Dissertations / Theses: 'Afghanistan conflict'

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Goodhand, J., and P. Bergne. "Evaluation of the Conflict Prevention Pools: Afghanistan." Department for International Development, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3923.

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The evaluation was undertaken by Bradford University, Channel Research Ltd, the PARC & Associated Consultants. The Afghanistan Case study was carried out by Mr Jonathan Goodhand with Mr Paul Bergne. The work was conducted through fieldwork in Afghanistan (Kabul and Malaria Shari) where the team conducted interviews with a range of officials including staff from UK Embassy, GCPP projects, the Mazar Provincial Reconstruction Team (PRT) and UN, Afghan Government and NGO officials. The fieldwork was supplemented by further interviews in London and a review of the relevant literature and project documents.P7. The Afghanistan Case Study is one of six studies undertaken within the framework of the evaluation of the Conflict Prevention Pools. In accordance with the Terms of Reference (ToRs) and the Inception Report, the Evaluation placed maximum emphasis on the macro level: the policy processes in Whitehall by which decisions on allocations are made and implemented by the CPPs. Considerable attention has also been placed on the meson level: the degree to which CPP policies and activities in a given conflict form part of a coherent package of direct interventions by the international community and local actors to the problems of particular large scale deadly conflicts or potential conflicts. The microlevel of analysis (review of specific projects) confines itself largely to the way in which projects impact on the meson and macro levels. The Evaluation has not analysed systematically whether specific projects funded by the CPPs have been well managed and whether they have achieved their specific project goals. Single projects have been analysed to the extent that they reflect on the macro and meson levels. P8. The main findings of the evaluation, reflected in this Synthesis Report, are that the CPPs are doing significant work funding worthwhile activities that make positive contributions to effective conflict prevention, although it is far too early in the day to assess impact. The progress achieved through the CPP mechanisms is significant enough to justify their continuation.

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Weidemann, Diethelm. "Der Afghanistan-Komplex : historische Entwicklungslinien." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6322/.

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Inhalt: Historische Herausbildung des Konfliktes Das Scheitern der Reformen Amanullah Khans Der Modus Vivendi Zahir Shahs Der Afghanistankrieg von 1979 bis 1989 Der Bürgerkrieg 1989 bis 2001 Einzug der Taliban Aktuelle Lage in Afghanistan Intervention der USA und Folgen Ungewisse Perspektiven

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Pfarr, Frauke Valeska. "Post-Conflict: Wiederherstellung von Staatlichkeit völkerrechtliche Aspekte des Nationbuilding in Afghanistan." Köln München Heymann, 2006. http://d-nb.info/990723054/04.

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Pfarr, Frauke Valeska. "Post-Conflict: Wiederherstellung von Staatlichkeit : völkerrechtliche Aspekte des Nationbuilding in Afghanistan /." Köln ; München : Heymann, 2008. http://d-nb.info/990723054/04.

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Beath, Andrew. "Randomized Institutional Isomorphism - Evidence from Afghanistan." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10395.

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The dissertation compiles a series of essays which describes effects of various institutional variations randomized across a sample of 500 villages in Afghanistan in 2007. The first essay examines the institutional effects of the creation of democratically-elected, gender-balanced village development councils across 474 village councils. The creation of councils is found to have no effects on the structure and function of local governance or on how male villagers perceive local governance quality. However, council creation provokes increased local governance activity among paramilitary commanders – who experience broad-based improvements in public perceptions – and improves perceptions of local governance quality among women. The results indicate that externally-imposed de jure reforms do not substantially alter institutional outcomes, but may provoke countervailing responses by political authorities seeking to benefit from the institutional change. The second essay examines the effects of direct democracy on the alignment between public resource allocation decisions and citizen preferences. Using data from 250 villages, the study compares decision outcomes produced by secret-ballot referenda with outcomes produced by public meetings led by an elected village council. The results indicate that while elites do exert influence over outcomes produced by public meetings, their preferences do not determine the outcomes of referenda, which are influenced primarily by citizen preferences. Referenda are also found to improve citizen satisfaction, which is particularly low where elites exert undue influence over outcomes. The third essay examines whether the inclusion of villages in Afghanistan‘s largest development program affects counter-insurgency outcomes, such as individual perceptions of well-being, attitudes towards government, and the occurrence of violent incidents in surrounding areas. The program is found to affect all three measures, but only in areas with low levels of initial violence. The results indicate that development programs can limit the onset of insurgencies in relatively secure areas, but are not effective in improving attitudes to government and reducing violence where insurgents are already active.
Government

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Ugarriza, Juan E. Chasteen John Charles. "Ideologies and conflict in the post-Cold War Afghanistan, D.R. Congo, Colombia /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1082.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Mar. 27, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Global History in the Department of History." Discipline: History; Department/School: History.

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Abirafeh, Lina. "Afghanistan 'Gozargah' : discourses on gender-focused aid in the aftermath of conflict." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2158/.

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This research addresses gender-focused international aid in Afghanistan in the aftermath of conflict, focusing on the period of the Bonn Agreement (December 2001 - September 2005). The investigation begins with a contextualized understanding of women in Afghanistan to better understand their role in social transformations throughout history. This history is in some measure incompatible with the discourse on Afghan women that was created by aid institutions to justify aid interventions. Such a discourse denied Afghan women's agency, abstracting them from their historical and social contexts. In so doing, space was created for the proposed intervention using a discourse of transformation. This discourse sought to 'empower' and 'liberate' Afghan women, yet implementation of interventions did not reflect such goals, nor the reality of the Gozargah (transition, juncture). This research illuminates the discourses animating gender-focused international aid in the aftermath of conflict in Afghanistan and the effects of these discourses on the gender order. This political and institutional ethnography was conducted first through an examination of policy texts and media discourses, then through an investigation of program practice through the perspectives of policy-makers and policy implementers. The findings were then weighed against the perspectives and experiences of women and men in Afghanistan. This research employs a gender analysis to illustrate the story of an aid intervention, starting with how it was represented at the highest levels to how it was understood at the lowest levels. This story reveals that first, Afghan women have been neither 'empowered' nor 'liberated' because the discourse on Afghan women was not historically and socially contextualized. This is further compounded by aid interventions that addressed political - and highly politicized - gender concerns with technical aid responses. The result is that promises of strategic transformations fell short of their goal, resulting in unintended effects in the form of continued insecurities for Afghan women.

