Relevant bibliographies by topics / Afghanistan, foreign relations

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Afghanistan, foreign relations'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Afghanistan, foreign relations"

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Rahmany, Gulab Mir. "Social Development Through International Relations." Khazanah Sosial 3, no. 1 (February 22, 2021): 22–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ks.v3i1.10711.

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With the horrific incident on September 11 in the US, the US armed forces entered Afghanistan to shut the door to terrorism. Now, Afghanistan opens a new page for Afghanistan's internal and external political system. Afghanistan as a country that has pursued regional cooperation from neighboring countries, especially from India. India is the most promising country for Afghanistan's foreign policy and diplomatic relations in areas such as economic, cultural, technical, capacity building, military and other growth. The purpose of this study is to examine the development process of the two countries India and Pakistan in an effort to establish international relations. With a qualitative approach This research resulted in India being one of the countries which, after September 11, 2001, and the leadership of the Taliban, succeeded in gaining more opportunities for the people of Afghanistan. His non-hostile contributions to Middle Eastern and Middle Eastern countries have created a special place for the people of Afghanistan. India after independence in 1947, started friendly relations with Afghanistan two years later, until now, has enthusiastically and dedicably made their contribution to Afghanistan. The people of Afghanistan in this case get many benefits from India's bilateral relations, namely the construction of the Salma Dam in Herat, Delaram Road Development, Allotment of 1000 Afghan Student Scholarships in Human Resource Development per year, the Repair of the Afghan Foreign Minister Complex, the establishment of the Afghan Parliament Building, the Opening of Chabahar Port, Strengthening the Equipment of the Afghan Military Forces, Air Corridors, and India's efforts to get Afghanistan to gain Membership in Regional Cooperation Bodies such as SAARC, BRICS, Asia Heart 'Istanbul Process'.
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Yuldashev, Anvar E., and Ulugbek A. Saidov. "THE FACTOR OF AFGHANISTAN IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF UZBEKISTAN." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2024): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.55640/jsshrf-04-01-05.

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This article examines the significance of Afghanistan in shaping the foreign policy of Uzbekistan. The geopolitical proximity of Uzbekistan to Afghanistan has had a profound impact on its foreign policy decisions, particularly in the realms of security, trade, and regional cooperation. Since the emergence of an independent Uzbekistan in 1991, the country has recognized the strategic importance of fostering stable and cooperative relations with its southern neighbor, Afghanistan. This article delves into the historical context of Uzbekistan-Afghanistan relations and analyzes the evolving dynamics in the wake of changing geopolitical landscapes, such as the withdrawal of international forces from Afghanistan and the subsequent power shift in Kabul. Furthermore, it explores the implications of Afghanistan's internal developments on Uzbekistan's security concerns, economic interests, and regional integration efforts. The study also sheds light on Uzbekistan's role in facilitating peace and stability in Afghanistan, as well as its engagement in regional initiatives aimed at fostering economic connectivity and security cooperation. By analyzing the multifaceted interplay between Uzbekistan and Afghanistan, this article aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of how Afghanistan factors into the foreign policy calculus of Uzbekistan and the implications for regional dynamics in Central Asia. ‎
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Maley, William. "Afghanistan in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 88–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.88.

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Abstract Afghanistan confronted further turbulence in 2011, involving the assassinations of prominent figures, tense regional relations, and uncertainty about where the draw down of foreign forces in Afghanistan might lead. Popular confidence in Afghanistan's future direction remains weak, and President Hamid Karzai has had little success in boosting his government's standing.
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Belova, I. N., and A. S. Karimi. "The Role of Foreign Economic Relations in the Economies of Developing Countries Using the Example of Afghanistan." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 3 (March 18, 2024): 207–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2403-05.

