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Journal articles on the topic 'Afghanistan National Development Strategy'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 July 2025

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1

Jabarkhail, Sami, and Larry M. Dooley. "Human Resource Development: Why It Matters in the National Context of Afghanistan." South Asian Journal of Human Resources Management 6, no. 2 (2019): 292–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2322093719886390.

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Afghanistan’s recent history has been shaped largely by conflict. As a developing country transitioning away from its heavy reliance on foreign aid, Afghanistan is facing unprecedented challenges and opportunities in building its untapped treasure, namely human resources. Afghanistan recognizes the need for countrywide human resource development (HRD) efforts since its first national development strategy was devised in 2005. In this article, we explore the status of HRD in the national context of Afghanistan by providing insight into HRD history, identifying challenges and discussing opportuni

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2

International Monetary Fund. "Islamic Republic of Afghanistan: Afghanistan National Development Strategy: First Annual Report (2008/09)." IMF Staff Country Reports 09, no. 319 (2009): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451800425.002.

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Farahmand, Mohiden. "Holistic Performance Assessment-5 of Afghanistan National Development Strategy 2005-2013." Journal of Service Science and Management 18, no. 02 (2025): 54–75. https://doi.org/10.4236/jssm.2025.182005.

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4

Azis, Aswin Ariyanto, and Alifia Nur Azarine. "Gender Mainstreaming in Indonesia’s Bilateral International Development Cooperation." European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 3, no. 6 (2023): 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2023.3.6.516.

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Gender mainstreaming is an important subject to be mindful of in the Indonesian government’s development cooperation with bilateral development partners. Gender conflict is one of the obstacles that countries face when executing national and international development programs. Indonesia is one of the countries that uses a gender mainstreaming technique to incorporate gender problems into development initiatives. The establishment of a gender mainstreaming strategy (PUG) is vital in developing policies, particularly in carrying out bilateral development cooperation. This is significant for Indo

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5

Mahboobi, Aminullah. "Evaluation of Reproductive Health Statues in Afghanistan." Modern Health Science 1, no. 1 (2018): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.30560/mhs.v1n1p1.

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In the past 16 years, Afghanistan has formulated the first national development strategy, health and nutrition policy. The reproductive health policy formulated in 2002 was completed for the first time. Reproductive health strategies BPHS and EPHS are developed and updated every five years. We analyze the changes through data analysis and comparison.

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Yar, Fayaz Gul Mazloum, and Mahboobullah Musadiq. "The role and importance of empowering rural communities for rural development in Afghanistan." Edunity Kajian Ilmu Sosial dan Pendidikan 3, no. 11 (2024): 1037–51. https://doi.org/10.57096/edunity.v3i11.331.

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Empowerment of rural communities in Afghanistan has great potential to change the knowledge, attitudes and work practices of villagers. Empowerment is considered fundamental to achieving development, as progress without empowerment of marginalized communities is often considered impossible. The purpose of this study is to formulate a strategy for rural community empowerment in line with sustainable development in Afghanistan. This research utilizes qualitative content analysis of relevant sources, with data collection through document analysis. The research reviews existing studies and theorie

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Kim, Younkyoo, and Fabio Indeo. "The new great game in Central Asia post 2014: The US “New Silk Road” strategy and Sino-Russian rivalry." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 46, no. 2 (2013): 275–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2013.03.005.

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With the planned US and NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2014 looming ever closer, and Central Asia’s own future increasingly in doubt, major powers are all competing to enhance their influence in Central Asia. 2014 may mark a regional tipping point, but none can accurately predict how the regional balance might shift after the NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan. During 2009–2010, the signs of growing Russian dependence on China in terms of economy and energy were palpable, as were the signs of China successfully subordinating Russia to its Central Asian economic agenda. In 2011–2012, it was

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Medhi, Abhilash. "Writing Histories of Capital in the Shadow of War." International Journal of Middle East Studies 54, no. 2 (2022): 352–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743822000423.