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Caas, François Henri. "Natural resources and conflict in Sudan : addressing environmental issues in a post-conflict situation : the case of Afghanistan /." Link to the online version, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/409.

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Caas, Francois Henri. "Natural resources and conflict in Sudan : addressing environmental issues in a post-conflict situation : the case of Afghanistan." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2670.

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Thesis (MPhil (Sustainable Development Planning and Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.
Both Afghanistan and Sudan have experienced extended periods of war and violent conflict. Sudan has been engulfed in a nearly continuous and bitter civil war since independence in 1956. Afghanistan has been in a state of conflict since the Soviet invasion in 1979. Both nations are also among the poorest and least developed in the world. The article on Sudan addresses the interlinkages that exist between conflict and natural resources and how access to and unequal distribution of natural resources have triggered and fuelled violent conflict. In the case of Afghanistan, the article looks at the reasons for US military intervention in 2001 and analyses the reconstruction and development programmes devised by the international community in order to rebuild the country. Based on these, the article looks at the potential for creating a sustainable society in Afghanistan and putting in place an effective system of environmental governance. Although it is recognised that both countries have managed to address some of the causes of conflict, the articles also state that in both cases, the agreements that were signed between the warring parties are far from being comprehensive. This is illustrated by the fact that in Afghanistan, conflict with the Taliban has increased dramatically in recent months, and in Sudan, by the still ongoing conflict in Darfur. It is argued that in both countries the potential for promoting long-term sustainable development is limited not unrelated, in large measure, to the nature of the development agendas being imposed by external decision-makers. Financial institutions and other international development actors have played an instrumental role in devising these agendas. They are promoting development strategies mostly based on neo-liberal policies and reliant on market forces, despite the fact that these policies have, in the past, often failed to trigger economic growth and alleviate poverty. Finally, while issues relating to the management of natural resources, particularly those of global and strategic importance, receive a fair amount of attention in the development plans, environmental protection as such, is often lacking political and financial commitment.

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DuPee, Matthew C. "The narcotics emirate of Afghanistan examining armed polities and their roles in illicit drug production and conflict in Afghanistan 1980-2010." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/5005.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
The production of illicit narcotics in low-intensity conflict environments remains a serious concern for U.S.policymakers. Afghanistan is a solid example where the intersection of crime, narcotics production and insurgency has successfully thwarted U.S. stabilization and security efforts despite a 10-year military engagement there. This study seeks to examine the role of crime better, particularly narcotics related criminal enterprise, and its effect on the Taliban-led insurgency in Afghanistan. This study explores political, economic and conflict related factors that facilitate the narcotics industry and forges cooperation between drug trafficking organizations and insurgent movements. A key argument of this study is that nontraditional participants in narcotics production, such as insurgent groups or state representatives and institutions, acquire more than just profit and resources. Participants stand to gain political leverage, the social and political legitimacy derived from "protecting" the livelihoods of rural farmers, as well as "freedom of action;" the ability to operate unimpeded within a given territory or space because of public support. This study also suggests that one additional factor, social control, is a key motivator for an actor's participation in the narcotics industry.

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Crome, Erhard. "Afghanistan – Ein Menetekel : Replik auf Sibylle Tönnies." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6335/.

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Samim, Ghulam Farouq. "Communication for Conflict Resolution: the Pashtun Tribal Rhetoric for Peace Building in Afghanistan." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20306.

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Focusing on communication as an important means besides other efforts for conflict resolution in an asymmetric armed conflict in Afghanistan, this study looked for a rhetorical communication approach appropriate to Pashtun tribal setting in South-eastern (Loya Paktya region) Afghanistan. The study explored and found some perceived essentials of such persuasive communication by conducting face-to-face semi-structured in depth interviews with 17 participants. Thematic analysis was used to code and categorize data. Aristotle’s rhetorical theory provided a framework for this qualitative study by narrowing down the focus to exploring credibility of the communicator (ethos), the rationality of the message (logos), and the emotional appeals (pathos), particular for the south-eastern Pashtun tribal setting, during communication. In addition, considering the relation between rhetorical and soft power theories in influencing the choice of an audience, this project also asked participants if and how communication in their tribal setting could be framed as an influencing power by attraction rather than by coercion. Therefore, soft power of which persuasive communication is a crucial part was also used as a theoretical framework for this study. The findings show the significance of persuasive communication in future conflict resolution efforts in Afghanistan.

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Kadirova, Diloro. "Implementation of aid initiatives in post-conflict reconstruction and development : Afghanistan 2002-2008." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.567933.

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This study examines what drives success in the implementation of international reconstruction and development aid projects in a post-conflict environment. It poses three key questions: 1) How important is the national government's support for project success in post-conflict reconstruction and development? 2) What role does donor coordination on the ground play for project success? and 3) What other factors explain project success? To address these questions, I design and test a novel explanatory model of effective project implementation in post-conflict reconstruction and development, using an original data set of 124 projects undertaken by six major multilateral and bilateral aid agencies in Afghanistan during 2002-2008. Study results highlight two factors that appear to consistently influence project success: the national government's support, and the quality of project leadership (i.e project manager or project coordinator) on the international project implementation side. Most interestingly, the combination of national government's support and strong project leadership considerably increases the likelihood of project success, as well as the level of success achieved. Donor coordination arrangements made at the stage of project implementation appear to be a generally weak predictor of project success. The qualitative findings of the study illustrate in what way various project success factors in the model impact on project success. Notably, they identify and add to the conventional 'instrumental' qualities of leadership the qualities of 'moral' leadership, such as ability to build trust and respect with national counterparts based on the record of competence, dedication, and delivery

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David, Mark C. "The impact of resource wealth on economic growth, governance, and conflict in Afghanistan." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/37608.

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Immense natural resource wealth lies buried within Afghan soil. The potential revenue stream resulting from the extraction of minerals and hydrocarbons from the country has been identified as a replacement for international aid and ultimately as a catalyst for self-sustaining economic growth. Political instability and the potential adverse effects of resource abundance in underdeveloped countries, however, pose challenges to this assertion. Afghanistans long history of aid dependence is used as a proxy measure in this study to assess the impact of large revenue streams on political and economic institutions. While research found that foreign aid had a detrimental effect on institutional quality within Afghanistan, the study also determined that a critical difference exists between the method in which aid was dispersed, and the manner in which large-scale resource revenue payouts will necessarily occur within the country. Initial observations suggest that the realization of the countrys economic potential has positively affected government institutions charged with developing the mining sector. While analysis of aid programs in the country shows flaws in governance and monetary policies, there are indications that the incentives induced by the emerging mining sector have triggered a shift toward a future-oriented development strategy amongst political and economic leaders.