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This article examines the role of foreign economic relations in the economies of developing countries using the example of Afghanistan. The author presents a detailed analysis of Afghanistan’s foreign trade statistics from 2010 to 2022, highlighting trends and signifi cant changes in the country’s exports and imports. The article pays attention to the main positions of Afghanistan’s exports and imports, indicating their importance and contribution to the economic development of the country. In particular, areas such as petroleum products, services, cereals and products of the fl our and cereal industry, as well as food products and ferrous metals and products made from them are considered. Particular attention is paid to Afghanistan’s main trading partners, establishing their role and contribution to the country’s foreign economic activity. The article highlights that India, Pakistan and China are key export destinations where India holds a leading position. These data indicate the diversity of markets for Afghan products and create opportunities for developing trade relations with various regions. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of foreign economic relations for the economic development of Afghanistan and its potential in international markets. Foreign trade is a significant factor in attracting investment, developing economic sectors and improving the standard of living of the population of Afghanistan. The presented analysis of statistical data allows us to draw a conclusion about the need to strengthen and expand foreign economic relations for the further development of the country.
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Nath, Dr Jayasree. "SIGNIFICANCE OF AFGHANISTAN IN INDIA’S FOREIGN POLICY." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 4 (September 19, 2019): 472–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7463.

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Purpose of the study: The purpose of the study is to understand the importance of Afghanistan in India’s foreign policy. Being situated in the proximity of Pakistan and Central Asian countries, Afghanistan holds a strategic significance in India’s neighbourhood foreign policy. Since the earlier period of time, the geographic location has made Afghanistan involved in any development occurred in Central Asia and South Asia. Methodology: The study is interdisciplinary in nature. It is based on a comparative analysis of research methodology, comparing traditional and current relations between the nations. The study is empirical since it tries to explain the historical-cultural linkages of India and Afghanistan. The study also tries to investigate the obstacles furthering India’s relations with Afghanistan and beyond. The study involves both descriptive and qualitative analysis. The study is based on both primary and secondary sources. While books, articles and newspaper reports are secondary sources in the study, primary sources comprised of government sources like an annual report, other relevant reports of the Ministry of External Affairs, etc. Main Findings: India’s policy towards Afghanistan is the embodiment of the soft power approach with a long term goal. Energy security and regional security connected with internal security are the topmost priorities of New Delhi factoring the significance of Afghanistan in India’s neighbourhood foreign policy. Applications of this study: This study can be useful for understanding International relations covering areas of India-Afghanistan relations, the significance of Afghanistan in India’s foreign policy connecting with Central Asia and Iran. Novelty/Originality of this study: India’s strategic consideration factoring Afghanistan to connect Central Asia and Iran for energy security, regional and internal security.
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Khurami, Hafiza. "Afghanistan and United States foregin relation after September 11th 2001." Technium Business and Management 3 (January 6, 2023): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/business.v3i.8273.

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The incident of 11 September 2001 played an important role the relations between Afghanistan and the United States. After that Afghanistan was the axis of attention to US foreign policy. The US Military presence in Afghanistan has different reason. Afghanistan is a tool for the United States to achieve its goal, because Afghanistan has a special geopolitical position through which it can achieve its ideological goals, one of these reasons could be the struggle against Islam. because the Middle East countries are the cradle of Islam. And the United States considers these countries to be the source of terrorism, which is the enemy of the United States. And to achieve its political goals by establishing military bases in Afghanistan under the influence of powers such as Russia, China and Iran. Afghanistan's proximity to the Middle East and Central Asia, which are rich in oil and gas resources, is also economically important to the United States. So Afghanistan's geopolitical position could be a good platform to achieve these US goals.
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Yang, Xiuqin, and Ling Guo. "A Study of the Extension of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor to Afghanistan in the Context of the Taliban’s Return to Power: A Response from Sichuan." World Journal of Social Science Research 9, no. 2 (April 27, 2022): p43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v9n2p43.

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On August 15, 2021, the Taliban overthrew the Ghani government and returned to power. The Afghan Taliban government’s ability to govern and its foreign policy are still unclear. China, as a neighboring country of Afghanistan, has always been friendly with the Afghan people and has no historical hatred. As a neighbor of Afghanistan, China can play a constructive role in the smooth transition of the situation in Afghanistan by taking advantage of being a neighbor. China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a key mechanism for China to develop China-Afghanistan economic and trade relations. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor has achieved remarkable results in Pakistan. With the return of the Taliban to power and the return of calm in Afghanistan after the U.S. withdrawal, the extension of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor to Afghanistan has become a common goal promoted by China, Afghanistan and Pakistan. However, it remains to be seen where the Taliban government returns to power, and the international community is cautious about its attitude. On March 30-31, 2022, Chinese State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi hosted the third meeting of foreign ministers of Afghanistan’s neighbors in Tunxi, Anhui Province, attended by the foreign ministers or representatives of Pakistan, Iran, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Wang Yi also hosted the “Afghanistan Neighbors + Afghanistan” Foreign Ministers’ Dialogue and invited Acting Foreign Minister Mottaki of the Taliban government to attend. This is a new starting point for China-Afghanistan cooperation and friendship. Sichuan can take advantage of its distance and infrastructure to contribute to the Sino-Afghan friendship.
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TIKHONOV, Yuriy Nikolayevich. "SOVIET-AFGHANIAN NEGOTIATIONS ABOUT THE PASTURE CONVENTION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE “GREAT GAME” IN CENTRAL ASIA ON THE EVE OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR (1935–1939)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 174 (2018): 203–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-174-203-209.

