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1
Rahmany, Gulab Mir. "Social Development Through International Relations." Khazanah Sosial 3, no. 1 (February 22, 2021): 22–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ks.v3i1.10711.
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With the horrific incident on September 11 in the US, the US armed forces entered Afghanistan to shut the door to terrorism. Now, Afghanistan opens a new page for Afghanistan's internal and external political system. Afghanistan as a country that has pursued regional cooperation from neighboring countries, especially from India. India is the most promising country for Afghanistan's foreign policy and diplomatic relations in areas such as economic, cultural, technical, capacity building, military and other growth. The purpose of this study is to examine the development process of the two countries India and Pakistan in an effort to establish international relations. With a qualitative approach This research resulted in India being one of the countries which, after September 11, 2001, and the leadership of the Taliban, succeeded in gaining more opportunities for the people of Afghanistan. His non-hostile contributions to Middle Eastern and Middle Eastern countries have created a special place for the people of Afghanistan. India after independence in 1947, started friendly relations with Afghanistan two years later, until now, has enthusiastically and dedicably made their contribution to Afghanistan. The people of Afghanistan in this case get many benefits from India's bilateral relations, namely the construction of the Salma Dam in Herat, Delaram Road Development, Allotment of 1000 Afghan Student Scholarships in Human Resource Development per year, the Repair of the Afghan Foreign Minister Complex, the establishment of the Afghan Parliament Building, the Opening of Chabahar Port, Strengthening the Equipment of the Afghan Military Forces, Air Corridors, and India's efforts to get Afghanistan to gain Membership in Regional Cooperation Bodies such as SAARC, BRICS, Asia Heart 'Istanbul Process'.
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Yuldashev, Anvar E., and Ulugbek A. Saidov. "THE FACTOR OF AFGHANISTAN IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF UZBEKISTAN." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Research Fundamentals 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2024): 21–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.55640/jsshrf-04-01-05.
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This article examines the significance of Afghanistan in shaping the foreign policy of Uzbekistan. The geopolitical proximity of Uzbekistan to Afghanistan has had a profound impact on its foreign policy decisions, particularly in the realms of security, trade, and regional cooperation. Since the emergence of an independent Uzbekistan in 1991, the country has recognized the strategic importance of fostering stable and cooperative relations with its southern neighbor, Afghanistan. This article delves into the historical context of Uzbekistan-Afghanistan relations and analyzes the evolving dynamics in the wake of changing geopolitical landscapes, such as the withdrawal of international forces from Afghanistan and the subsequent power shift in Kabul. Furthermore, it explores the implications of Afghanistan's internal developments on Uzbekistan's security concerns, economic interests, and regional integration efforts. The study also sheds light on Uzbekistan's role in facilitating peace and stability in Afghanistan, as well as its engagement in regional initiatives aimed at fostering economic connectivity and security cooperation. By analyzing the multifaceted interplay between Uzbekistan and Afghanistan, this article aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of how Afghanistan factors into the foreign policy calculus of Uzbekistan and the implications for regional dynamics in Central Asia.
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Maley, William. "Afghanistan in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 88–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.88.
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Abstract Afghanistan confronted further turbulence in 2011, involving the assassinations of prominent figures, tense regional relations, and uncertainty about where the draw down of foreign forces in Afghanistan might lead. Popular confidence in Afghanistan's future direction remains weak, and President Hamid Karzai has had little success in boosting his government's standing.
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Belova, I. N., and A. S. Karimi. "The Role of Foreign Economic Relations in the Economies of Developing Countries Using the Example of Afghanistan." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 3 (March 18, 2024): 207–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2403-05.
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This article examines the role of foreign economic relations in the economies of developing countries using the example of Afghanistan. The author presents a detailed analysis of Afghanistan’s foreign trade statistics from 2010 to 2022, highlighting trends and signifi cant changes in the country’s exports and imports. The article pays attention to the main positions of Afghanistan’s exports and imports, indicating their importance and contribution to the economic development of the country. In particular, areas such as petroleum products, services, cereals and products of the fl our and cereal industry, as well as food products and ferrous metals and products made from them are considered. Particular attention is paid to Afghanistan’s main trading partners, establishing their role and contribution to the country’s foreign economic activity. The article highlights that India, Pakistan and China are key export destinations where India holds a leading position. These data indicate the diversity of markets for Afghan products and create opportunities for developing trade relations with various regions. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of foreign economic relations for the economic development of Afghanistan and its potential in international markets. Foreign trade is a significant factor in attracting investment, developing economic sectors and improving the standard of living of the population of Afghanistan. The presented analysis of statistical data allows us to draw a conclusion about the need to strengthen and expand foreign economic relations for the further development of the country.
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Nath, Dr Jayasree. "SIGNIFICANCE OF AFGHANISTAN IN INDIA’S FOREIGN POLICY." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 4 (September 19, 2019): 472–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7463.
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Purpose of the study: The purpose of the study is to understand the importance of Afghanistan in India’s foreign policy. Being situated in the proximity of Pakistan and Central Asian countries, Afghanistan holds a strategic significance in India’s neighbourhood foreign policy. Since the earlier period of time, the geographic location has made Afghanistan involved in any development occurred in Central Asia and South Asia.
Methodology: The study is interdisciplinary in nature. It is based on a comparative analysis of research methodology, comparing traditional and current relations between the nations. The study is empirical since it tries to explain the historical-cultural linkages of India and Afghanistan. The study also tries to investigate the obstacles furthering India’s relations with Afghanistan and beyond. The study involves both descriptive and qualitative analysis. The study is based on both primary and secondary sources. While books, articles and newspaper reports are secondary sources in the study, primary sources comprised of government sources like an annual report, other relevant reports of the Ministry of External Affairs, etc.
Main Findings: India’s policy towards Afghanistan is the embodiment of the soft power approach with a long term goal. Energy security and regional security connected with internal security are the topmost priorities of New Delhi factoring the significance of Afghanistan in India’s neighbourhood foreign policy.
Applications of this study: This study can be useful for understanding International relations covering areas of India-Afghanistan relations, the significance of Afghanistan in India’s foreign policy connecting with Central Asia and Iran.
Novelty/Originality of this study: India’s strategic consideration factoring Afghanistan to connect Central Asia and Iran for energy security, regional and internal security.
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Khurami, Hafiza. "Afghanistan and United States foregin relation after September 11th 2001." Technium Business and Management 3 (January 6, 2023): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/business.v3i.8273.
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The incident of 11 September 2001 played an important role the relations between Afghanistan and the United States. After that Afghanistan was the axis of attention to US foreign policy. The US Military presence in Afghanistan has different reason. Afghanistan is a tool for the United States to achieve its goal, because Afghanistan has a special geopolitical position through which it can achieve its ideological goals, one of these reasons could be the struggle against Islam. because the Middle East countries are the cradle of Islam. And the United States considers these countries to be the source of terrorism, which is the enemy of the United States. And to achieve its political goals by establishing military bases in Afghanistan under the influence of powers such as Russia, China and Iran. Afghanistan's proximity to the Middle East and Central Asia, which are rich in oil and gas resources, is also economically important to the United States. So Afghanistan's geopolitical position could be a good platform to achieve these US goals.
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Yang, Xiuqin, and Ling Guo. "A Study of the Extension of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor to Afghanistan in the Context of the Taliban’s Return to Power: A Response from Sichuan." World Journal of Social Science Research 9, no. 2 (April 27, 2022): p43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v9n2p43.