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Elsenhans, Hartmut. "Was uns Algerien lehrt : eine Lektion für Afghanistan." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6323/.

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Tönnies, Sibylle. "Ganz oder gar nicht! : Carl Schmitt und Afghanistan." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6331/.

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Swenson, Geoffrey Jon. "Addressing crises of order : judicial state-building in the wake of conflict." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fdb405b6-ee32-4af8-971e-cf5ff3283ff0.

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Promoting the rule of law is vital for the success of domestic and international postconflict state-building efforts. Yet in post-conflict settings, non-state justice systems handle most disputes, retaining substantial autonomy and authority. Legal pluralism's importance, however, is rarely recognized and dramatically under-theorized. This thesis demonstrates that multiple justice systems can co-exist and contribute to the development of a democratic state bound by the rule of law. Domestic and international efforts, however, must be cognizant of the overarching legal pluralism paradigm that exists when trying to build the rule of law and tailor their strategies accordingly. By drawing on two divergent case studies, Timor-Leste and Afghanistan, this dissertation examines the conditions under which the rule of law can be advanced in post-conflict settings featuring a high degree of legal pluralism and substantial international involvement. Four distinct legal pluralism paradigms are proposed - combative, competitive, cooperative, and benign - in order to understand how legal pluralism functions in practice. Timor-Leste successfully advanced the rule of law because the major parties remained committed to democracy and developed institutions promoting accountability, inclusivity, and legality. The state meaningfully collaborated with key non-state actors. While the process was imperfect, Timorese state-officials effectively mediated between the international community and local-level figures. This contributed to the effective transformation of a competitive legal pluralist environment into a cooperative one. The international community largely reinforced these positive trends. Conversely, Afghanistan's post-2001 regime squandered the opportunity to build a democratic state bound by the rule of law. Simultaneously, it failed to mediate between the international community and the tribal and religious authorities essential for legitimate rule. Despite international actor's substantial influence, external aid did little good and was often counter-productive. These divergent approaches helps explain judicial state-building's failure and the corresponding slide from competitive into combative legal pluralism against the Taliban.

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Usher, Sara. "Complex illusions of peace : an interdisciplinary approach to conflict reversion in Afghanistan, 1979-2014." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c5ec8e99-58a4-4c19-b9ee-5ad562505dd4.

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Why do some intrastate conflict-affected states revert back to conflict, while others do not? This thesis aims to answer this question by proposing an interdisciplinary and multi-method approach to analyze the phenomenon of intrastate conflict reversion. I begin my analysis by highlighting the problematic approach of examining conflict reversion as 'frozen' or 'stuck' in equilibrium. Then, I address the shortcomings of applying 2-actor game theory models to the study of conflict reversion by linking ecological and social sciences under the theoretical framework of complexity theory. I introduce a novel model called the Competitive Efficiency Model (CEM) that embraces international relations (IR), ecology and complexity theory to simulate intrastate conflict dynamics through statistical and numerical modeling. I explain the applicability of the CEM by demonstrating mathematical principles of the model to both hypothetical scenarios and scenarios with real data. Next, I develop a set of cases from countries that experienced intrastate conflict (1946-2014). From these numerous cases, I select the case of Afghanistan (1979-2014) as an exploratory case study. The thesis contributes to existing knowledge in four core areas of conflict dynamics within the IR discipline: (1) how the misconception of equilibrium to describe conflict dynamics can be detrimental to IR and conflict scholars' ability to interpret conflict processes; (2) how an interdisciplinary approach coalesced with IR, ecology, and complexity theory, can increase our understanding of conflict reversion; (3) how population dynamics from ecology theory can be applied to better understand conflict reversion; and (4) using a mixed methods approach of statistical, numerical and a historical narrative can uncover mechanisms behind conflict reversion. This thesis concludes by summarizing key theoretical and empirical findings and main policy implications. I close by discussing some limitations within the thesis that has allowed room for future research on conflict reversion.

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Hartigan, Jake. "Why the weak win wars a study of the factors that drive strategy in asymmetric conflict." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FHartican.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Rothstein, Hy. Second Reader: Blanken, Leo. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 26, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Strategy, asymmetric warfare, unconventional warfare, Arreguin-Toft, probability of victory, institutional predisposition, Afghanistan. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-82). Also available in print.

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Nidiffer, Andrew T. "The Other Side of the Coin: The Role of Militia in Counterinsurgency." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/43.

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Can the success of the Sunni Awakening in Iraq be applied to other counter-insurgency conflicts, or is it an exemplary case? Using case studies including Iraq and Afghanistan, it will be examined whether or not militias can be can be used to fight counterinsurgency campaigns in Afghanistan and generally to other conflicts. It may not work in Afghanistan, and certainly presents a Catch-22 situation, but it may be applicable in certain situations in other conflicts under certain conditions.

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Giustozzi, A. "Warlords into businessmen: the Afghan transition 2002-2005. Preliminary findings from a research trip, May 2005." University of Bradford, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4179.

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The Afghan conflict changed significantly after the Soviet withdrawal and especially after the collapse of the communist regime in April 1992. External support, which at some point had been running to the tune of $3 billion a year to all sides, rapidly faded and the military commanders increasingly faced the problem of how to fund their armies in the face of a declining propensity of the civilian population to contribute to the war effort. The hold of the parties based in Pakistan and Iran over the field commanders rapidly weakened, even if some of the political leaders had been forward looking enough to accumulate financial resources through the hoarding of military supplies, which were then sold on the black market. The partial financial autonomy of some political leaders of the jihadi movement was not enough to stem the tide towards weaker and weaker links between parties and commanders, not least because the parties were reluctant to spend whatever resources they had accumulated, lest they lose their leverage in the future.

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Rahimabadi, Neda. "Le conflit Baloutche : des dynamiques nationales et régionales à l'engagement international." Thesis, Paris 5, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA05D011.