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The results of the study of the new declassified documents of Russian archives lead to the conclusion that under the influence of “world politics” there were all directions of Afghanistan’s foreign policy. The history of Soviet-Afghan relations on the eve of the Second World War convincingly proves the fact that in the relations of Afghanistan with the Great Powers of that time there were no spheres of cooperation that would not be used by foreign states in the struggle for the “Afghan bridgehead”. A striking proof of this is the attempt of the Soviet government in the 1930s to coordinate the issue of grazing of Afghan herds on Turkmen pastures with a whole range of measures aimed at strengthening the positions of Germany and Japan in Afghanistan. Soviet diplomacy repeatedly asked Kabul about the pastoral convention to speed up the signing of the necessary Soviet treaties with Afghanistan. In 1936 the question of concluding a grazing convention was repeatedly raised during the negotiations on the extension of the Kabul Pact of 1931 (the Neutrality and Mutual Non-Aggression Treaty of 1931) and the conclusion of a general trade agreement with Afghanistan, through which the USSR sought to economically supplant German and Japanese goods from the market of Northern Afghanistan.
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Makhmudov, R. B. "Afghan Vector of Modern Foreign Policy of Uzbekistan." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 2 (July 24, 2023): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-80-93.

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The article discusses the foundations of the modern foreign policy of Uzbekistan in the Afghan direction. They were formed at the beginning of the reforms of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev in 2016. Their concept is that Afghanistan is seen not as a threat to stability and security, but as a set of opportunities for Uzbekistan and the Central Asian region, especially for their economic development. The Uzbek approach is based on the following principles: support for peace and stability in Afghanistan, Uzbekistan will contribute to the establishment of a peaceful life in Afghanistan and greater participation of the world community in this process; the integration of Afghanistan into projects for the development of relations between Central and South Asia, which are being implemented by Tashkent. Such a realistic approach allowed Uzbekistan to build flexible and constructive relations with the Afghan authorities both before and after the events of August 15, 2021.
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Kaleem, Musa, and Sajid Iqbal. "Understanding the Nexus Between Afghan Taliban and TTP: Challenges and Opportunities for Pakistan." Fall 2023 VI, no. IV (December 30, 2023): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(vi-iv).03.

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This paper delves into the intricate dynamics of Afghanistan's relationship with Pakistan, especially in light of a potential Taliban resurgence and its repercussions on Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The TTP's strategic realignment, transitioning from collaboration with the Afghan Taliban to destabilizing Pakistan, is examined through a qualitative approach rooted in structural realism. The analysis contextualizes Afghanistan-Pakistan relations historically, considering security, and geopolitical implications. It scrutinizes the TTP's resurgence, attributing causes to internal shifts, external support, and regional changes. The study explores avenues for stability in the region, emphasizing economic cooperation's potential. Insights are drawn on how Pakistan tackles the TTP resurgence, encompassing foreign relations, economic resources, and internal politics. While structural realism sheds light on power dynamics, the paper underscores the imperative to manage Afghanistan-Pakistan relations to avert further regional upheaval.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Afghanistan, foreign relations"

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Holloway, Thomas Walter. "Propaganda analysis and the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1272462089.

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Duffy, Sean Edward. "SHELL GAME: THE U.S. - AFGHAN OPIUM RELATIONSHIP." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/202706.