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On August 15, 2021, the Taliban overthrew the Ghani government and returned to power. The Afghan Taliban government’s ability to govern and its foreign policy are still unclear. China, as a neighboring country of Afghanistan, has always been friendly with the Afghan people and has no historical hatred. As a neighbor of Afghanistan, China can play a constructive role in the smooth transition of the situation in Afghanistan by taking advantage of being a neighbor. China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a key mechanism for China to develop China-Afghanistan economic and trade relations. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor has achieved remarkable results in Pakistan. With the return of the Taliban to power and the return of calm in Afghanistan after the U.S. withdrawal, the extension of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor to Afghanistan has become a common goal promoted by China, Afghanistan and Pakistan. However, it remains to be seen where the Taliban government returns to power, and the international community is cautious about its attitude. On March 30-31, 2022, Chinese State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi hosted the third meeting of foreign ministers of Afghanistan’s neighbors in Tunxi, Anhui Province, attended by the foreign ministers or representatives of Pakistan, Iran, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Wang Yi also hosted the “Afghanistan Neighbors + Afghanistan” Foreign Ministers’ Dialogue and invited Acting Foreign Minister Mottaki of the Taliban government to attend. This is a new starting point for China-Afghanistan cooperation and friendship. Sichuan can take advantage of its distance and infrastructure to contribute to the Sino-Afghan friendship.
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TIKHONOV, Yuriy Nikolayevich. "SOVIET-AFGHANIAN NEGOTIATIONS ABOUT THE PASTURE CONVENTION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE “GREAT GAME” IN CENTRAL ASIA ON THE EVE OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR (1935–1939)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 174 (2018): 203–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-174-203-209.
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The results of the study of the new declassified documents of Russian archives lead to the conclusion that under the influence of “world politics” there were all directions of Afghanistan’s foreign policy. The history of Soviet-Afghan relations on the eve of the Second World War convincingly proves the fact that in the relations of Afghanistan with the Great Powers of that time there were no spheres of cooperation that would not be used by foreign states in the struggle for the “Afghan bridgehead”. A striking proof of this is the attempt of the Soviet government in the 1930s to coordinate the issue of grazing of Afghan herds on Turkmen pastures with a whole range of measures aimed at strengthening the positions of Germany and Japan in Afghanistan. Soviet diplomacy repeatedly asked Kabul about the pastoral convention to speed up the signing of the necessary Soviet treaties with Afghanistan. In 1936 the question of concluding a grazing convention was repeatedly raised during the negotiations on the extension of the Kabul Pact of 1931 (the Neutrality and Mutual Non-Aggression Treaty of 1931) and the conclusion of a general trade agreement with Afghanistan, through which the USSR sought to economically supplant German and Japanese goods from the market of Northern Afghanistan.
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Makhmudov, R. B. "Afghan Vector of Modern Foreign Policy of Uzbekistan." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 2 (July 24, 2023): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2023-3-2(8)-80-93.
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The article discusses the foundations of the modern foreign policy of Uzbekistan in the Afghan direction. They were formed at the beginning of the reforms of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev in 2016. Their concept is that Afghanistan is seen not as a threat to stability and security, but as a set of opportunities for Uzbekistan and the Central Asian region, especially for their economic development. The Uzbek approach is based on the following principles: support for peace and stability in Afghanistan, Uzbekistan will contribute to the establishment of a peaceful life in Afghanistan and greater participation of the world community in this process; the integration of Afghanistan into projects for the development of relations between Central and South Asia, which are being implemented by Tashkent. Such a realistic approach allowed Uzbekistan to build flexible and constructive relations with the Afghan authorities both before and after the events of August 15, 2021.
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Kaleem, Musa, and Sajid Iqbal. "Understanding the Nexus Between Afghan Taliban and TTP: Challenges and Opportunities for Pakistan." Fall 2023 VI, no. IV (December 30, 2023): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(vi-iv).03.
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This paper delves into the intricate dynamics of Afghanistan's relationship with Pakistan, especially in light of a potential Taliban resurgence and its repercussions on Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The TTP's strategic realignment, transitioning from collaboration with the Afghan Taliban to destabilizing Pakistan, is examined through a qualitative approach rooted in structural realism. The analysis contextualizes Afghanistan-Pakistan relations historically, considering security, and geopolitical implications. It scrutinizes the TTP's resurgence, attributing causes to internal shifts, external support, and regional changes. The study explores avenues for stability in the region, emphasizing economic cooperation's potential. Insights are drawn on how Pakistan tackles the TTP resurgence, encompassing foreign relations, economic resources, and internal politics. While structural realism sheds light on power dynamics, the paper underscores the imperative to manage Afghanistan-Pakistan relations to avert further regional upheaval.
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Ubaydullaeva, Saodat. "RELATIONS BETWEEN CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES AND AFGHANISTAN IN TERMS OF ENSURING REGIONAL SECURITY." Journal of Social Research in Uzbekistan 02, no. 03 (August 1, 2022): 76–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/supsci-jsru-02-03-12.
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In the article, the bilateral relations between the Central Asian countries in terms of ensuring security in the region and solving the Afghanistan problem are thoroughly researched. Afghanistan as a key participant in regional complex interdependence is researched as a radical new approach to foreign policy conducted by regional states. The article partially shows the relations of the countries of the region before the "Taliban" movement came to power in Afghanistan, as well as the political approaches of the neighboring countries after August 2021.
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Waqar, Muhammad, Muhammad Shahid Pervaiz, and Muqarrab Akbar. "Pak-Afghan Relations and Taliban Factor." Global Foreign Policies Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2023): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(vi-ii).08.
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Pakistan and Afghanistan both are states that have not enjoyed cordial relations with each other but both have common characteristics in their culture, religious affinity and geopolitics. There has been a perception of Afghans about Pakistan that it is the only country that paved the way for foreign powers to militarize Afghan territory. On the other hand, Pakistan always remains distrustful of Afghanistan over its pro-Indian policies leading to unrest in Baluchistan and FATA. Hence the situation of both countries has reached such a level that they can't afford any type of hostility, misadventure and mistrust. This paper analyzes how these factors of distrust between both countries will drive the relations after the reemergence of the Taliban in Afghanistan.¬¬¬ The paper also aims to how Pakistan has responded to the reemergence of the Taliban after the withdrawal of the US from Afghanistan
13
Ionova, E. "Main Vectors of Tashkent’s Foreign Policy." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 2 (2021): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2021-2-87-98.
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Development of relations with the countries of Central Asia remains among main current priorities for Uzbekistan. The South Asian states have become a new priority vector of Tashkent's foreign policy. For development of relations with them a new railway route has been developed. At the same time, the importance of Afghanistan in the policy of Uzbekistan is increasing, which is reflected in the intensification of interaction between the two countries in both economic and political spheres. At the same time, some guidelines of Tashkent's policy towards Afghanistan are in line with the interests of the United States, which considers Uzbekistan as an important link in its policy in the region. The withdrawal of the US and NATO military contingent from Afghanistan, while high level of terrorist threat in the republic still exists, makes the problem of ensuring security of the southern borders of the CIS urgent for Russia. In this context, the signing of a strategic military partnership program between Moscow and Tashkent, contributing to strengthening of the defense capability of Uzbekistan, is an important step for ensuring the security of the entire Central Asian region.