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Les Baloutches sont un groupe ethnique résidant en Asie du Sud-central. Baloutchistan ou, à défaut, le Baloutchistan (qui signifie terre des Baloutches), est un territoire historique qui s'étend du sud-est de l‘Iran et sud de l'Afghanistan au sud-ouest du Pakistan. Le Baloutchistan historique est connu comme le Grand Baloutchistan. Le Grand Baloutchistan est aujourd'hui réparti entre trois pays: l'ouest du Pakistan, sud de l'Iran et le sud-ouest d‘Afghanistan. Les Baloutches sont donc principalement concentrés dans ces territoires. Cependant, il existe une population baloutche importante dispersée dans les Eats arabes du golfe Persique (comme l‘Oman, l‘Émirats arabes unis, etc), en Afrique comme ailleurs en Asie, ainsi qu’une petite diaspora en Europe, en Australie et aux Etats unis. Le nombre total des Baloutches dans les régions mentionnés est estimée entre 10 et 15 millions. Les frontières du Grand Baloutchistan d‘aujourd'hui sont le résultat d'une répartition territoriale officielle entre l'Afghanistan, l'Iran et l'Inde (Pakistan d‘aujourd‘hui) qui a eu lieu vers l‘année 1870. "Bien qu‘apparemment insignifiante dans le contexte de toutes les crises régionales et internationales qui affectent notre monde, le Baloutchistan est, en fait, un espace de liaison: le point à partir duquel les intérêts stratégiques diamétralement opposés convergent" (Draitser, 2012). En ce qui concerne la terminologie, l'utilisation du nom du Baloutchistan, il est utile de prendre en compte le fait que le Baloutche en persan signifie la crête de coq, et puisque les troupes baloutches qui ont combattu pour Astyages de Kai Khosrow en 585-550 BC portaient des casques avec une crête de coq, c'est pourquoi on a leur donnée le nom de « Baloutche ». Dans la liste des guerriers de Kai Khosrow de l'empire d‘achéménide, Ferdowsi a mentionné le baloutche dans le Shâh Nâmeh (Le Livre des Rois) sous l'autorité du général Ashkash (Dashti, 2012). Toutefois, la période pendant laquelle le nom du Baloutchistan ou Baloutchistan est entré dans l‘usage général n'est pas claire, mais elle peut être attribuée à la 12ème/18ème siècle qui a vu Nasir Khan I de Kalat devenir "le premier dirigeant indigène d'établir une autorité autonome sur une grande partie de la région" (Encyclopédie Iranica, 2014). Malgré qu'il n'y ait pas de consensus parmi les scientistes, l'histoire Baloutches et l'origine des Baloutches peuvent probablement être attribués à de pastorales nomades, des tribus indo -Iraniennes qui se sont installés dans le nord-ouest de la région iranienne Balashakan, étant eux- mêmes, les descendants des Aryens descendus au sud de l'Asie centrale il y a environ trois mille ans. Ces tribus indo-Iraniennes sont aujourd’hui connues sous le nom de Balashchik. Le Balashchik deviendrait connu sous le nom des baloutches, des siècles plus tard, quand ils ont migré du nord-ouest de l‘Iran au sud et de la périphérie orientale du plateau iranien, une région qui allait devenir Baloutchistan. Dans cette région du Baloutchistan, les Baloutches ont établi un nation-état indépendant ou semi-indépendant qui durerait environ trois cent ans (Dashti, 2012). Le Balûchistân attirerait les Britanniques dans la première moitié du 19ème siècle comme une voie stratégique pour sécuriser les routes commerciales vers l'Orient, et comme un tremplin vers l'Afghanistan contre les Russes pendant la Première Guerre afghane (1839-1842). Le Raj britannique continuait à statuer et d'administrer la région du Baloutchistan par les traités de 1841 et 1854 avec le Khan (souverain) de Kalat (la capitale du khanat de Kalat, qui était un état princier dominant une grande partie du Grand Baloutchistan). Le traité de 1876 assurerait l'indépendance et la souveraineté de Kalat, dès le départ des Britanniques de la région. Vers la fin du 19ème siècle, un certain nombre de processus de démarcation du Baloutchistan a eu lieu, la plupart du temps pour apaiser l'Iran. (...)
The Baluch are an ethnic group residing in south-central Asia. Baluchistan or, alternatively, Balochistan (meaning land of the Baluch), is a historic territory that stretched from southeastern Iran and southern Afghanistan to southwestern Pakistan. Historic Baluchistan is known as Greater Baluchistan. Greater Baluchistan is today divided into the boundaries of three countries: western Pakistan, southern Iran, and southwestern Afghanistan. The Baluch are therefore concentrated within these territories. However, there is a large Baluch population dispersed in the Persian Gulf States, and a small diaspora in Europe. Although there is no consensus among scholars, Baluch history and the origin of the Baluch can most likely be traced to pastoralist-nomadic, Indo-Iranic tribes that settled in northwestern Iranian region of Balashakan, having, themselves, descended from the Aryans who had moved south from Central Asia around three thousand years ago. These Indo-Iranic tribes became known as the Balashchik. The Balashchik would become known as the Baloch centuries later when they migrated from northwestern Iran to the south and eastern fringes of the Iranian plateau, a region that would become known as Balochistan or Baluchistan. Within this region of Baluchistan the Baluch established an independent or semi-independent nation-state that would last for approximately three hundred years (Naseer Dashti, 2012). Baluchistan would attract the British in the first half of the 19th century as a strategic pathway to secure trade routes to the East, and as a launching pad into Afghanistan against the Russians during the First Afghan War (1839-1842), The British Raj would go on to rule and administer the region of Baluchistan through the treaties of 1841 and 1854 with the Khan (ruler) of Kalat (the capital of the Khanate of Kalat, which was then a princely state controlling much of Greater Baluchistan). The Treaty of 1876 would assure independence and sovereignty for Kalat. Upon the departure of the British from the region. Late in the 19th century a number of demarcation processes of Baluchistan took place, mostly to appease Iran, then Persia. A dispute over claims to Sistan by both Iran and Afghanistan finally saw the division of the territory of Baluchistan in two, between Iran and Afghanistan, in 1904 by the British Commissioner, Sir McMahon. The Khan of Kalat would declare independence on 15 August 1947. The Khan also established an interim constitution that provided for a bicameral parliament. This period of independence lasted from 15 August 1947 to 27 March 1948. After a brief rebellion by the Baluch in Western Baluchistan against Persian rule, Western Baluchistan, or Iranian Baluchistan would finally be incorporated into Iran in 1928. The assimilation of Baluchistan into Pakistan following the 1947 partition of India, and subsequently the creation of Pakistan, was forceful, since the then Khan of Kalate, Mir Ahmed Yar Khan, refused to join Pakistan, and military force had to be used to placate the resistant Baluch, under the leadership of Mir Ahmed Yar Khan. The Baluch of Pakistan, therefore, consider Baluchistan occupied territory. The Khanate of Kalat ceased to exist on 14 October 1955 when the province of West Pakistan was formed. Since their forced accession into Pakistan up to the present, the Baluch have been subjugated to discriminatory policies that have assured their impoverished status. (...)