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In November 2010, twenty-four heads of member states of NATO assembled for a summit in Lisbon. On their agenda was an overhaul of the alliance's decade-long security strategy. On the sidelines of this summit, the heads of government met with Afghan President Hamid Karzai and announced plans to withdraw all NATO troops from Afghanistan by the end of 2014. The decision was not wholly unexpected. However, in newsrooms and among select consulting firms that worked with Afghan ministries in the capital Kabul, the announcement ratcheted up a sense of unease. Doubts were cast over the Afghan national

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9

Machitidze, Georgy G. "LESSONS FROM THE BRITISH PRESENCE IN AFGHANISTAN (2001–2023)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 3 (2024): 81. https://doi.org/10.31696/s086919080030924-3.

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The paper analyses the lessons of Britain&apos;s presence in Afghanistan, taking into account the adjustment of London&apos;s Afghan strategy during the different stages of its long-term activity in the country from 2001 to the present. It appears that during the period of active combat operations under Operation Enduring Freedom, British troops have failed to achieve their goals of eliminating al-Qaeda militants from the frontline and weakening the Taliban. A significant shift in UK Afghan policy has been away from responsibility for the future of the Kabul regime and towards humanita

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10

Maimoona, Rasool, Mariam Asif Dr, and Munawar Hussain Dr. "Balancing Acts: Afghanistan, India and Strategiesb for Managing Pakistan- Russia Engagement in the region." Al-Qantara 10, no. 03 (2024): 172–88. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13711449.

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<strong><em>Abstract:</em></strong><em> The period from 2001 to 2021 saw India establishing robust ties with Afghanistan through significant economic aid and infrastructure development, with a recorded cost of $3 billion, claimed at ensuring Afghan stability. Pakistan, however, viewed these growing India-Afghanistan relations with suspicion, fearing encirclement and increased Indian influence in the region, specifically against its national interests. In response, Pakistan, with support from Russia, engaged with the Taliban to restore their government in Afghanistan by sponsoring peace dialogu

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11

Brody, Alan. "Development Support Communication in Practice: Towards Realizing Child Rights Through UNICEF." Asia Pacific Media Educator 29, no. 2 (2019): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1326365x19865388.

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The author studied 6 years with Professor Joe Ascroft at the University of Iowa on a team defining principles of Development Support Communication (DSC, now widely called C4D). In 1984, he returned to the world of development practice and a 22-year career with UNICEF. The article describes his first assignment in Nigeria using an innovative communication strategy to speed the adoption of oral rehydration therapy for treatment of diarrhoea and dehydration. It also summarizes subsequent work that applied perspectives and expertise in communication to UNICEF’s challenges to further child rights:

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12

Aliyar, Qurban, Chan-Jung Lee, Pone Salimath, and Yohan Lee. "Influence of Social Capital on the Poverty Reduction of Rangeland Communities in the Bamyan Province, Afghanistan." Journal of People, Plants, and Environment 27, no. 4 (2024): 329–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.11628/ksppe.2024.27.4.329.

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Background and objective: This study investigates the contribution of social capital on the poverty alleviation of rangeland agropastoral communities who are based on agriculture and the rearing of livestock in the Bamyan province of Afghanistan.Methods: Data was collected through a field survey from the randomly selected 186 households in three rangeland villages in the Bamyan Province, Afghanistan. The relationship between social capital and household poverty was analyzed using a binary logistic regression and correlation analysis.Results: Poor households (.728) were found to have lower soci

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13

Hunko, Leonid. "Strategy for combating illegal armed formations: content, components, evolution." Democratic governance 32, no. 2 (2023): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.23939/dg2023.02.066.

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The issue of determining the need to develop a strategy for combating illegal armed formations is considered, the content and components of the strategy are defined and how the development of individual components changes approaches to the strategy itself is shown. The emphasis is placed on the complexity of formulating a strategy in the field of national security as a result of uncertainty of the concept of strategic legal acts, their hierarchy and content in the Ukrainian legislation. The determination of the content of a strategic document in the field of national security is closely relate

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Kuznetsov, N. "U.S. Competitive Approach to the PRC: Active “Burden-Shifting” Strategy." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 3 (2023): 90–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-3-90-101.