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Gul, Noman, Fareed Ullah, and Azmat Ali Shah. "Sino-US Global Competitive Dynamics Post 9/11 and its Impacts on Pakistan's Security." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2021): 162–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2021(vi-ii).16.
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In this paper we examine the security implications for Pakistan after the engagement of two powerful states, China and United States. After the incident of September 11, 2001 (9/11) and their security impacts in the capacity of Pakistan's domestic and peripheral front. Their rivalry in the 21st century at the geo strategic, geopolitical and geo-economic level have been explained on the basis of realism, neo-realism and complex interdependence philosophies of international relations. The drastic political and strategic change in the status of Kashmir propelled Pakistan and China to review their foreign policies in future. In response, China wants Pakistan a strategic partner to closely look onto Afghanistan's political crisis during and after the withdrawal of the US from Afghanistan. However, the strategic relationship nuclear partnership between America and India has allowed the Sino-Pak strategic and nuclear partnership to level the magnitude of the United States' influence in South Asia. The issue of cross border terrorism, infiltration from Afghanistan and Indian espionage policy further sabotaged peace and security calculus in Pakistan's internal and external levels. India-Afghanistan Strategic Partnership has further deteriorated Pakistan's relations with Afghanistan.
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Susilowati, Ida, S. Thoriq Musthofa Ahmad, Sepana Virqiyan, and Azzam El Zahidin. "Analisa Kebijakan Ekonomi Politik Russia Terhadap Pemerintahan Afghanistan Pasca Kemenangan Taliban Tahun 2021." SALAM: Jurnal Sosial dan Budaya Syar-i 9, no. 2 (March 31, 2022): 443–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/sjsbs.v9i2.22788.
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This paper analyzes Russia's foreign policy toward the Afghan government following the Taliban's triumph. The Taliban armed group's successful takeover of the Afghan government in Kabul without resorting to violence has sparked global political interest today. Numerous comments from countries around the world, including Russia, began to surface. The purpose of this study is to provide an in-depth examination of Russia's economic and political actions toward the Afghan government following the Taliban's triumph. The study's findings indicate that the Russian government's policy toward the Taliban government is reasonably supportive, despite the fact that Russia has not officially recognized the Taliban leadership in Afghanistan. Russia financially and diplomatically supports the Taliban in order for the Taliban's authority over Afghanistan to be acknowledged by other countries and the international community. Russian policy is inextricably linked to Russia's political and economic interests in Afghanistan, which are based on Afghanistan's geostrategic and geopolitical importance to Russia.Keywords: Russian foreign policy, Taliban victory, Russia-Afghanistan Bilateral Relations AbstrakPenelitian ini membahas tentang analisis kebijakan luar negeri Rusia terhadap pemerintahan Afghansitan pasca kemenangan Taliban. Aksi kelompok milisi Taliban yang berhasil mengambil alih pemerintahan Afghanistan di Kabul tanpa adanya pertumpahan darah, menjadi isu yang cukup menarik perhatian politik global saat ini. Berbagai respon dari negara-negara di dunia mulai muncul, termasuk di antaranya negara Rusia. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis secara mendalam kebijakan ekonomi dan politik Rusia terhadap pemerintahan Afghanistan pasca kemenangan Taliban. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan kebijakan pemerintah Rusia yang relatif mendukung pemerintahan taliban, meskipun Rusia belum mengakui secara resmi pemerintahan Taliban di Afghanistan. Rusia mendukung Taliban baik secara ekonomi maupun politik, agar pemerintahan Taliban atas Afghanistan di akui oleh negara-negara lain dan masyarakat global. Kebijakan Rusia tidak terlepas dari kepentingan politik dan ekonomi Rusia di Afghanistan berdasarkan letak geostrategis sekaligus geopolitik Afghanistan bagi Rusia.Kata Kunci: kebijakan luar negeri Rusia, Kemenangan Taliban, Hubungan Bilateral Russia-Afghanistan
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Raza, Muhammad Amjad, and Ghulam Mustufa. "Indo-Afghan Relations: Implications for Pakistan." Central Asia 84, Summer (October 1, 2019): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-84.20.
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Afghanistan is located at the convergence of Central, Middle and South Asian regions, one of the most world prime geographical locations. Its strategic location and abundant mineral resources have always attracted international community including India. Hence Indian objectives to develop relations with Afghanistan are manifold and decades old. Indian foreign policy is devised by many factors like its bitter relations with Pakistan and its desire of access route to Central Asian Republics by limiting Pakistan’s reach that has serious implications for Pakistan. In view of its past experience, Pakistan perceives Indian extended desire to engage in Afghanistan as a deliberate strategy of using the later as a battleground to show its power and use influence against Pakistan. Terrorist incidents in Balochistan provide evidence and links with Indian RAW activities organized in Afghan areas. So, Indian intention to invest in Afghanistan for infrastructure rebuilding is not as simple as it is often claimed. India has covert objectives of troubling Pakistan. In hostile lunacy, India increased, dramatically, its involvement in Afghanistan when the Taliban era came to an end. India’s interference in Afghanistan is a clear reflection of its desire to execute Afghan land against Pakistan. India sees Afghan war an opportunity to encounter Pakistan’s influence in the region. This research paper will analyze Indian involvement in Afghanistan and its implications for Pakistan. The study is designed to unveil the hidden objectives of fast growing Indo-Afghan relations and evaluates Indian strategies in regional context.
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Sayedi, Ayatullah. "Mohammad Wali Khan Darwazi; The First Liberalist Foreign Minister of Afghanistan (During Amanullah Khan)." Integrated Journal for Research in Arts and Humanities 3, no. 1 (February 21, 2023): 114–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.55544/ijrah.3.1.20.
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History of Afghanistan is marked by conflicts and hostility between kings, sultans, princes and families. Therefore, the correct understanding of this history goes back to the scientific mentality of researchers and analysts of Afghanistan, which indicates scientific neutrality. The main issue of this research is that Shah Mohammad Wali Khan Darwazi has been misunderstood in the non-scientific literature of historical studies, in other words, numerous narrations and different interpretations have made it difficult to recognize this historical figure. Therefore, the central goal of the research is to try to understand it correctly in Afghan politics. Now the question is, what is the place of Mohammad Wali Khan in foreign policy and gaining Afghanistan's independence? The hypothesis of the present study considers Mohammad Wali Khan as the architect of independence and recognizes it as the most important person in ensuring Afghanistan's foreign relations. This research seeks to answer the main question in a historical way and conveys historical findings that would not have been possible without his presence in foreign policy and giving him the position of viceroy. The importance of this research is that it has tried to analyze the role and position of Mohammad Wali Khan in Afghan politics with scientific neutrality.
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Karazanishvili, Tamar. "Public Influence on US-Afghan Policy After 9/11 G. Almond’s Structural Functionalist Approach." Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 1 (February 3, 2023): 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31578/jss.v8i1.132.
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The war in Afghanistan had been examined and analyzed through multiple theoretical frameworks, most of which belong to the field of international relations. However, this paper provides an explanation from a functionalist theoretical prism and employ Gabriel Almond’s structural functionalist approach in the field of political science, which is focused on political system and policy elaboration process within the system. In this manner, theory attempts to bring clarification to US foreign policy decision-making process on war in Afghanistan while underlining the US public influence. The paper aims to dissect Gabriel Almond’s theory through the political system and provide understanding how the integral components of the system interact with each other and how this interaction affects the results of foreign policy on US-Afghanistan example. According to the given research public mood had an important potential in affecting the US foreign policy decision-making process towards Afghanistan.