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Danspeckgruber, Wolfgang F. "Einstieg in den Ausstieg? Afghanistan als Verpflichtung des Westens." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6324/.

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Fischer, Karl. "Verhandlungen oder militärische Option? Chancen und Risiken für Afghanistan." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6325/.

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Inhalt: Versäumnisse der Bonner Verhandlungen 2001 Erfahrungen aus den Genfer Verhandlungen Welche Besonderheiten beachten? Beendigung des Kriegszustandes Optionen einer Friedensstrategie Literaturverzeichnis

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Azami, D. "The politics of drugs and conflict : the challenges of insurgency and state-building in Afghanistan." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2015. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/9qx75/the-politics-of-drugs-and-conflict-the-challenges-of-insurgency-and-state-building-in-afghanistan.

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This thesis explores the dynamics of conflict by focusing on two aspects of the problem – (a), links between illicit drugs and conflict and (b), the mechanism and extent to which illicit drug production and trade weaken the state. The research question I have set out for this project is: “what is the impact of illicit drugs on conflict and how does access to drugs affect the strength and ideology of insurgent groups and hampers state-building?” Although Afghanistan is the main case study, in order to understand the phenomenon in a wider context, the study also explores the relationship between drugs economy and conflict through examples of insurgencies in other parts of the world – mainly the FARC in Colombia, PKK in Turkey and LTTE in Sri Lanka. In addition, the thesis offers a unique empirical contribution. Based on first-hand knowledge from the field, this study is unusual in many ways as it critically analyses the impact of illicit drugs on conflict and governance and explores how the patron-client relations in the drug trade create and cement structural corruption. In order to produce a uniquely detailed picture of the conflict in Afghanistan and the overall impact of drugs, this study draws on an extensive field work and more than a hundred original interviews with several actors including insurgents, drug traders/smugglers, poppy farmers, local elders and politicians, government officials as well as experts. It explores, arguably, for the first time, the detailed mechanism and extent to which drug production and trafficking inhibit state-building and facilitate insurgency in Afghanistan. The study argues that the conflict in Afghanistan didn’t start because of drugs; it was the war that created a suitable environment for drug production which now plays a significant role in perpetuating and prolonging the violence. The study examines the Taliban’s evolving involvement in the drugs economy and discusses the insurgent group’s multiple sources of income. It also provides a comprehensive picture of the Taliban’s governance and organisational structure. This research offers a multidisciplinary framework drawing together data from a number of areas of knowledge and sources and examines the nexus between drugs, insurgency and state-building by offering detailed and fresh information on the current state of overlapping fields such as International Relations, Political Economy, Political Anthropology and Development and State-Building. While focusing on the decades-long war in Afghanistan, the thesis attempts to provide an integrated and comprehensive framework for understanding the conflict in general. While discussing the conflicts’ causes and motivations, the existing literature is mostly focused on a few factors including greed, grievance, ethnic and social deprivation. Although these are all valuable and important contributions, the thesis argues that the conflict itself is a complex phenomenon and its understanding and analysis needs a comprehensive approach. Therefore, the thesis also examines other overlooked and overlapping factors including the role of foreign actors, nationalism, criminality and ideology in initiating and perpetuating the conflict. This study fills a conceptual lacuna in the field of conflict studies and devotes considerable attention to the problems of drugs and conflicts, the challenges of state-building and the complexities of insurgency by bringing together various dimensions and factors into one whole. The thesis argues that in an increasingly perplexing and globalising world, conflicts are becoming more complicated involving a variety of actors at local, regional and international levels as well as a combination of a wide range of causes and motivations. While discussing the motivations and causes of conflicts including civil wars, this study suggests the “Hybrid Framework” of conflict to understand the nature of intra-state conflicts. The “Hybrid Framework” takes into account a variety of overlapping causes and motivations as well as the complex web of actors at different levels.

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26

Hasegawa, Yuka. "United Nations peace operations, human security and conflict transformation : the case of the mission in Afghanistan." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.574428.

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27

LaBine, Randal. "Religion and conflict a study of identity and nationalism in Bosnia, Sri Lanka, Sudan, and Afghanistan /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2001. http://www.tren.com.

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28

Thiessen, Chuck. "Exploring NGO educational project work working towards the healing of Afghanistan and other conflict affected nations." Saarbrücken VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, 2006. http://d-nb.info/989277518/04.

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Zunzer, Wolfram. "Diaspora Communities and Civil Conflict Transformation." Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4186.

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Yes
This working paper deals with the nexus of diaspora communities living in European host countries, specifically in Germany, and the transformation of protracted violent conflicts in a number of home countries, including Sri Lanka, Cyprus, Somalia and Afghanistan. Firstly, the political and social role and importance of diaspora communities vis-à-vis their home and host countries is discussed, given the fact that the majority of immigrants to Germany, as well as to many other European countries, over the last ten years have come from countries with protracted civil wars and have thus had to apply for refugee or asylum status. One guiding question, then, is to what extent these groups can contribute politically and economically to supporting conflict transformation in their countries of origin. Secondly, the role and potentials of diaspora communities originating from countries with protracted violent conflicts for fostering conflict transformation activities are outlined. Thirdly, the current conflict situation in Sri Lanka is analyzed and a detailed overview of the structures and key organizations of the Tamil and Sinhalese diaspora worldwide is given. The structural potentials and levels for constructive intervention for working on conflict in Sri Lanka through the diasporas are then described. Fourthly, the socio-political roles of diaspora communities originating from Cyprus, Palestine, Somalia and Afghanistan for peacebuilding and rehabilitation in their home countries are discussed. The article finishes by drawing two conclusions. Firstly, it recommends the further development of domestic migration policies in Europe in light of current global challenges. Secondly, it points out that changes in foreign and development policies are crucial to make better use of the immense potential of diaspora communities for conflict transformation initiatives and development activities in their home countries. How this can best be achieved in practice should be clarified further through intensified action research and the launch of more pilot projects.

