 cases, 78 percent of cases were reported from visitors coming from Iran. Pakistan announced the closure of all schools, colleges & universities with a partial lockdown across the country for major cities.
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Bair, Edward H., Andre Abreu Calfa, Karl Rittger, and Jeff Dozier. "Using machine learning for real-time estimates of snow water equivalent in the watersheds of Afghanistan." Cryosphere 12, no. 5 (May 3, 2018): 1579–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/tc-12-1579-2018.
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Abstract. In the mountains, snowmelt often provides most of the runoff. Operational estimates use imagery from optical and passive microwave sensors, but each has its limitations. An accurate approach, which we validate in Afghanistan and the Sierra Nevada USA, reconstructs spatially distributed snow water equivalent (SWE) by calculating snowmelt backward from a remotely sensed date of disappearance. However, reconstructed SWE estimates are available only retrospectively; they do not provide a forecast. To estimate SWE throughout the snowmelt season, we consider physiographic and remotely sensed information as predictors and reconstructed SWE as the target. The period of analysis matches the AMSR-E radiometer's lifetime from 2003 to 2011, for the months of April through June. The spatial resolution of the predictions is 3.125 km, to match the resolution of a microwave brightness temperature product. Two machine learning techniques – bagged regression trees and feed-forward neural networks – produced similar mean results, with 0–14 % bias and 46–48 mm RMSE on average. Nash–Sutcliffe efficiencies averaged 0.68 for all years. Daily SWE climatology and fractional snow-covered area are the most important predictors. We conclude that these methods can accurately estimate SWE during the snow season in remote mountains, and thereby provide an independent estimate to forecast runoff and validate other methods to assess the snow resource.
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Jablonski, Daniel, Addison Wynn, Rafaqat Masroor, Theodore Papenfuss, Spartak N. Litvinchuk, and Glib Mazepa. "The genus Pelophylax (Amphibia, Ranidae) in Pakistan: museum collections and possible distribution." Herpetozoa 34 (July 27, 2021): 141–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/herpetozoa.34.e64955.
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We provide the first comprehensive data on the questionable distribution of the genus Pelophylax and the family Ranidae from Pakistan. Based on a literature review and two specimens of the genus from Tasp, Panjgur District in Pakistani Balochistan (USNM 26194–95), stored in the Smithsonian National Museum of Natural History, Washington, DC, USA, we discuss the possible occurrence and affiliation of these frogs in the context of Central Asia. Our comparison shows that the nearest records of Pelophylax in relation to the Tasp specimens are reported from more than 280 km (air-line) away in Iran and Afghanistan, which are currently separated by hot and mostly desert environments. We suggest that possible surviving populations of this genus may still be present in Balochistan (Rakhshan River) or Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (Kabul River) Provinces of Pakistan. This would, however, need further field investigations.
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Fahmy, Walid. "The measures against the International Criminal Court (USA v. ICC): the perspective of International Law." RUDN Journal of Law 25, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 309–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2021-25-1-309-332.
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Since its creation, the International Criminal Court has faced the refusal of the United States to cooperate, which, in addition to staying outside the Rome Statute, has undertaken a real strategy of weakening the Criminal Code. The argument put forward by the US Government against the Rome Statute is that an international treaty cannot create obligations for a non-party state and therefore the United States denies any jurisdiction of that jurisdiction over its nationals. As early as 2000, that country had unsuccessfully introduced a proposal before the Preparatory Commission to prevent bringing American military personnel to the Court. The American Service Members Protection Act (ASPA), bilateral immunity agreements and Security Council resolutions constitute the arsenal used by States at that time to neutralize the ICC. Recently, the United States signed an order authorizing the United States to prevent and penalize employees of the International Criminal Court from entering the country. The US administration, which has been critical of the ICC for months, is opposed to launching investigation into war crimes in Afghanistan. Is not that a sign of difficulty with the US Legal Justifications? In other words, does this weakness open up the possibility of prosecution in the event of a violation of international law by US?
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Izteleuova, Ye A., A. S. Shenin, and A. N. Ospanova. "USA IN CENTRAL ASIA AND AFGHANISTAN: UNCLEAR PERSPECTIVES AND LACK OF CONSENSUS WITHIN THE AMERICAN ESTABLISHMENT." BULLETIN Series Historical and socio-political sciences 64, no. 1 (March 30, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-1.1728-5461.33.