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The United States has shaped the global response to drugs over the last century. Afghanistan, and its resultant massive opium production, is the greatest failure of the internationalization of the American-led war on drugs. Starting during the Progressive-era, the United States backed a prohibitionist stance toward certain drugs, including opium and its derivatives. While Afghanistan was creating its own opium policies after complete independence from Great Britain, the United States pushed a global anti-drug approach. Despite having minimal contact previously, the Americans and Afghans joined in a brief, but significant, opium alliance during the Second World War, with the United States secretly purchasing the bulk of Afghan opium. After the war, the United States publicly asked Afghanistan to end opium cultivation while suggesting in private that the Afghans should continue production. At the United Nations, the Americans sabotaged the Afghans' attempt to get legal international recognition as an opium exporter. The United States did respond to Afghanistan's destitute condition by supplying developmental aid that would have the unforeseen consequence of increasing poppy cultivation. Improved transportation networks also provided opportunities for Western youth to visit Afghanistan as drug tourists and couriers. During the 1970s, the decade before the Soviet invasion, Washington's concern over Afghan opium reached the highest level of government. Despite new efforts to replace opium as a cash-producing plant, Afghan drug production steadily increased. With Afghanistan on the verge of transforming into a global producer of heroin, the United States fomented unrest in the nation by first funding and then backing known drug traffickers. Along with Soviet aggression, the American intelligence program led to chaotic conditions that were capitalized on by drug traffickers. After years of war in the 1980s and 1990s, Afghanistan gained the dubious title of the world's most prolific narco-state. After the post-9/11 invasion, with American boots on the ground for over a decade, Afghanistan remained a major source for opium. As a result, Afghanistan was the most visible breakdown of the American global war against drugs.
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Feizi, Hiva. "Discourse, Affinity and Attraction| A Case Study of Iran's Soft Power Strategy in Afghanistan." Thesis, University of South Florida, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10787971.

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This dissertation is a case study of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s approach to soft power with a focus on Iran’s use of soft power in Afghanistan. This dissertation is unique as it a delves into the diverse conceptual prescriptions on soft power, especially from a non-Western perspective. Studies of soft power in the current International Relations discipline ignore the implicit widespread liberal democratic bias in the current understanding of the concept. This dissertation argues that there are certain ontological assumptions lying deep within the soft power model first proposed by Joseph Nye (1990) that make it difficult to use as a model for studying non-Western states. This stems from Nye’s consideration that sources of attraction, essential in wielding soft power, as universal and equivalent to Western liberal values. Nye does not consider how the sources of attraction that he identifies are biased towards a Western notion of values, culture, policies and institutions. This has led to a disregard of the use of soft power by non-Western states. Thus, the aim of this study is to address the western-centric limitation of Nye’s concept by offering a reconceptualization that can be applied in studying the soft power of states that do not necessarily adhere to the same universal norms.

By applying Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse analysis framework, this dissertation examines Iran’s soft power strategy in Afghanistan between 2007 and 2017, in order to enhance its influence. Iran’s soft power application relies on what that the author calls ‘affinity’, whereby audience-oriented and localized resources of attraction are identified in the target population and are subsequently discursively cultivated. Attraction build through the ‘affinity’ process is different than Western states’ use of attraction and application of soft power.

This dissertation highlights how Iran has created an affinity node centered on a ‘sense of brotherhood’ with its Afghanistan audience. It also shows that the strength of this narrative is in Iran’s ability to create an emotional connection that is embedded in commonalities between the two countries’ in terms of culture, historical legacy, and common language. The analysis presented shows the affinity node of brotherhood appears in over 20 speeches and statements targeted at the Afghan population by the Iranian supreme leader and successive Iranian presidents in recent decades. The notion of brotherhood provides Iran the emotional linkage, the affinity node, to connect with its Afghan audience.

The affinity that Iran establishes with Afghanistan allows Iran to articulate its foreign policy objectives by showing how Iranian influence benefits the Afghan population and appeals to existing Afghan values. In addition, this dissertation finds that Iran devotes considerable resources to the development of these discourses in Afghanistan through the various institutions that in charge of Iran’s public diplomacy activities. The focus of these activities is mainly in the realm of culture, education, and language, leveraging the common ties between Iran and their Afghan audience.