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30

Ayoughi, Sarah [Verfasser]. "Mental Health Consequences of War, Internal Conflict and Disrupting Living Conditions : The Case of Afghanistan / Sarah Ayoughi." Konstanz : Bibliothek der Universität Konstanz, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1041832907/34.

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31

Sayed, Sayed Maqbool [Verfasser]. "Challenges of urban management in a post-conflict situation: the case of Kabul, Afghanistan / Sayed Maqbool Sayed." Gießen : Universitätsbibliothek, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1151446416/34.

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32

Derlich, Stephanie. "Civil society involvement in peace processes : The case of Afghanistan." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-105429.

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Civil society inclusion in peace processes has been recognised to be crucial in achieving sustainable peace. The author first reviews the existing academic literature on this, before looking at how civil society, and especially civil society in non-western contexts and armed conflicts can be conceptualised. The variety of approaches and the limitations of Western actor-based concepts in non-Western contexts explains the choice of a function-based model of civil society being chosen to analyse it in the context of international peacebuilding efforts. Its involvement in formal peace processes and negotiations meanwhile is analysed using nine models of inclusion. The case that is chosen for this exploration is Afghanistan. As a multi-facetted country with a long history of armed conflict and foreign involvement, the developments in the past two decades provide an interesting case study. The inductive desk research, using secondary data, is guided by the questions; which concept of civil society has informed the peace building process in Afghanistan in the past twenty years, how civil society in Afghanistan can be conceptualized and how this has affected the peace building process. The findings paint a distinct picture of a country that has been shaped by armed conflict, tracing its roots back to the early days of modern Afghanistan and contrasting existing societal and political structures with Western concepts of civil society and state building. Civil society involvement is being analysed using exemplary stages of peace processes and external peace building efforts. The research concludes that civil society inclusion has been limited by Western concepts of civil society being unfittingly applied to far more complex local realities, thereby excluding relevant actors and limiting the legitimacy and ownership of the peace process, with the prospect of peace being a long way off.

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33

Aleryd, Sarah, and Garpenholt Lydia Frassine. "From Climate Change to Conflict : An analysis of the climate-conflict nexus in communications on climate change response." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Jönköping University, HLK, Globala studier, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-49218.

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This study explores the portrayal of the climate-conflict nexus in global and national communications on climate change response. It utilizes a qualitative inductive approach and the IPCC AR5 (2014) was chosen to represent global communication documents, while two Afghan communications, the Initial as well as Second National Communication, on climate change and response were used to represent the national level. Through a content analysis, several themes were discerned through which the climate-conflict nexus is portrayed. It can be concluded that there are several differences between the global versus Afghan communication documents, as well as between the Initial National Communication (2012) and the Second National Communication (2017). The Second National Communication overall attempts to mirror the communication used by the IPCC by using the same themes but in a more indirect way. The analysis finds that the climate-conflict nexus is often portrayed through indirect communication and that this leads to a lack of conflict-sensitivity in the Afghan national documents, concluding by making suggestions on how to improve conflict-sensitivity in these documents.

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34

Hill, Matthew Alan. "The transition from conflict to post-conflict : the role of the democratic peace in the policies of presidents Clinton and Bush in Bosnia and Afghanistan." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.443916.

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35

Wilson, Gregory J. "Limits to civil service and administrative reform in a fragile and conflict affected situation : a case study of Afghanistan 2002-2012." Thesis, Cranfield University, 2015. http://dspace.lib.cranfield.ac.uk/handle/1826/9151.

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This research examined the challenges, decisions, issues, and dilemmas facing the International Community (IC) in attempting to re-establish and rebuild public administration and other government institutions in a country that continues to suffer from instability and remains at high risk of further conflict. The research looks specifically at a subset of Public Administration Reform (PAR): Civil Service and Administrative Reform (CSAR). The research concludes that CSAR in a Fragile and Conflict Affected State (FCAS) such as Afghanistan is clearly a ‘wicked problem’ requiring innovative, iterative and adaptive responses by the IC over an extended time period. However, the IC treats CSAR in Afghanistan as a ‘tame’ problem simply framed in terms of ‘we are coming to build your capacity’, resulting in slow progress on public sector reform overall and little understanding of the relationship with overarching statebuilding and stabilisation objectives. Despite the acknowledgement of the importance of CSAR, IC support has fallen dramatically in recent years. The current approach to supporting CSAR in Afghanistan is therefore almost guaranteed to fail. The research calls for a new approach to PAR in these types of cases, one that recognises the severe limits to progress utilising existing approaches and structures rooted in Western notions of good government. A new approach goes beyond the overwhelming focus on capacity development; emphasises the importance of understanding what space exists for reform; recognises the need to pragmatically confront trade- offs between the competing objectives of reconciling stabilisation imperatives with wider considerations of ‘good governance’; and poses an alternative expanded framework for considering public administration, legitimacy, authority and representation in the government of an FCAS, partly as an organising framework but also as an aid to understanding the complexity of interrelated systems prevalent in an FCAS. The research also concludes that a great deal more independent academic research is required to understand how to make progress in Public Sector Reform (PSR), stabilisation and longer-term development that will help prevent countries slipping back into conflict.

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36

Olofsson, Karolina. "The prioritisation and development of accountability in Afghanistan : a norm development examination of liberal statebuilding." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-prioritisation-and-development-of-accountability-in-afghanistan-a-norm-development-examination-of-liberal-statebuilding(9eac82ba-e489-4519-b86f-ff016500f945).html.