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In this article, the authors explore the polarity of views within the American political establishment on the problem of US participation in the war in Afghanistan, as well as relations with the countries of Central Asia. Each of these groups has its own vision on the future of U.S. military campaign offering various solutions for the dialog with Taliban, increase U.S. troops, support of Afghanistan government, and role of regional powers such as Uzbekistan, China, Russia, India and even Iran in Afghanistan’s domestic affairs. Also, some of these groups offers to find a mediator among Central Asian countries for the negotiations between Afghanistan government and Taliban.
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Ramez, Sayed, and Valliappan Raju. "Exploring Consequences of U.S. Withdrawal from Afghanistan: An Overview and Perspective on Economy." Global Journal Of Emerging Sciences, 2020, 05–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.37187/gjoes.0320.0201.02.
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Since 2003, the economic situation, life expectancy, and per capita income of Afghanistan were increasing. This was mainly due to foreign aid reported $83 billion from 2003 to 2016. 90% of Afghanistan's military budget was also coming from international donors. The role of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) forces was strengthening the Afghan government. However, recently the USA has decided to withdraw its troops. It is expected that the rest of NATO forces will also evacuate Afghanistan. The whole process of withdraw of USA of Afghanistan is mainly discussed in the military perspective in literature. There are fewer articles on the expected economic impact of USA withdrawal. Therefore, this research paper has provided an overview of the existing situation of the Afghan economy, in parallel with war impacts and consequences of US withdrawal. The paper concludes that in one USA evacuation will result in the diminishing of foreign aid and reduction in the legitimacy of government, yet it will create opportunities for Afghanistan to strengthen its relationship with neighbors and strengthen its foundation.
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Ambreen Sikander, Dr. Rubab Hasan. "The Core Issue of Stability in Afghanistan: Envisioning the Future of Peace Deal." Pakistan Journal of International Affairs 3, no. 2 (December 29, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.52337/pjia.v3i2.89.
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Afghanistan has been a battleground to the world’s largest powers. From USSR to NATO, through the Taliban, and now to the peace deal, Afghanistan holds a remarkable and yet chaotic history. Amidst the wars, some have succeeded for a limited time while others have failed. NATO has a history with Afghanistan after the 9/11 attacks in the USA. The crucial matter is how to guarantee that states budding from divergence are set with the basics on which to assemble a robust peace. The keen and incisive analysis in serenity and the Public Purse provides a precious involvement to this attempt. This article provides an analysis of the post-9/11 period and the invasion of Afghanistan by U.S. forces, focusing on the ethnic origin of the native fighters and how assorted groups engaged in dissimilar aspects of the divergence. Furthermore, this learning also highlighted the United States grasp for Afghan civil society, promotes amplified admiration for human rights, helps to fight the prohibited trade in narcotics, and continues to endow with noteworthy humanitarian uphold. The United States has owed approximately $29 billion in civilian aid for Afghanistan and the perspective of U.S. policy headed for Afghanistan cannot be in point of truth assessed exclusively of a nearer estimation of Afghanistan’s existing and emergent security, political, and economic landscapes—and their collision on U.S. strategic aims.
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Mushair, Hasibullah, D. Murugananthi, and A. Rohini. "Export Performance and Trade Direction of Fresh and Dried Grapes (Raisin): Evidence from Afghanistan." Journal of Economics, Management and Trade, June 24, 2020, 37–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/jemt/2020/v26i430246.
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Grapes are one of the most delicious refreshing and nourishing fruits. Afghanistan produces 9.84 lakhtonnes of Grapes during 2018 (FAO statistics). It is one of the important commodities in the export basket of Afghanistan. The major export markets for Afghan’s fresh grapes are Pakistan and India. The major export markets for dried grapes (raisin) are India, Russia, Belarus, USA, Pakistan and UK. The present study aims to quantify the export performance and changing the structure of Grapes and raisin exports from Afghanistan. Secondary data on area, production and country-wise quantity exports of fresh and dried grapes were collected from FAO statistics, ITC and APEDA for a period of 13 years from 2006 to 2018. Compound Annual Growth Rate was computed for studying the trend in the area, production, yield, export quantity and export value for fresh and dried (raisin) grapes. Markov chain analysis was attempted to assess the direction of change in exports. Markov chain analysis results showed that Pakistan is the stable market for Afghan fresh Grapes and India and France are less stable markets. The major reasons are a geographical advantage for Pakistan which gave a competitive advantage over other countries concerning fresh grapes. India, Russia and Pakistan are stable markets for dried grapes and USA, UK, Germany and Belarus are less stable markets. India is the main country to import dried grapes (raisin) in the next five years. It shows a high value in terms of quantity and percentage which is more than 50 percent of all Afghanistan's dried grapes (raisin) export.