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WIMAYA, Rio Sundari, Agung Wicaksono, Fanesa Angeli, Rendi Prayuda, and M. Arsy Ash Shiddiqy. "Analysis of United States of America Foreign Policy on the Victory of the Taliban Group in Afghanistan." WIMAYA 5, no. 01 (June 28, 2024): 51–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33005/wimaya.v5i01.89.
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This research aims to discuss about analysis of United States foreign policy in Afghanistan by looking at case studies of the victory of the Taliban group controlling Afghanistan in 2021. Foreign policy is a unit of analysis in international relations that is related to the national political system. This strategy carried out in foreign policy lasts if the State interacts in the form of relations with the international community in making decisions to achieve its national goals. In making broad country decisions, there is a theory expressed by Richard Snyder which says there are internal factors and external factors that influence a country in determining foreign policy. In the case of the Taliban's victory over Afghanistan in 2021, the United States' policy in responding to the conflict explained the internal and external factors that influence each other. Internal factors are influenced by the structure and social behavior of the State, where this is influenced by the ideology of the State, existing government institutions in the State, where this is influenced by the ideology of the State, existing government institutions in the State, the characteristics contained in national organizational institutions and the role of social groups in influencing decision making which are internal factors. The existence of internal and external factors then provides the results of the decision-making process that cannot be separated from action in decision-making. The conclusion, internal factors and external factors that influence the direction of the United States foreign policy in dealing with cases of conflict in Afghanistan have an impact on the victory of the Taliban group in controlling Afghanistan in 2021.
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Mirza, Zahid Latif. "LAOZI’S PHILOSOPHY: ITS COMPARISON WITH WESTERN THOUGHTS AND APPLICATION ON PAKISTAN-AFGHANISTAN RELATIONS." Margalla Papers 25, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.54690/margallapapers.25.2.68.
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The complex Pakistan-Afghanistan relations always engage policymakers on both sides of the border. Their concerns towards each other have been changing the socio-political environment intermittently due to internal and external dynamics coupled with historical legacies. This study, therefore, covers the post-independence period, the Soviet Union’s communist influence in Afghanistan, the rise of the Taliban, and the post-9/11 era. It employs Lao Tzu’s philosophy which advocates the overarching features of domestic politics, global governance, and statecraft to address the prevailing intricacies in Pakistan and Afghanistan foreign policies. It discusses vital concepts and approaches of softness, normalness, and actionless action at the individual, state, and system levels while carving out institutionalized foreign policy orientations between the two neighbours. The paper also considers the western thought of realism paradigm through which peace in the region remained elusive. It deliberates upon Lao Tzu’s philosophy which lays down the foundation of the political order in a natural, peaceful and balanced way. Bibliography Entry Mirza, Zahid Latif. 2021. "Laozi’s Philosophy: Its Comparison with Western Thoughts and Application on Pakistan-Afghanistan Relations." Margalla Papers 25 (2): 1-13.
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Mirza, Zahid Latif. "LAOZI’S PHILOSOPHY: ITS COMPARISON WITH WESTERN THOUGHTS AND APPLICATION ON PAKISTAN-AFGHANISTAN RELATIONS." Margalla Papers 25, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.54690/margallapapers.25.2.68.
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The complex Pakistan-Afghanistan relations always engage policymakers on both sides of the border. Their concerns towards each other have been changing the socio-political environment intermittently due to internal and external dynamics coupled with historical legacies. This study, therefore, covers the post-independence period, the Soviet Union’s communist influence in Afghanistan, the rise of the Taliban, and the post-9/11 era. It employs Lao Tzu’s philosophy which advocates the overarching features of domestic politics, global governance, and statecraft to address the prevailing intricacies in Pakistan and Afghanistan foreign policies. It discusses vital concepts and approaches of softness, normalness, and actionless action at the individual, state, and system levels while carving out institutionalized foreign policy orientations between the two neighbours. The paper also considers the western thought of realism paradigm through which peace in the region remained elusive. It deliberates upon Lao Tzu’s philosophy which lays down the foundation of the political order in a natural, peaceful and balanced way. Bibliography Entry Mirza, Zahid Latif. 2021. "Laozi’s Philosophy: Its Comparison with Western Thoughts and Application on Pakistan-Afghanistan Relations." Margalla Papers 25 (2): 1-13.
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Koval ́kov, Olexandr. "Soviet Intervention in Afghanistan in the Documents of J. Carter Administration." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 9 (2020): 88–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.09.8.
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The article examines the documents of Jimmy Carter Administration (1977-1981) published in «Foreign Relations of the United States» series that represent the U.S. position on the Soviet intervention in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan in December 1979. The author argues that the growing Soviet presence and finally a military intervention in Afghanistan was taken seriously in the United States and made Washington watch the developments in this country closely. The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan became one of the major themes in the U.S. foreign policy. It was presented in a large array of documents of various origins, such as the Department of State correspondence with the U.S. Embassies in Afghanistan and the Soviet Union; analytical reports of the Department of Defense, the Central Intelligence Agency, and Bureau of Intelligence and Research; exchanges of memorandums between National Security Council officers and other officials; memos from National Security Adviser Z. Brzezinski to J. Carter, and others. They represented the preconditions, preparations and implementation of Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. The authors of the documents discussed in details the possible motives of the Soviet leaders, and predicted the short-term consequences of the USSR’s intervention for the region and the whole world. Due to the clear understanding of the developments in Afghanistan in December 1979 by the J. Carter administration, it completely rejected the Soviet official version of them that adversely affected the bilateral Soviet-U.S. relations and international relations in general. Due to the lack of accessible Soviet sources on the USSR’s intervention in Afghanistan, the documents of Jimmy Carter’s administration fill this gap and constitute a valuable source for a researcher.
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Solhdoost, Mohsen. "The Taliban and Their Machiavellian Moment." Journal of Asian and African Studies 58, no. 4 (May 12, 2023): 532–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096231162097.
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The Taliban 2.0 have made overtures to states across different regions to seek international recognition. In a departure from their past isolationist foreign policy practices, I argue the Taliban have expediently, yet uncharacteristically, pursued these initiatives in a spirit of “ pragmatism.” The modus vivendi they have reached with Iran demonstrates the Taliban’s unprecedented prioritization of pragmatism over ideology. I draw upon Machiavellian pragmatism in International Relations theory to examine the shift in the Taliban’s political posture through the lens of Iran–Afghanistan relations in three crucial episodes: the Taliban’s rule over Afghanistan from 1996 to 2001, the post-9/11 Afghanistan, and the resurgence of the Taliban since August 2021.
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Tariq, Muhammad. "Post 9/11 Dimensions of Pak-Afghan Relations." Rashhat-e-Qalam 2, no. 2 (September 15, 2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.56765/rq.v2i2.62.