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Liberal Statebuilding in post-conflict societies is a very complex, intricate and dynamic task that is often based on liberal assumptions. Critiques argue that local contributions to define democracy and its norms, such as accountability, tend to be limited since local experiences are often perceived by the aid and statebuilding community to predate liberal requirements. Democratic norms are consequently often based on external international legitimacy and intentions rather than on domestic acceptance. In order to explore this further, this thesis critically examines the development of one democratic norm, accountability, in Afghanistan by using field data and applying Sikkink and Finnemore’s Norm Life Cycle to three accountability characteristics. These map out the norm’s legitimacy, its methods and relationship between Afghan citizens and government in order to understand the manifestation of accountability. The objective of the thesis is to assess whether accountability in Afghanistan was developed as intended by liberal statebuilding between 2001 and 2013. Empirical findings show that accountability did not manifest per the liberal democratic definition since the social and political realities that heavily impact norm development were not incorporated in the statebuilding approach. Combining theoretical and conceptual analysis, the research contributes to the Critical Peace Studies and Good Enough Governance literature and concludes that the liberal statebuilding methodology introduced accountability in a de-contextualised way that deprived it from norm contestation and local legitimacy. The thesis argues that this had both positive and negative effects. Accountability was introduced to a context that could benefit from its existence, but its introduction was done in an inconsistent manner that weakened its domestic conceptualisation by ignoring the link between social action and political power. Moreover the international community’s role in promoting accountability in Afghanistan both advanced and hampered the development of the liberal norm. Donors were able to raise accountability’s profile in the democratisation process but did so from an inaccessible and unaccountable political space that further removed Afghan citizens from policymaking and politics. The thesis’ application of a norm development lens to statebuilding provides a more in-depth and nuanced analysis to democratisation and one that, I hope, is original. It uses this alternative methodology to engage both with academic debate, and with policy development and implementation. The suggested approach allows for a better insight into the mergence between liberal concepts and local contexts as it not only confirms the existence of hybridity or mergence, but it also elaborates on its quality and consequences. It further proposes a more emancipatory statebuilding process that moves beyond a top-down vs. bottom-up perspective to a more enfranchised and integrated approach.

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37

Rose, Jürgen. "Rückzug Fehlanzeige." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6327/.

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Inhalt: Regime Change und Anti-Terrorkrieg „Engagement“ der USA Deutsche Involvierung Ferngesteuerter Krieg Abzug nicht in Sicht „Sieg“ nicht in Sicht Reinfall Afghanistan-Strategie Menetekel von Saigon

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38

Seifert, Arne C. "Abzug, um zu bleiben : Nachdenken in den USA über den strategischen Sieg." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6330/.

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39

Mehring, Reinhard. "Keine einfachen Alternativen und Lösungen! : Replik auf Sibylle Tönnies." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6333/.

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40

Gießmann, Hans J. "Ein Plädoyer für das moderne Völkerrecht : Replik auf Sibylle Tönnies." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6336/.

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Tönnies, Sibylle. "Von allem ein bisschen, keine Bewegung? : Eine Erwiderung." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2013/6337/.

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42

Schadl, Ilona Verfasser], and Christopher [Akademischer Betreuer] [Daase. "The exclusion of society : the problem of post-conflict statebuilding and the case of Afghanistan / Ilona Schadl. Betreuer: Christopher Daase." München : Universitätsbibliothek der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, 2011. http://d-nb.info/1028325347/34.

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43

Henriksson, Niklas. "Till vilket pris som helst? : En kvalitativ studie av svenska soldaters riskuppfattning om utlandstjänst i Afghanistan." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-157017.

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Abstract Introduction: Swedish soldiers expose themselves to significant risks in international efforts, despite the risks soldiers are still motivated to participate in operations for Försvarsmakten (FM). Most often, expert assessments of risks have been formed before a specific effort that excludes the soldiers 'subjective perception of the threats and risks that may arise, this can mean that soldiers risk getting inadequate information about future risks and that training prior to intervention lacks important and central parts of the soldiers' risk assessment. Aim: The study aims to investigate risk understanding and risk perception by interviewing Swedish soldiers who have been in place in Afghanistan. Method: The study uses a case study based on the implementation of qualitative interviews. Results: When collecting data and during the analysis process, three main themes were identified with the following subcategories. Conclusion: The respondents' experience of the international effort highlights that their risk perception does not correlate with the risk understanding they had with them from home. The assignment changed the respondents' subjective risk understanding and risk perception.

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44

Noorzai, Roshan. "The Role of Media in the Framing of the Afghan Conflict and the Search for Peace." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1343658475.

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45

Safi, Maryam. ""WE ARE FIGHTING A WATER WAR" : The Character of the Upstream States and Post-Treaty Transboundary Water Conflict in Afghanistan and India." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-445404.

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Transboundary water treaties are often expected to prevent conflicts over waters from shared rivers. However, empirical evidence shows that some upstream countries continue to experience conflict after signing a water treaty. This study explains why some upstream countries experience high post-treaty transboundary water conflict levels while others do not. Departing from theories on the character of states, I argue that weaker upstream countries are more likely to experience post-treaty transboundary water conflict than stronger upstream states. This is because a weak upstream state has fewer capabilities, which creates an imbalance of power with its downstream riparian neighbor and presents a zero-sum game condition. As a result, the upstream state is more likely to experience a high level of conflict after signing an agreement. The hypothesis is tested on two transboundary river cases, the Helmand River Basin and the Indus River Basin, using a structured, focused comparison method. The data is collected through secondary sources, including books, journals, news articles, and reports, government records. The results of the study mainly support the theoretical arguments. It shows a significant relationship between the character of the upstream state and the level of post-treaty transboundary water conflict in the upstream state.

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46

Sandstrom, Karl. "Modes of mobilisation : socio-political dynamics in Somaliland, Somalia, and Afghanistan." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2088.

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This thesis provides a framework for viewing socio-political contexts and how these relate to interventionist projects. The framework draws on and combines strands from international relations and sociological perspectives of social interaction. The central question becomes how intervention and existing social contexts interact to produce unintended outcomes. It applies the analysis to two separate wider contexts: Afghanistan and Somalia, with a particular focus on the self-declared independent Somaliland as an internally generated and controlled transformational process. Unlike abstract directions of theoretical development the framework seeks to provide a platform that sets aside ideological assumptions and from which interventionist projects can be observed and evaluated based on literature, field observations and interviews. Drawing on such diverse influences as fourth generation peace and conflict studies, Morphogenetics, and social forces theory, the framework explores conditions and interest formations to capture instances of local agency that are part of a continuity of local realities. It views social interaction without imposing Universalist value assumptions, but also without resorting to relativism or raising so many caveats that it becomes impractical. It exposes the agency of local interest formations hidden beneath the discourses of ideologically framed conflicts. These social agents are often dismissed as passive victims to be brought under the influence of for example the state, but are in reality able to subvert, co-opt, constrain or facilitate the forces that are dependent on them for social influence. In the end, it is the modes of mobilisation that emerge as the most crucial factor for understanding the relevant social dynamics.

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47

Spear, Joanna. "The Potential of Diaspora Groups to Contribute to Peace Building: A Scoping Paper." University of Bradford, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4185.