Lastly, the findings of this study indicate that Iran’s approach to soft power is strategically calculated. Iran makes explicit use of soft power that is different from the original notion of soft power as it was formulated by Nye. Iran’s actions show that sources of attraction do not have to be universal, attraction is contextual in its appeal, based on each target audience and can be constructed through discourses. Thus, as Laclau and Mouffe (1985) would say, Iran’s articulation of an antagonistic discourse challenges the hegemonic discourses that are associated with the Western evaluation of soft power.

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Hayaud-Din, Mian Ahad. "U.S. Foreign Policy in Islamic South Asia: Realism, Culture, and Policy Toward Pakistan and Afghanistan." [Tampa, Fla. : s.n.], 2003. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000074.

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Nuyken, Mark E. "Between domestic constraints and multilateral obligations : the reform of the Bundeswehr in the context of a normalised German foreign and security policy." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/6511.

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This thesis seeks to understand the developments in Germany’s foreign and security policy since the end of the Cold War. Primarily, this thesis will centre on the question of whether Germany can now, after being re-unified for more than 20 years, be considered a normal actor in international relations. Although this subject has been debated extensively, the effects a possible change in foreign policy behaviour has on related fields of policy, have largely been left aside. This thesis therefore sets out to understand if there has in fact been a change in Germany’s foreign and security policy and will then apply the findings on the institution most affected by this change, i.e. Germany’s armed forces the Bundeswehr. It will therefore firstly discuss the perceived changes in German foreign policy since 1990 by analysing the academic debate on the process of normalisation and continuation. It will be argued that Germany has in fact become more normal and abandoned the constrained foreign policy of the Cold-War-era. The Bundeswehr will therefore have to be reformed accordingly to accommodate the new tasks set out by the changed foreign policy – most importantly peacekeeping and peace-enforcing out-of-area missions. This thesis will therefore analyse the reform efforts made over the last 20 years and apply them to the Bundeswehr’s large deployments in Kosovo and Afghanistan to determine how effective the reforms have been. Finally, this thesis will be able to contribute to the discussion on Germany’s status of a normal player in international relations with the added perspective from the Bundeswehr’s point of view.
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Henrotin, Joseph W. C. H. G. "Hypertrophie de la stratégie des moyens et révolution dans les affaires militaires: la technologisation, dérive de l'innovation dans le discours politico-stratégique américan ?" Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210564.

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Evaluation des mutations de la stratégie politico-militaire américaine depuis l'occurrence de la Revolution in Military Affairs jusqu'au processus actuel de "Transformation". L'analyse des évolutions vues - y compris à l'aune des opérations menées en Afghanistan et en Irak - montre, au delà du phénomène de technicisation (i.e. le processus d'intégration de nouvelles technologies aux armées) un phénomène de "technologisation".

Dans ce cadre, le discours stratégique américain, examiné au travers des débats stratégiques et des contributions doctrinales, tendrait à être sur-déterminé par la technologie, du niveau tactique au niveau politique, de sorte que ledit discours tendrait à devenir en soi une technologie.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Mathieu, Ilinca. "La question du sens de l'action dans les opérations extérieures : décision politique, soutien public et motivation militaire dans le cadre de la participation française à la FIAS et à la FINUL renforcée." Thesis, Clermont-Ferrand 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014CLF10452.