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Afghanistan has assumed a paramount leverage on and pivotal position in the Central and South Asian region due to its undeniably geo-political uniqueness. In this region Pakistan being the immediate bordering country get immediate fall out of any turmoil within Afghanistan. The three decades long war in Afghanistan has changed entirely the internal and external security parameters and paradigm in Pakistan. Since 9/11 Pakistan role in the war on terror has been unflinching, nonetheless, the losses in terms of human lives and material suffered by her during this long period have exceeded the gains. The questions related to Taliban and reconciliation process, Afghan refugees, transit trade and Pakistan-Afghanistan border have dominated public discourses, narratives and therefore, relationship between Pakistan and Afghanistan. All these issues have dimensions in the realm of Pakistan’s foreign and security policies, economy and internal stability. These problems are interlinked and have therefore, locked the relations in a vicious cycle. At this stage, managing these irritants shrewdly and gradually building the kind of mutual trust that would allow empathy to develop on both sides would be a good option. Scarlet thread in Pak-Afghan relationship is to have a friendly Afghanistan or at least, a neutral Afghanistan. It will not only stabilize Pakistan’s internal situation but in future enable Pakistan and India work together to improve bilateral relations. Pakistan’s interests would be best served by adopting policies grounded in the existing realities and determining priorities within that realm. Influence can be sustained or built through soft power, mutual cooperation and an outlook that would strengthen areas of convergence. Diplomacy through media should be minimized. Border management issues have great significance. Once Pakistan has physically and politically established its writ over the international borders, situation could incrementally tilt in Pakistan’s favour, though, this is, presently, a tricky issue.
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Petrosyan, Areg. "RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY IN AFGHANISTAN AFTER THE MILITARY COUP OF 2021. STRATEGIC STABILITY AS AN IMPERATIVE." Eastern Analytics 13, No 4 (2022) (2022): 62–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2022-04-062-075.
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. After the military coup in Afghanistan in 2021 there was a need to look anew at the geopolitical significance of the region. In this context, there is an imperative for Russia to build mutually beneficial and stable relations with the new Kabul authorities, given the strategic importance of Afghanistan in Moscow's security architecture (mainly related to Central Asia and threat of terrorism). Besides, the opportunity emerged, against the backdrop of failed US attempts to establish peace in Afghanistan, to achieve long-term stability in Afghanistan and overall, the region through cooperation with the new Afghan government. Having achieved this, Russia will ensure the security of its allies and partners in Central Asia and minimize threats to regional security and regional interests of her.
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Payind, Alam. "Soviet – Afghan Relations From Cooperation to Occupation." International Journal of Middle East Studies 21, no. 1 (February 1989): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380003213x.
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In the field of international relations, the 1979 Soviet occupation of Afghanistan has raised major issues concerning regional security and superpower relations. By introducing Soviet military forces in a traditionally nonaligned country, the Kremlin initiated a more aggressive pattern in its foreign policies. This occupation was the Soviet Union's first territorial expansion by direct use of military power since World War II.
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Moens, Alexander. "Afghanistan and the Revolution in Canadian Foreign Policy." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 63, no. 3 (September 2008): 569–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070200806300309.
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Akhter, Muhammad Nauman. "China's Policy in Afghanistan: Internal Factors Shaping Developments." Global Regional Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2021): 226–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2021(vi-ii).25.
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Since Xi Jinping assumed the presidency, his ambitions for China to be at aa prominent place in the world have accelerated China's diplomatic engagement with the neighboring countries. Before Afghanistan came on the Chinese radar, it was the low priority area as far as China's economic, political, social, and cultural relations were concerned. Now, China's emerging economic profile requires it to re-calibrate its engagement policy with Afghanistan. The paper opines that some internal policy changes in China have been the main factors in the Chinese policy shift towards Afghanistan. Now, China's vision about Afghanistan internally rests on three pillars: XiJinping's arrival, the New Neighborhood policy and BRI. Consequently, Afghanistan holds a substantial amount of attention in Chinese foreign policy.
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Lambert, Karras J., Christopher J. Coyne, and Nathan P. Goodman. "The Fatal Conceit of Foreign Intervention: Evidence from the Afghanistan Papers." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 27, no. 3 (May 5, 2021): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2021-0001.
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Abstract The fatal conceit of foreign intervention refers to the limitations faced by governments using discretionary power to address perceived problems in foreign societies. Drawing on evidence from the “Afghanistan Papers”—a collection of internal government documents compiled by the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR) and released in December 2019—we demonstrate how the failure of the U.S.-led intervention in Afghanistan to meet the stated objectives illustrates the fatal conceit of foreign intervention. We explore the limitations faced by foreign government interveners in three stages, reflecting distinct decision nodes within a means-ends framework in which the policies relating to foreign intervention are formulated and implemented.
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Prof. Dr. Zahid Anwar. "The Uncertain Future of Afghanistan." Journal of Higher Education and Development Studies (JHEDS) 4, no. 1 (July 12, 2024): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.59219/jheds.04.01.68.
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The Uncertain Future of Afghanistan. Terrorism, Reconstruction, and Great-Power Rivalry is an interesting book that comprises ten chapters and in the first one, the editors introduced the remaining nine chapters. Experts from different regions with rich and current data threw light on the future of Afghanistan in a well-organized manner. It is an exciting voyage of understanding the enigma that is Afghanistan. It is an enriching narrative of the push and pull factors that influenced political developments in Afghanistan in the 21st century. After the withdrawal, the US imposed economic sanctions to pressure the Taliban for concessions and also engaged them to prevent Afghanistan from swinging to China. India lost much of its influence in Afghanistan after the US withdrawal. In September 2023, China became the first country to formally name a new ambassador to Afghanistan after the Taliban takeover. The book has analyzed the domestic politics and perspectives on the foreign relations of Afghanistan under the Taliban.
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Yahaya, Nurfadzilah. "Juridical Pan-Islam at the Height of Empire." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 253–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9127167.
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Abstract Located at the intersection of four regions, the Middle East, East Asia, Central Asia, and South Asia, Afghanistan is a country whose legal history is sure to be diverse and exciting at the confluence of multiple legal currents. In the book Afghanistan Rising: Islamic Law and Statecraft between the Ottoman and British Empires, Faiz Ahmed shows how Afghanistan could be regarded as a pivot for Islamic intellectual currents from the late nineteenth century onward, especially between the Ottoman Empire and South Asia. Afghanistan Rising makes us aware of our own assumptions of the study of Islamic law that has been artificially carved out during the rise of area studies, including Islamic studies. Ahmed provides a good paradigm for a legal history of a country that was attentive to foreign influences without being overwhelmed by them. While pan-Islamism is often portrayed as a defensive ideology that developed in the closing decades of the nineteenth century in reaction to high colonialism, the plotting of Afghanistan's juridical Pan-Islam in Ahmed's book is a robust and powerful maneuver out of this well-trodden path, as the country escaped being “landlocked” mainly by cultivating regional connections in law.
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Amin, Muhammad Al, Mujibur Rahman Ahmadi, and Haidan Angga Kusumah. "The role of China’s Investment in Shaping the Redevelopment of Afghanistan." Rechtsnormen Journal of Law 2, no. 1 (August 20, 2023): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.55849/rjl.v2i1.497.