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Yes
This paper is a preliminary consideration of the question of how Diaspora from Afghanistan, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Sierra Leone could contribute to peace building in their home states. Often Diasporas are regarded as obstacles to peace building, so it is not the assumption of this scoping paper that the relationship between Diasporas and peace building will always be positive. That being said, neither does the paper make the assumption that the Diaspora are homogenous groups that behave in consistent and coordinated ways. The aim is to consider what scope there is for tapping into more positive elements of Diaspora relations with their homelands as they emerge from conflict.

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48

Andersson, Björn. "Legitimitet inom ett COIN-perspektiv." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-698.

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Uppsatsens problemställning utgår från en eventuell brist i utbildning eller kunskap om gällande doktriner för svenska förband i utlandstjänst. Uppsatsen har ansatsen att visa på en ögonblicksbild av hur ett svenskt förband tolkar begreppet legitimitet och hur det arbetar med att stödja detta i genomförandet av verksamheten. Jämförande underlag och även analysverktyg utgår från ett brett urval inom forskning om upprorsbekämpning och även amerikanska doktriner samt reglementen.

Uppsatsen utgår från att begreppet legitimitet har stor betydelse för teorier kring upprorsbekämpning och även för den använda amerikanska doktrinen. Begreppet legitimitet har definierats med hjälp av tre frågeställningar, Legitimitet för vem, Vem ska uppfatta vad som legitimt? samt Vem genererar legitimiteten åt vad?

Resultatet visar på att det svenska förbandet i det undersökta exemplet har en bred syn på begreppet legitimitet och kopplar det till såväl sig själva som statsmakten i värdlandet och detta både mot befolkningen i hemlandet och också i operationsområdet. Skillnaderna mot vad som i uppsatsen redovisas som COIN teori eller amerikansk doktrin är små. En viktig del är dock att uppsatsen visar på att det svenska förbandets huvudsakliga definition av legitimitet inom ett COIN-perspektiv är stärkandet av landets säkerhetsorganisationers legitimitet kontra den egna befolkningen. Detta skulle skilja sig mot ovan redovisad teori och doktrin.

The essay presentation of a problem proceed from a possible lack of training or knowledge about valid doctrines for Swedish units conducting service abroad. The essay have the goal to give a snapshoot picture of how a Swedish unit interpret the concept of legitimacy and how the unit works with different aspects to support this. Relating material and also the tool for conducting the analysis are gathered from a wide selection of science in counterinsurgency and also American doctrines.

The paper assumes that the concept of legitimacy is important in theories surrounding counterinsurgency and also for the used American doctrine. The concept of legitimacy has been defined by three issues, Legitimacy for whom, Who will perceive what is legitimate? and Who generates legitimacy for what?

The result shows that the Swedish unit in the examined example has a width of vision of the concept of legitimacy and linking it to both themselves as the state of the host country and that both the population in both the home and area of operation. The differences of what is in the paper are reported as COIN theory or the American doctrine is small. An important part is that the paper shows that the Swedish's unit primary definition of legitimacy in a COIN perspective, are the strengthening of the country's security organizations legitimacy versus its own population. This would differ from the above reported theory and doctrine.

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49

Laastad, Dyvik Synne. "Performing gender in the 'theatre of war' : embodying the invasion, counterinsurgency and exit strategy in Afghanistan." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2013. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/46848/.

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This thesis offers a critical feminist reading of the war in Afghanistan, from invasion, through the practice of counterinsurgency, to the training of the Afghan National Army as a central part of NATO's exit strategy. Empirically it focuses on the discourses, policies and practices of the US and Norwegian militaries in Afghanistan. It draws on a range of material including military doctrine and policy, parliamentary discussions, public policy documents, interviews, political statements and soldiers' memoirs. Deploying the theoretical framework of performative gender with an emphasis on embodiment, it shows how particular gendered bodies are called into being and how the distinct practices of war in Afghanistan produce and rely on a series of multiple, fluid and, at times, contradictory performances of masculinity and femininity. It demonstrates how gendered performances should not be considered superfluous, but rather integral to the practices of war. It illustrates this, first, by examining the production of the (in) visible ‘body in the burqa' alongside the ‘protective masculinity' of Western politicians in the legitimation of the invasion; second, through the ‘soldier-‐scholars', ‘warriors' and the Female Engagement Teams (FETs) in practices of ‘population‐centric' counterinsurgency, examining the ways in which counterinsurgency is a gendered and embodied practice; and third, through the remaking of the fledgling Afghan National Army (ANA) recruits in the NATO exit strategy. The thesis furthers feminist studies on gender and war in International Relations by emphasising the multiplicity of gendered bodies and performances by problematizing singular notions of masculinity and femininity. It contributes to existing literature that reads the war in Afghanistan as a neocolonial and biopolitical practice, enhancing these readings by paying attention to the gendering of bodies and their performances, thereby expanding critical investigations into late modern ways of war and counterinsurgency.

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50

Richmond, Sean. "At the vanishing point of law? : international law and the use of force by Britain and Canada in the Korean War and Afghanistan Conflict." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d290493c-3afd-4a51-8dea-27ea0bd9069a.

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This thesis examines important aspects of Canada and Britain’s participation in the Korean War of 1950-53 and the Afghanistan Conflict of 2001-present with a view to better understanding how international law influenced this participation, and whether key leaders and officials understood said law as a binding and distinct phenomenon. It draws on constructivist International Relations (IR) theory and “interactional” International Law (IL) theory, and employs a method of historical reconstruction and process tracing. I argue that, contrary to what realism might predict, international law helped define and shape each state’s possible course of action in the wars, and the justifications that could be made for their behaviour. More specifically, Canada and Britain’s involvement in the conflicts suggests that, when states use force, international law can play four broad roles: 1) it helps constitute the identities of the actors at issue; 2) it helps regulate the political and military practice of the actors at issue; 3) it permits and legitimates certain political and military practices that otherwise might not be permitted; and 4) it helps structure the process by which agents seek to develop and promote new legal rules and legitimate practice. However, I also contend that, contrary to what IL scholars might predict, the discourse and actions of Canadian and British leaders and officials during the Korean War and Afghanistan Conflict offer mixed support for the hypothesis that, when states use force, policy-makers understand international law as a binding and distinct set of legal rules, and the legal status of these rules impacts their decision-making. In sum, my findings suggest that international law can play important roles in world politics and the use of force by states, but it is unclear whether these effects are attributable to an obligatory quality in law.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Afghanistan conflict'

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