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"AFGHANISTAN: US-TALIBAN PEACE TALK: CPEC PERSPECTIVE." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 32 (July 5, 2020): 53–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.32.4.
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The US policy makers attempted the political settlement of the Afghan conflict for the first time in 2011. This study finds the US policy shift in 2017 along with the strain of the conflict on the US economy, rise of ISKP and the war fatigue among the Taliban fighters have enabled the success of US Taliban negotiations. Now that a tentative Peace Agreement has been signed between the two parties, a more complex phase of intra Afghan dialogue has begun. USA, China and Pakistan have extended their support for all Afghan stakeholders to engage in a meaningful dialogue for a political settlement of the conflict. Both China and Pakistan desire the extension of China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) into Afghanistan. The paperanalyzed the Afghan Peace Talks with reference to the China Pakistan Economic Corridor. The motivation and incentives for CPEC incase of successful peace negotiations are be discussed in detail .
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Nevin, Remington L., Paul P. Pietrusiak, and Jennifer B. Caci. "Prevalence of contraindications to mefloquine use among USA military personnel deployed to Afghanistan." Malaria Journal 7, no. 1 (February 11, 2008). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/1475-2875-7-30.
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Khan, Asghar, Ayaz Ahmad, and Amjad Ali Dadda. "Pak-US Relations: Understanding of the Misunderstandings." Global Social Sciences Review, December 30, 2017, 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-ii).01.
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This paper critically analyses the US and Pakistan relations in historical context and thereby comprehends the causes of misunderstandings between them, especially under the new administration of Donal Trump. Like other states in our world both Pakistan and USA have priorities to secure their national interests as both have their own way of protecting their interest in short, medium or long terms. The paper finds that unlike the US which makes a policy that focuses only on the current scenarios, Pakistan keeps in view the lessons from past betrayals from US and her future needs arising from her security issues related to her neighbours i.e. Afghanistan and India. Pakistan also fears Indian involvement in Afghanistan and the US support to India in Afghanistan in general and particularly in the region. Pakistan needs to understand US mistrust for rapid proliferation (even legal) to earn easy money to strengthen its weak economy. From the US perspectives, it strategy regarding Pakistan is no different from that of a major powers as she only focuses short terms objectives. USA needs to realize that the strategic location of Pakistan and the nuclear capability makes her an important country that bestows on her the right to be treated like medium power in the region. It not only about dealing with mutual misunderstandings related to realization of mutual concerns but it is also about peace, security and future of every sixth human being on earth who lives in the region or maybe its impacts can go far beyond to the whole world. Therefore, both Pakistan and the US need to address each other's concern and work on converging lines.
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"Tilletia indica. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, no. 5) (August 1, 1996). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20046500173.
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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Tilletia indica Mitra. Hosts: Wheat (Triticum spp.), rye (Secale cereale). Information is given on the geographical distribution in Afghanistan, Brazil, Rio Grande do Sul, India, Bihar, Delhi, Gujarat, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu & Kashmir, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Iraq, Kenya, Lebanon, Mexico, Nepal, Pakistan, Poland, Sweden, Syria, Turkey, USA, Arizona, New Mexico, Texas, USSR (former).
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"Tilletia indica. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, No.October (August 1, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20163365135.
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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Tilletia indica Mitra. Exobasidiomycetes: Tilletiales: Tilletiaceae. Host: wheat (Triticum spp.). Information is given on the geographical distribution in Asia (Afghanistan, India, Bihar, Delhi, Gujarat, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, West Bengal, Iraq, Nepal and Pakistan), Africa (South Africa), North America (Mexico, USA, Arizona, New Mexico and Texas) and South America (Brazil, Rio Grande do Sul).
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M, Idrees, and Anwar K. "Afghanistan a Battle Ground for the Interests of Super Powers: A Special Reference to USA." Journal of Political Sciences & Public Affairs 05, no. 02 (2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.4172/2332-0761.1000245.
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"Heterodera zeae. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, No.April (August 1, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20143156819.
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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Heterodera zeae Koshy et al. Tylenchida: Heteroderidae. Hosts: Poaceae, especially maize (Zea mays). Information is given on the geographical distribution in Europe (Greece and Portugal), Asia (Afghanistan, India, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Delhi, Gujarat, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Punjab (India), Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh, Uttarakhand, West Bengal, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Nepal, Pakistan and Thailand), Africa (Egypt) and North America (USA, Maryland and Virginia).