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Background. The Afghanistan-China strategic relationship is multifaceted, characterized by economic convergences, security cooperation, and mutual diplomatic support. China's Belt and Road Initiative has played a significant role in deepening ties, especially through infrastructure development in Afghanistan. Purpose. In this paper authors tried to explore Afghanistan and China relations, how China plays an important role in the redevelopment of Afghanistan, discuss the prospects and challenges facing Chinese–Afghan relations, including from a regional perspective and also discussed how China fits into the vacuum left by the US withdrawal. Method. The method used applies a qualitative method that focuses on looking at social phenomena that occur in society. Results. At the same time, a rather stable Afghanistan free from threats by militant and terrorist groups could provide opportunities for China and other regional states to contribute to its post-conflict economic reconstruction and development. Conclusion. At the period since the Taliban took over an Afghanistan emptied of its foreign presence, there has been much more speculation that China will step in to fill the geopolitical, security and economic vacuum left by the West’s withdrawal. China surely has direct interests in a stable, developed and well-governed Afghanistan, not least to prevent spillover and assets in the wider regions of Central and South Asia.
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Omar, N. M. "Modern Afghanistan: factors of instability." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 2 (July 7, 2022): 38–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2022-2-2(4)-38-49.
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The article analyzes global, regional and internal factors that have a significant impact on socio-political fluctuations and destabilization in Afghanistan. A special attention is paid to the risks associated with regional security, including the problems of terrorism and drug threats. Among the stabilizing factors, a special place is given to the development of Afghanistan’s transit potential (the opportunity to become a connecting bridge between Central Asia and South Asia). The author analyzes the activities of the Taliban during their seven months in power, puts forward a hypothesis about the causes of internal confrontation in the movement and pays attention to the problem of recognition of the new government by the international community. It is noted that a paradoxical phenomenon has developed when negotiations on economic and infrastructure projects are conducted with the illegitimate, unrecognized government of the Taliban (a terrorist organization banned in many countries), investment agreements are concluded, foreign policy relations are established, new diplomats are accepted. Perhaps, on the example of Afghanistan, the world will see a new mechanism for international legitimization of governments that seized power by force and were initially unrecognized by international partners.
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Samay, M. Ali. "Afghanistan and Pakistan between the US new Strategy and Eurasian Great Powers." Köz-gazdaság 15, no. 3 (2020): 172–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.14267/retp2020.03.14.
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One of the most intricate matters when it comes to fighting against terrorism in Afghanistan and South Asia is the perpetual conflict between Afghanistan and Pakistan. The role of Pakistan is a central debate in all security, political and economic subjects of discussion in Afghanistan since its dawn of existence as a country. Mohammad Ashraf Ghani, as the President of Afghanistan, believes his country is in a state of an undeclared war with Pakistan. The reason for this is that Pakistan plays a double-standard policy towards Afghanistan by having diplomatic relations with Kabul while actively supports the Taliban and terrorist groups who fight against the Afghan government and conduct terrorist attacks and bombings in the country. India shares the same point of view about Pakistan, thus becoming the most important strategic partner of Afghanistan in the region. Both countries are actively trying to turn the international community and international and Eurasian powers against Pakistan. Recently, the USA’s President has accepted its lobby and diplomacy. Today, America, Afghanistan, and India have a common voice in the fight against terrorism and its regional roots, which are in Pakistan. The practical result of this common voice is the newly shaped America-India-Afghan (AIA) strategic trinity against terrorism and Pakistan. In this article, we focus on: – The US new strategy towards Afghanistan and Pakistan – Afghanistan’s new position in the US foreign policy – The reaction and response of Pakistan, China, and Russia to the US new strategy – The fragmentation and lack of common initiatives among Eurasian large powers as far as the fight against terrorism and other trans-regional threats is concerned – The practical and possible outcome of the newly AIA strategical trinity or shift for the USA, Afghanistan, and Pakistan considering the policies of the regional or Eurasian great powers.
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Akhtar, Shahzad. "Pakistan's Strategic Calculations and Policy Responses Towards Afghanistan." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VIII, no. II (June 30, 2023): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2023(viii-ii).09.
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Traditionally, Pakistan’s foreign policy responses towards Afghanistan have been predominantly shadowed by the former’s security apprehension towards India and any Indian closeness towards Afghanistan raised serious suspicions in Islamabad. Pakistan’s policy makers continued to see Afghanistan from the Indian prism even after 9/11, even when Pakistan become an ally of the US in the War against Terror to overthrow the Afghan Taliban, Islamabad former ally. As a frontline ally of the US, Pakistan provided all the necessary support to the US to dethrone the Afghan Taliban from Kabul and apprehend Al Qaeda militants. However, Islamabad performance against the War on Terror was compromised when India established a strong foothold in Afghanistan by developing close relations with the Anti Pakistan forces in Afghanistan. This article argues the Pakistan’s strategic calculations demanded the country to maintain an alliance with the US and at the same time to limit Indian role in Afghanistan.
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Jhosep, Akaber. "THE UNITED STATES FOREIGN POLICY AGAINST AFGHANISTAN MILITARY: A COVERT MILITARY METHOD." Jurnal Pembaharuan Hukum 9, no. 2 (August 21, 2022): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/jph.v9i2.23731.
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This study aims to analyze and explain the foreign policy of the United States towards the Afghan militia, especially the Taliban. The United States government with the help of the CIA (Central Intelligence Agency) investigates and seeks to destroy the Al Qaeda terrorist group led by Osama bin Laden who was later found to be in Afghanistan and obtained protection under the Taliban. The Taliban, the Islamic extremist regime that controls Afghanistan and offers space for Al Qaeda militants to exercise its military in Afghanistan. President Bush signed a resolution on September 18, 2001 regarding the attacks on Al Qaeda under the protection of the Taliban in Afghanistan which continues to this day. The United States is actively involved in supporting military operations in Afghanistan, including logistical assistance, Afghan military training, and sending American military troops to conflict areas. The main goal of the United States in doing so is to prevent potential future attacks by a growing terrorist group in Afghanistan. Based on data from the United States Department of Defense, the total expenditure in the military sector in Afghanistan from 2001 to 2019 was 778 billion USD. Meanwhile, the number of troops sent to conflict locations was 596,303 troops. There are 2,441 US military troops confirmed dead in the Afghan war from 2001 to 2019. It is estimated that about 12,000 US military troops are still in Afghanistan. This research is a qualitative research and the data collection technique used by the author in this study is Library Research in the form of books, journals, documents, reports, articles, or newspapers obtained through electronic and non-electronic media. The conclusion is that this foreign policy is relevant and elaborates that in international relations there will be actions, reactions, and interactions between political entities called states. The state, in this case the head of state as the decision maker, tries to formulate every goal to be achieved by minimizing sacrifices to the national interest. In line with the policies pursued by President Trump to end the war in Afghanistan and withdraw all military forces of the United States and its allies.
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Bromley, Simon. "Connecting Central Eurasia to the Middle East in American Foreign Policy Towards Afghanistan and Pakistan: 1979-Present." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 6, no. 1-3 (2007): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914907x207685.
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AbstractDuring the Cold War, United States (US) policies towards the Middle East and towards Afghanistan and Pakistan were largely unrelated. India's non-alignment and relations with the Soviet Union were reasons for close US-Pakistani relations, but the Chinese success in the war with India in 1962 also highlighted the importance to the West of India's position. 1979 marked a major turning point in US foreign policy towards the Middle East and Central Eurasia (CEA) because of the two events which were to shape so much of politics and geopolitics in those regions as well as in the wider international system: namely, the Iranian revolution in February and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December. Taken together, these developments posed a major challenge to US strategy towards the Soviet Union, to the wider Middle East and to relations with China, Pakistan, and India. After the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan during 1988/89, the US lost interest in Afghanistan and followed the policies of Pakistan for most of the 1990s. Then came 9/11 and President Musharraf took the historic decision to break with the Taliban. In March 2003, the US began its second war against Iraq. Whatever the rationale for the conflict, the outcome has been to turn the future of Iraq into a key fault-line of geopolitics in the Greater Middle East. Now, with the instability following the collapse of the Soviet Empire in CEA, the defeat of the Taliban and the ongoing future of Iraq, the US faces what the Department of Defense describes as an "arc of instability" running from the Middle East through CEA to Northeast Asia. This is the region that lies at the centre of planning for the "long war" announced in the Pentagon's 2006 quadrennial review.