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By the time Donald Trump came to the White House, the American political elites and expert community had developed a consensual perception that China’s strategy was aimed at challenging the U.S. dominance and threatening its national interests. The United States Strategic Approach to the People’s Republic of China, adopted by the Trump Republican Administration but reflecting a bipartisan position, marked the most dramatic shift in policy towards China since Richard Nixon. The main change was the recognition of the competitive nature of the U.S. – China relations, which resulted in the develop

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Sergeev, Evgeny. "Central Asia in Soviet and British Strategy, 1918." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 1 (2022): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018263-7.

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The author analyses Soviet Russia and Great Britain’s strategies for Central Asia, a crucial geopolitical region, the control of which allowed both Moscow and London to safeguard their state interests at the final stage of the Great War. The development of these plans was accompanied by intense internal political struggles in Britain over the &apos;Bolshevik menace&apos; to British possessions in Asia and the crisis in the Ottoman Empire, Persia, and Afghanistan, which spawned ethno-confessional movements of various stripes. The author compares the role and place of Central Asia in Mos

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Prniyazova, Albina, Suriya Turaeva, Daniyar Turgunov, and Ben Jarihani. "Sustainable Transboundary Water Governance in Central Asia: Challenges, Conflicts, and Regional Cooperation." Sustainability 17, no. 11 (2025): 4968. https://doi.org/10.3390/su17114968.

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Sustainable transboundary water governance in Central Asia faces significant challenges, including political tensions, ecological issues, such as the drying Aral Sea, and seasonal hydropower disruptions impacting downstream countries. This study aims to address these problems by examining the complexities of water resource governance in the region, emphasizing the interplay between national interests and regional cooperation. We analyze how social, economic, environmental, and political factors influence water diplomacy among Central Asian states. Key challenges include water scarcity, climate

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17

Shkrobtak, Igor. "Perspectives of Great Britain’s defense policy in 2020–2030s." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 16, no. 1 (2023): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2023.104.

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This study is devoted to the study of the main directions of the development of British defense and security policy. The article analyzes the main directions of the strategy of this sphere of activity of the United Kingdom, examines the situation of the British military-industrial complex and the main challenges facing the national defense and security of London. The paper explores the main directions of defense and security policy, the vision of challenges by the British political and military leadership. The turn of the United Kingdom’s priorities in defense and security from “hybrid threats

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18

Tohidi, Nayereh. "Women's Rights in the Muslim World: the Universal-Particular Interplay." Hawwa 1, no. 2 (2003): 152–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920803100420324.

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AbstractAn ironic ramification of the tragedy of September 11 and the subsequent demise of the Taliban government in Afghanistan seems to be an unprecedented rise in the international prominence of issues concerning the rights and status of women in the Islamic world. This increased international attention to women's quest for equal civil and human rights and a better appreciation of women's agency in the modernization and democratization of the Islamic world can be a welcome development. The significance of this potentially positive turn is better appreciated when we bear in mind that if it w

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19

Warusavithana, Supriya, Hoda Atta, Mona Osman, and Yvan Hutin. "Review of the neglected tropical diseases programme implementation during 2012–2019 in the WHO-Eastern Mediterranean Region." PLOS Neglected Tropical Diseases 16, no. 9 (2022): e0010665. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pntd.0010665.

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Introduction The 2012–2020 WHO NTD roadmap set targets for control, elimination, and eradication of neglected tropical diseases (NTDs). It recommends 5 strategies, out of which preventive chemotherapy (PC) and intensified disease management were key to achieve targets. WHO estimated that globally, between 2012 and 2019, the number of persons affected by NTDs decreased from nearly 2.1 to 1.7 billion people. We analysed the situation of NTDs in the WHO Eastern Mediterranean Region (EMR) in 2020 to assess the progress with the 2012–2020 roadmap and to identify gaps. Methods We reviewed data repos

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20

Lan, Jiang, and Jiang Lan. "Review of Afghanistan's National Education Strategic Plan (2017-2021)." Pacific International Journal 5, no. 3 (2022): 10–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.55014/pij.v5i3.183.