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"Alternaria sesami. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, no. 3) (August 1, 1986). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20056500410.
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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Alternaria sesami (Kawamura) Mohanty & Behera. Hosts: Sesame (Sesamum indicum). Information is given on the geographical distribution in AFRICA, Ethiopia, Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, Somalia, Sudan, Uganda, ASIA, Afghanistan, Cambodia (now Kampuchea), China, India, Iraq, Iran, Israel, Japan, Pakistan, Turkey, EUROPE, Greece, USSR (N. Caucasus, Ukraine), NORTH AMERICA, USA (Iowa, Florida, Maryland, Mississippi, South Carolina), CENTRAL AMERICA & WEST INDIES, El Salvador, SOUTH AMERICA, Argentina (Buenos Aires), Brazil (Bahia), Venezuela.
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"Mycovellosiella concors. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, no. 4) (August 1, 1991). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20046500112.
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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Mycovellosiella concors (Casp.) Deighton. Hosts: Potato (Solanum tuberosum). Information is given on the geographical distribution in Africa, Kenya, Malawi, Mauritius, Togo, Uganda, Asia, Afghanistan, Bhutan, China, Henan, India, Assam, Bihar, Maharashtra, Himachal Pradesh, Indonesia, Japan, Nepal, Pakistan, Turkey, USSR, Siberia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, White Russia, Ukraine, Europe, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Romania, Sweden, Switzerland, Yugoslavia, North America, USA, Georgia, Iowa, Indiana, Michigan, Mississippi, New York, Vermont, Washington, WV.
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"Rathayibacter rathayi and Rathayibacter tritici. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, no. 43) (August 1, 1996). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20046500156.
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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Rathayibacter rathayi (Smith) Zgurskaya, Evtushenko, Akimov & Kalakoutskii and Rathayibacter tritici (ex Hutchinson 1917) Zgurskaya, Evtushenko, Akimov & Kalakoutskii. Hosts: cocksfoot (Dactylis), rye (Secale), wheat (Triticum), weed grasses, etc. Information is given on the geographical distribution in Africa, Egypt, Ethiopia, Zambia, Asia, Afghanistan, China, Hebei, Guizhou, India, Delhi, Iran, Japan, Pakistan, Australiasia & Oceania, Australia, Western Australia, New Zealand, Europe, Austria, Cyrpus, Denmark, Germany, Norway, Romania, Sweden, UK, England, Scotland, North America, Canada, Quebec, USA, OR and VA.
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"Uromyces ciceris-arietini. [Distribution map]." Distribution Maps of Plant Diseases, April (August 1, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dmpd/20203227947.
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Abstract A new distribution map is provided for Uromyces ciceris-arietini Jacz. Pucciniomycetes: Pucciniales: Pucciniaceae. Main host: chickpea (Cicer arietinum). Information is given on the geographical distribution in Europe (Bulgaria, Cyprus, France, Corsica, Greece, Hungary, Italy, Sicily, Portugal, Romania, Serbia, Spain), Asia (Afghanistan, India, Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Punjab, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Lebanon, Myanmar, Nepal, Pakistan, Syria, Turkey, Yemen), Africa (Algeria, Egypt, Ethiopia, Kenya, Libya, Malawi, Morocco, Sudan, Tunisia), North America (Mexico, USA, California, South Dakota), Central America and Caribbean (Belize, Cuba), South America (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Peru), Oceania (Australia, Queensland).
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David, J. C. "Ulocladium consortiale. [Descriptions of Fungi and Bacteria]." IMI Descriptions of Fungi and Bacteria, no. 123 (July 1, 1995). http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dfb/20056401226.
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Abstract A description is provided for Ulocladium consortiale. Information is included on the disease caused by the organism, its transmission, geographical distribution, and hosts. HOSTS: Wood, seeds, stems, leaves of many different plants, soil, leaf litter and cattle feed. It is also isolated from air and water. DISEASE: None. GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION: Africa: South Africa. America: Panama, USA. Asia: Afghanistan, India, Israel, Iraq, Kuwait, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey. Australasia: Australia, New Zealand. Europe: Czechoslovakia, Denmark, France, Germany, Netherlands, UK. TRANSMISSION: By wind dispersal of airborne conidia, and possibly through water, soil and plant debris.