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De nombreuses études concluent à la supériorité des démocraties dans la guerre. A travers notre analyse des relations unissant aujourd’hui les piliers de la trinité clausewitzienne classique – pouvoir politique, peuple et armée – notre recherche s’attache à mettre en évidence l’importance, à cet égard, de la définition du « sens de l’action ». Complexe à conceptualiser, cet objet naît de l’interaction des trois piliers de la trinité qui contribuent à le construire. Cette dynamique prend son origine dans le sens conféré, par le discours politique,à la décision de recourir à la force. Ce sens politique repose sur les intérêts nationaux tels qu’appréhendés par les décideurs, mais également, du fait de la contrainte démocratique, sur les préférences de l’opinion publique telles que perçues par le politique. Le soutien public apparaît essentiel pour alimenter la volonté politique dans le conflit, mais influence aussi le moral des militaires déployés en opérations. Notre étude s’attache donc, en second lieu, à analyser les composantes du sens conféré par les militaires à la mission qu’ils exécutent, afin de déterminer dans quelle mesure un sens politique insuffisamment clair peut influencer le soutien public et, in fine, une éventuelle perte de sens chez les soldats. Cette analyse multiscalaire cherche en définitive à répondre à la question de savoir pourquoi l’on se bat, en approfondissant deux cas d’étude : la participation de l’Armée de terre française à la FIAS, en Afghanistan, et à la FINUL renforcée, au Liban. Elle peut s’inscrire, plus largement, dans le courant d’analyse cherchant à déterminer les facteurs d’efficacité dans la guerre, en esquissant l’idée que les démocraties peuvent, du fait des contraintes qui leur sont propres, présenter une faiblesse à cet égard
Many studies have determined that democracies perform better in war. Through our analysis of the relationship that links the pillars of today’s clasewitzian trinity – political leaders, people and soldiers – our study seeks to highlight the importance, to this regard, of defining the « meaning of the action ». In spite of a complex conceptualization, this object can be apprehended by analyzing the interactions of the three pillars, within the frame of a military intervention abroad. This interactional dynamic’s origin lies in the meaning given by the political discourse to the decision to use force. This political meaning leans on national interests (as perceived by policymakers), but also on public preferences (as perceived by policymakers), due to democratic constraint. Public support appears essential to underpin the political will during a conflict, but it also affects soldiers’ morale in the field. Secondly, our study thus seeks to analyse the components of the meaning given by soldiers to their mission,in order to determine to what extent an uncleared or blurred political meaning might affect public support and ultimately provoke a loss of meaning among the military. This multiscale approach aims to answer to the ultimate question of knowing why are we fighting, by deepening two case studies : the French Army contribution to ISAF (in Afghanistan) and UNIFIL II (in Lebanon). It can more broadly come within the framework of previous researchs studying strategic and battlefield effectiveness, by underlying that democracies might have a weakness in this regard
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Vaagland, Per O. "The PRT concept US experiences and their relevance for Norway /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490917.

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Qassem, Ahmad Shayeq. "Afghanistan : prospects for stability in relation to geostrategic dynamics in Central and South Asia." Phd thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150118.

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MacCallion, Gregory John. "Defining human and national security in military interventions : Australia and Canada in Somalia and Afghanistan." Phd thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/155775.

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Since the introduction of the concept of human security in 1994, debates have raged regarding the definition and applicability of the concept. Proponents of human security have sought to define the concept so that it may be utilised, whereas critics of human security have argued that the concept is too broad and amorphous to be adopted or utilised by states in international relations. This thesis examines two states; Australia, which has never utilised the term, 'human security,' in its declaratory policies; and Canada, a state that, for a time, was one of the most vocal proponents of the concept in its foreign policy statements. The research examines the two countries' military interventions in Somalia (1992-1995 - prior to the introduction of human security as a concept) and Afghanistan (2001-2013 - after the concept's introduction) to establish if, and to what extent, human security featured in and/or shaped their missions. Drawing upon an analysis of Australia's and Canada's declaratory policies and implementation approaches for each mission, this thesis presents a unique analytical framework that assesses the degree of norm internalisation of human security by the two states. It argues that human security is both co-opted and adapted by states in military interventions when the limitation of traditional national security approaches is recognised and when such actions are in alignment with national values. This thesis finds that the core concept of human security can be, and has been, operationalised at the implementation level, regardless of whether the state has a clearly defined declaratory policy of human security or not. Further, states now perceive the core concept of human security as a necessary condition for mission success in military interventions; military security, alone, is no longer enough. The thesis concludes with the argument that, for states, the concept of human security works better in practice (implementation) than it does in theory (declaratory policies). Indeed, when it comes to incorporating the fundamental elements of human security in military interventions, this thesis argues, it is the practices of human security that drives, and helps create, policies based on human security.
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Books on the topic "Afghanistan, foreign relations"

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Kaur, Kulwant. Pak-Afghanistan relations. New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1985.

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Ganjoo, Satish. Soviet Afghan relations. Delhi: Akashdeep Pub. House, 1990.

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Committee, Pakistan Parliament Senate Foreign Relations. Pakistan-Afghanistan relations, March 2007. [Islamabad]: Senate of Pakistan, Foreign Relations Committee, 2007.

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Military Education Research Library Network, ed. Afghanistan MiPAL. Washington, D.C: National Defense University, 2003.

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Muhammad, Rais Shah, ed. Afghanistan, big gamble. Kabul: Shah Book Co., 2003.