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Kakar, Jalal-Ud-Din, Javeria Fatima, and Muhammad Waqar Anwar. "CHINA-TALIBAN RELATIONS, PERCEPTIONS AND ENGAGEMENT: A CASE OF TALIBAN’S POLITICO-ECONOMIC PREDICAMENTS." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 02 (June 30, 2022): 982–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i2.550.
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China is keeping a close eye on the Afghan issue, weighing its options and drafting strategies to prevent any unwanted consequences. The Chinese government believes that peace in neighboring Afghanistan is in their best interests, and it is attempting to fill the void left by the chaotic US exit from Afghanistan so that it does not obstruct Chinese interests. In this regard, China is negotiating with the Taliban on a diplomatic level. Moreover, the geo-political and geo-economic interests of China in Afghanistan necessitate a more activist approach to the country, but instability is likely to limit such participation. China's flexibility toward the Taliban is tempered with caution, and it is influenced by the Taliban's internal political and economic stability, as well as its foreign policy. Above all, China wants a moderate Taliban government in Afghanistan that will maintain domestic stability and foster positive relations with neighboring countries. The purpose of this research paper is to examine the relationship between China and the Taliban, as well as the Taliban's politico-economic predicament in the aftermath of the US pullout. Primary data will be gathered through interviews from various Islamic clergy in Afghanistan as well as field specialists. Keywords: China-Taliban’s Relations, Politico-economic predicament, Extractive politico-economic institutions, United States of America, Primary data, Af-Taliban (Afghan-Taliban).
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Roghani, Muhammad Ayaz, and Noreen Naseer. "ENHANCING TRADE BETWEEN PAKISTAN AND AFGHANISTAN." Journal of Higher Education and Development Studies (JHEDS) 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.59219/jheds.v1i1.12.
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This article is mainly focusing on trade relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan. Both the countries share a long border and rich historical background. Relations between the two countries mostly remain tense as Pakistan always kept Afghanistan on subordinate rank while constructing his foreign policy. Convergence and divergence in relation between the two countries led to trade hurdles between the two countries. Smooth relation between the two countries are prerequisite for improving trade between the two countries. This article highlights different trade barriers existing between the two countries. Despite of highlighting different trade barriers it also suggests certain remedies which are necessary for improving trade between the two countries. For improving trade sector both the countries have to adopt certain strategies like clearness process of customs, transporting vehicles insurance, opting of necessary safety measures of containers. Monitoring and tracking of consignments, obstacles on port, rail and road projects and issues regarding banking channels. Data have been collected from secondary sources like articles, journals etc.
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Ejaz, Sadeem. "A See-Saw Relationship: Afghanistan’s Ties with Pakistan." Journal of Peace and Diplomacy 2, no. 1 (December 30, 2021): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.59111/jpd.002.01.013.
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Afghanistan has a unique geopolitical situation, which makes it important not only for Pakistan but also for many global and regional powers. Though both neighboring countries have many common interests yet their Foreign Policy relations have been dwindling over time due to historically ingrained contemporary issues. It has a profound impact on Pakistan’s security and economic interests, such as the issue of smuggling and bilateral trade, as well as strategic issues, such as the Durand Line issue and elusive “strategic depth.” The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979 was a major cause of global concern and a turning point in international politics. Soviet expansionism and the subsequent war on terror after 9/11 posed a challenge to Pakistan’s security, and the country emerged as a “frontline state.” The paper highlights what possible benefits Pakistan can accrue through viable Foreign Policy. The situation in Afghanistan has serious consequences for Pakistan’s internal and external security due to the involvement of many external actors, especially India.
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Nadiri, Khalid Homayun. "Old Habits, New Consequences: Pakistan's Posture toward Afghanistan since 2001." International Security 39, no. 2 (October 2014): 132–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00178.
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Since September 11, 2001, Pakistan has pursued seemingly incongruous courses of action in Afghanistan. It has participated in the U.S. and international intervention in Afghanistan at the same time as it has permitted much of the Afghan Taliban's political leadership and many of its military commanders to visit or reside in Pakistani urban centers. This incongruence is all the more puzzling in light of the expansion of indiscriminate and costly violence directed against Islamabad by Pakistani groups affiliated with the Afghan Taliban. Pakistan's policy is the result not only of its enduring rivalry with India but also of historically rooted domestic imbalances and antagonistic relations with successive governments in Afghanistan. Three critical features of the Pakistani political system—the militarized nature of foreign policy making, ties between military institutions and Islamist networks, and the more recent rise of grassroots violence—have contributed to Pakistan's accommodation of the Afghan Taliban. Additionally, mutual suspicion surrounding the contentious Afghanistan-Pakistan border and Islamabad's long record of interference in Afghan politics have continued to divide Kabul and Islamabad, diminishing the prospect of cooperation between the two capitals. These determinants of Pakistan's foreign policy behavior reveal the prospects of and obstacles to resolving the numerous issues of contention that characterize the Afghanistan-Pakistan relationship today.
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Shpakovskaya, Marina, Oleg Barnashov, Arian Mohammad Hassan Shershah, Asadullah Noori, and Mosa Ziauddin Ahmad. "Turkey’s foreign policy priorities in the Middle East and Afghanistan." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 10-3 (October 1, 2020): 228–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202010statyi59.
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The article discusses the features and main approaches of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East. Particular attention is paid to the history of the development of Turkish-American relations. The causes of the contradictions between Turkey and the United States on the security issues of the Middle East region are analyzed. At the same time, the commonality of the approaches of both countries in countering radical terrorism in the territories adjacent to Turkey is noted. The article also discusses the priority areas of Turkish foreign policy, new approaches and technologies in the first decade of the XXI century.
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Ziyaev Farkhod Sobirovich. "Socio-Economic Changes in Uzbekistan during the Years of Independence." International Journal on Integrated Education 7, no. 1 (January 7, 2024): 22–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31149/ijie.v7i1.5152.
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This article discusses the economic issues of foreign relations on the example of Surkhandarya, the southern region of Uzbekistan, and the expansion of development ties with the impact of New Uzbekistan on the Surkhandarya oasis. During the years of independence, Surkhandarya has a special place in the economic relations of the country. The region has an abundance of raw materials and borders with Afghanistan.
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Saideman, Stephen M. "What the Afghanistan mission teaches Canada." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 72, no. 1 (March 2017): 131–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702017694616.
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This paper considers some of the lessons that can be drawn from Canada’s experience in Afghanistan. It focuses not just on the military but also on the rest of the government, two prime ministers, the opposition, the media, and the public. While the primary lesson might be “do not do this kind of thing again,” there are other lessons to draw that apply to Canada’s foreign and defence policies every day.
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Malysheva, D. "Afghanistan and the New International Configuration in Asia." World Economy and International Relations 66, no. 4 (2022): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2022-66-4-35-43.