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The Afghanistan National Education Strategic Plan (2017-2021) is the third strategic plan for education development issued by the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan since its establishment. The Ministry of Education of Afghanistan, in accordance with the Constitution of Afghanistan and the provisions of various sectors, provides an in-depth analysis of the current situation of education in Afghanistan and sets the direction for the development of education in Afghanistan from 2017 to 2021. The Afghanistan National Education Strategic Plan (2017-2021) is divided into three main parts:quality and r

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21

CORNISH, PAUL, and ANDREW M. DORMAN. "Smart muddling through: rethinking UK national strategy beyond Afghanistan*." International Affairs 88, no. 2 (2012): 213–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2346.2012.01067.x.

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22

Bhatia, Jasmine, Naseem Jareer, and Ross McIntosh. "Community-Driven Development in Afghanistan." Asian Survey 58, no. 6 (2018): 1042–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.6.1042.

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This article assesses the legacy of the National Solidarity Programme in seven districts of Wardak Province, Afghanistan. We find that the NSP largely achieved its development objectives, but had limited effects on state–society relations. The findings also raise questions about the sustainability of community-driven development in insecure contexts.

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23

Snider, Joshua. "Taliban 2.0 and US National Security Policy in Afghanistan." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 9, no. 3 (2022): 402–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477970221129905.

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This article examines from the point of view of the US national security policy, the causes and contexts for the US exit from Afghanistan and the factors that will influence the US policy in Afghanistan in the coming decade. It reviews the logic behind post-9/11 US ‘grand strategy’ and the evolution of the US national security policy in this period, which included the invasion and occupation of Afghanistan. It examines the evolution of the US deployment and factors which complicated the US strategic objectives in Afghanistan, including the persistent tension in the US national security objecti

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24

Shcherbak, Igor. "EU’S NEW APPROACH TO THE STRATEGY CENTRAL ASIA – AFGHANISTAN." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 25, no. 1 (2022): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran120221724.

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The article examines new aspects of the EU’s strategy towards Afghanistan – Central Asia aimed at stabilizing the region as a whole. New elements of the EU’s strategy towards Central Asia are connected with the EU desire to modernize it with the aim to assure synchronous stabilization of Afghanistan and the states of Central Asia in the context of negative repercussions of the Afghan crisis. The article underlines the view of some experts that Central Asia and Afghanistan have common interests in maintaining security and stability in the region as well as in developing mutually advantageous co

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25

Aliyeva, A. I. "TURKEY’S STRATEGY TOWARDS AFGHANISTAN: SECURITY AND DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(47) (April 28, 2016): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-80-90.

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Providing assistance to the least developed countries has remained one of the top priorities for leading international actors in the XXI century, and the Republic of Turkey is no exception in this regard. The Justice and Development Party's ascension to power in 2002 led to a drastic revision of the Turkish foreign policy and adoption of a novel approach to the least developed countries accounting for the complex interdependence between security and development. This approach was tested in Afghanistan where Turkey contributed to both post-conflict reconstruction of the country and to the activ

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Dupree, Nancy Hatch. "Cultural heritage and national identity in Afghanistan." Third World Quarterly 23, no. 5 (2002): 977–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0143659022000028549.

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27

Hanifi, Shah Mahmoud. "Imperial Cartography and National Mapping in Afghanistan." International Journal of Middle East Studies 54, no. 2 (2022): 340–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074382200040x.

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Afghanistan assumed its modern cartographic form in piecemeal fashion between the late 1860s and early 1890s in the context of British imperial boundary-making projects in South Asia and the Middle East. The bordering of Afghanistan was contextualized by the global British empire and multiple boundary conflicts and frontier anxieties involving the British and the French, German, Russian, and other imperial powers as well as local rulers. The fundamental point here is that the map of Afghanistan is a product of imperial and interimperial concerns, and it has not benefited the Afghan people. The

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Shcherbak, Igor. "Afghan Crisis: Prospects for a New Strategy of the European Union." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 22, no. 4 (2021): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran42021714.