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Daley, Tad. Afghanistan and Gorbachev's global foreign policy. Santa Monica, Calif: Rand/UCLA Center for Soviet Studies, 1989.

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Maprayil, Cyriac. The Soviets and Afghanistan. New Delhi: Reliance Pub. House, 1986.

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Rahul, Ram. Afghanistan, Mongolia, and China. New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers & Distributors, 1992.

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Ma'aroof, Mohammad Khalid. Afghanistan and super powers. New Delhi: Commonwealth Publishers, 1990.

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University of the Punjab. Department of Persian, ed. Contemporary geopolitics: Afghanistan & Pakistan. Lahore: University of the Punjab, Department of Persian, 2013.

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Book chapters on the topic "Afghanistan, foreign relations"

1

Azam, Muhammad. "Afghanistan–Pakistan Relations." In Pakistan's Foreign Policy, 99–110. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003250920-8.

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Sharma, Prakhar. "India–Afghanistan Relations." In Routledge Handbook on South Asian Foreign Policy, 139–51. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429054808-12.

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Hyman, Anthony. "Afghan Foreign Relations." In Afghanistan under Soviet Domination, 1964–91, 39–51. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21948-3_3.

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Arnold, Anthony. "Soviet Relations with Afghanistan: The Current Dynamic." In Domestic Determinants of Soviet Foreign Policy towards South Asia and the Middle East, 188–212. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11318-7_10.

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Malik, Hafeez. "Soviet Intervention in Afghanistan and its Impact on Pakistan’s Foreign Policy." In Soviet-American Relations with Pakistan, Iran and Afghanistan, 127–62. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08553-8_7.

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"Foreign Relations." In Afghanistan, 286–345. BRILL, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047416678_022.

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7

"Sino-Afghanistan relations." In Chinese Foreign Relations with Weak Peripheral States, 91–109. Routledge, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315709628-6.

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Barfield, Thomas. "Anglo-Afghan Wars and State Building in Afghanistan." In Afghanistan. Princeton University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691145686.003.0004.

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Abstract:
This chapter examines the erosion of traditional elite authority and new models of modern state building in the nineteenth century. The Anglo-Afghan wars were the crucibles that transformed the Afghan state and society. Here, the focus is less on the wars themselves than the consequences they had for Afghanistan. In terms of foreign relations, the rulers of Afghanistan found themselves in the paradoxical state of becoming ever more dependent on the subsidies from the British raj even as they pushed the Afghan people to become more antiforeign. Domestically successive rulers sought to make the central government more powerful, but did not succeed until Amir Abdur Rahman took the throne in 1880. Understanding what he did and at what cost remains significant for Afghanistan today.
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Klimentov, Vassily. "The USSR, Afghanistan, and the Muslim World." In A Slow Reckoning, 141–79. Cornell University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501773808.003.0006.

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This chapter covers the interplay between the USSR, Afghanistan, and the Muslim world. It cites that the Soviet-Afghan War's negative fallout undermined years of Soviet backing for causes important to Muslims. Throughout the Soviet–Afghan War, the Soviets and the Afghan communists put considerable effort into strengthening the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan's (DRA) Islamic credentials on the international stage. To undermine international support for the mujahideen, the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) under Soviet leadership concentrated on organizing an information campaign in domestic and foreign media and establishing diplomatic relations with Muslim countries. The chapter considers the limits of the DRA's Islamic credentials since it relied entirely on the USSR. It mentions how the Muslim world saw how Islamic solidarity prevailed over Cold War realpolitik.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "19. The Decline of the Cold War, 1985–9." In International Relations Since 1945, 439–60. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198807612.003.0019.

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This chapter examines the decline of the Cold War during the period 1985–9. It begins with a discussion of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev’s ‘new diplomacy’, a more flexible, less ideological foreign policy based on his belief that ‘a less confrontational stance towards the outside world would provide greater security than endless rearming’. It then considers Gorbachev’s reforms, the Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty signed in December 1987 by Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan, and US–Soviet relations under George H. W. Bush and Gorbachev. It also analyses the end of the Cold War in less developed countries such as Afghanistan, Angola, and Cambodia, before concluding with an assessment of the demise of Soviet communism in Eastern Europe.
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