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The development of the international political changes in Central and South Asia is analyzed in the article in connection with the consequences of the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan and the Taliban’s second rise to power (the first one was in 1996). It is shown that the peaceful transformation of Afghanistan is impeded by such persistent threats as religious extremism, terrorism, illegal drug trafficking. The complex mosaic of regional relations, in which Afghanistan is becoming an important element due to the changes that have happened in this country, is determined in Asia by the growing rivalry and competitive struggle of major economic states of the region, as well as global players, and by the efforts of all of them to build various international coalitions (Shanghai Cooperation Organization, RIC – Russia, India, China; Quadripartite Security Dialogue – QUAD, C5+1, Organization of Turkic States, etc.). Of particular interest in this regard is the position of the neighboring states – the three Central Asian nations (Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan), as well as China, Pakistan, India and Iran. Apart from that, this study also outlines the most important challenges for the national security interests of Afghanistan’s Asian neighbors. An optimal scenario for both Afghanistan’s Asian neighbors and Russia would imply achieving a stable consensus in this country. Afghanistan becoming a full member of such an influential international bloc as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, where Russia, Central Asian states and major Asian economic powers are already represented, can have positive consequences for the stabilization of the situation in the country and the whole Asian region. This would create favorable conditions for successful economic and political interaction between the Central and South Asian states. In conclusion the author emphasizes that the transformations in Afghanistan have complicated regional challenges, prompting neighboring states to focus on the military-political component of their security. Aiming to prevent a negative scenario in Afghanistan, they also multiplied diplomatic contacts with the current leadership of the country. The new international political configuration that is emerging in modern Asia dictates new approaches in the security sphere for the Asian states.
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Rabush, Taisiуa. "Involvement of Pakistan and Saudi Arabia in the Events in Afghanistan in the Late 1970s." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 1 (March 2021): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.1.12.
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Introduction. In this article, the author examines the position of the countries of the Middle East region in the late 1970s with regard to the armed conflict in Afghanistan. The emphasis is on the period on the eve of the entry of the Soviet troops to Afghanistan – from the April Revolution of 1978 until December 1979. The author’s focus is on two states: Pakistan directly bordering on Afghanistan, and Saudi Arabia, which is a major geopolitical actor in the region. Methods and materials. The author relies on documentary sources such as “Department of state bulletin”, documents of secret correspondence of the U.S. foreign policy agencies, documents of the U.S. National Security Archive, and special volumes on Afghanistan and the Middle East in “Foreign Relations of the United States. Diplomatic Papers, 1977–1980”. Thanks to these sources, it is possible to prove that the involvement of the states of the region in the Afghan armed conflict and its internationalization began even before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan. Analysis. First, an overview of the objectives pursued by these states in Afghanistan and in the internal Afghan armed conflict is given. Following this, the author consistently reveals the position of these states in relation to the April Revolution of 1978, the ever-increasing Soviet involvement in the Afghan events (1978–1979) and the civil war that started against the Kabul government. Results. In conclusion the article reveals the role of these states in the process of internationalization of the Afghan armed conflict, which, according to the author, began before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan.
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Fayzullaev, Aziz. "IMPORTANCE OF TURKEY IN THE RECONSTRUCTION OF AFGHANISTAN (THE CASE OF SOFT POWER)." American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 6, no. 7 (July 1, 2024): 85–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume06issue07-08.
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Among the topics of modern international relations, the issue of "soft power" is one of the most studied current topics. The processes taking place in the system of international relations show that today the tasks of influencing people's world view, penetrating deeply into the internal cultural roots of societies, and making effective use of the large-scale power of the media are important conditions for conducting foreign policy. This article highlights the soft power of Turkey, which was able to create a unique phenomenon in Afghanistan by combining elements of historical, religious, cultural and ethnic affinity, and the structures that implement it.
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Sharikov, Pavel. "AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY PRIORITIES TOWARDS GERMANY." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 24, no. 6 (December 31, 2021): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran620214149.
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The article addresses the priorities of US relations with Germany. The victory of Joseph Biden and Democratic Party on the elections of 2020 signified quite radical twist in US foreign policy. The election slogan «America is back» which won the White House for the Democratic Party and Congress, means restoration of transatlantic relationship, damaged by the previous administration. Germany has a special place in this process. Elections in Germany in 2021 resulted in a victory of a Social Democratic Party. Decision making in Washington on Relations with Germany are influenced by many factors, including those related to domestic policies and international relations. Domestically there have appeared contradictions between Democratic and Republican parties on a number of priority issues on the bilateral agenda. In particular, the main differences were related to the Nord Stream 2 project. The situation in Afghanistan remains an urgent problem for both sides. It is noteworthy that following the results of the last elections in the United States, the German Caucus again became active in Congress, including both democratic and republican politicians. It is clear that Biden’s administration pursues the developing of economic ties with Germany.
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Chattha, Amer Liaquat. "Foreign Policy Of Pakistan Major Determinant And Relations With Countries." Global Foreign Policies Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2023): 94–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(vi-ii).10.
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This research paper delves into the foreign policy of Pakistan with a primary focus on major determinants. The study is conducted by analyzing the historical dimensions of Pakistan's foreign policy and highlighting the key factors in its formulation considering the relations with other countries. A comprehensive analysis is established by utilizing the qualitative method of research and scholarly literature available on the subject. There is a number of factors that influence Pakistan's relations with countries: economic vitality, security dynamics, and geo-political landscape; particularly, in the context of its relations with key stakeholders such as India, Afghanistan, China, and the United States. In concluding remarks, the study underscores the inevitability of the geo-economic aspect of the security-oriented foreign policy paradigm of Pakistan. In the contemporary hyper-globalized world mega projects like One Belt One Road (OBOR) have extreme potential to make Pakistan an important competitor in the global arena.
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Rashid, Asma, and Shameen Shafiq. "Baloch Insurgency and External Involvement amid the Taliban rise in Afghanistan: Implications for Pakistan." Central Asia 93, Winter (January 10, 2024): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-93.206.
Full textAbstract:
Taliban has taken control of Afghanistan; the US-influenced government of Ashraf Ghani has surrendered, a two-decade-long war ended, and the Taliban proclaimed their acting government on 7 September 2021 and resumed the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan. Pakistan is in support of an inclusive Taliban-led government in Afghanistan and providing Aid to the country for rebuilding and reconstruction of the affected neighbor while hoping for recognition from the international community. Taliban’s regime in Afghanistan is a game-changer for South Asian regional politics as now China, Russia, and Iran's interests lie in this area. The Study is an attempt to examine the effects of the Taliban’s government on Pakistan’s national security, integrity, and economy with special concern for China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and Foreign Relations by taking the Baluchistan insurgency as an example. This research will answer intriguing questions such as how the Taliban’s government of Afghanistan affects the Baluch insurgency. The purpose of this research is to determine if the Taliban-led Afghan government deepens Pakistan's woes or serves the country's national interests. This paper argues that Baluch insurgents were previously hiding in Afghanistan and unstable Afghan territory was used against Pakistan by the enemies to exacerbate of Baluch insurgency and escalate terrorism to destabilize Pakistan. This study also argues that the New Taliban Government in Afghanistan has an amalgamation of encouraging and detrimental outcomes for Pakistan as supporting the Afghan Taliban government has visible impacts on regional politics and the dynamics of Pakistan’s relations with the United States, Iran, and with regional powers, Russia, and China.