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The article contains analyses of the formation of a new strategy of EU towards Afghanistan taking into account recent dramatic changes of strategic environment in connection with the withdrawal of the US and NATO forces from the country. The author devotes attention in this context to the reasoning for adaptation of the previous EU strategy on Afghanistan which was based on the prioritization of a «soft power» concept. The article enumerates possible elements of a perspective EU strategy – support to international efforts aimed at a comprehensive peaceful regulation of the Afghan crises, suppr

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Burlinova, N. "NATO in Afghanistan: Strategy and Prospects." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2010): 76–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-8-76-83.

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The analysis of the NATO Afghanistan strategy joint moments after 9/11, which is a peculiar supplement to the American political project, is presented. The inability to implement the so called triad (security, management, development) adopted officially is regarded as evidence of the Alliance's policy weakness and fault. Perspectives of the NATO's policy line adjustment and possible scenarios are examined.

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Golishnikov, Oleg. "Afghanistan: Taliban’s Second Chance and RED Strategy." Journal of Strategic Security 18, no. 2 (2025): 144–77. https://doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.18.2.2424.

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An objective evaluation of Afghanistan’s political and socioeconomic situation since the Taliban’s takeover in August 2021 is crucial for understanding and addressing security issues at the national, regional, and global levels. Unlike most studies, this article provides new insights, offering a balanced assessment of the situation in Afghanistan and developing recommendations on dealing with the Taliban regime. By employing qualitative methods and a rational theory framework, this article argues that Afghanistan under Taliban rule is experiencing a mix of positive and negative trends. Major p

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31

Rahman, Amini Abdul, Camara Sidy, Mаnopov Mukhammadsolekh Musoevich, and Shir Aqa Njeebullah. "The Development of the Political System in Afghanistan: Current Perspective in the Context of National Consensus-Building." Journal of Politics and Law 12, no. 1 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n1p1.

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The relevance of the topic is due to the fact that at present the political system of Afghanistan requires fundamental changes: the political situation in the country continues to be complex and tense, and the tendency to aggravate the situation in the country is stable: terrorism, drug crime and corruption are common threats to both Afghanistan and the entire world community. Therefore, the search of the current perspective of the development of the political system of Afghanistan is the key factor to resolve this situation. Afghanistan continues to be a place of conflict between the interest

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Aria, Asadullah, Mohammad Bilal Tayeb, and Abuzar Khpalwak Zazai. "China's New Approach to Neighborhood Diplomacy: Analyzing the Economic and Political Relations with Afghanistan in the Post-2014 Period." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 5, no. 8 (2023): 94–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2023.5.8.11.

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In recent years, Sino-Afghan relations have seen unprecedented growth, with China actively involving itself in Afghanistan's political transformation due to its longstanding friendly ties with the country. This marks China's efforts to play a proactive role in Afghanistan. The gradual withdrawal of NATO and US forces since 2014 has prompted China to adopt a new geopolitical approach towards the region. The new phase of Afghanistan-China relations has the potential to transform China from a mere observer into a constructive and intervening force in Afghanistan. This article aims to shed light o

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33

Dadabaev, Timur. "Afghanistan in 2018." Asian Survey 59, no. 1 (2019): 114–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.1.114.

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Three aspects symbolize the state of affairs in and around Afghanistan in 2018: the fragmentation of domestic political actors, the increasing desecuritization of rhetoric with respect to Afghanistan by neighboring countries, and the diversification of Afghanistan’s global partners. While the US strategy showed signs of stalling amid increasing violence and the fragmentation of local actors, there are changes in the attitude of neighboring states.

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34

Nikoui, Sh, G. Abdikerova, and T. Tauekelova. "PROBLEMS OF NATIONAL IDENTITY IN AFGHANISTAN." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 76, no. 4 (2021): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2021-4.1728-8940.10.

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From a sociological point of view, national identity is defined as a kind of feeling and emotional belonging to a society that causes national unity and cohesion and has different material, cultural and psychological dimensions that cause societies to differ from each other. The phenomenon of Ethnicization and the formation of sub-national identities and subcultures have become doubly important in the contemporary period because factors such as territorial divisions based on national government, inequality, deprivation, ideology, and colonialism play an important role in ethnic nationalization

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Haidari, Ahmad Jahid, Mohammad Jamshid Furogh, Mohammad Omer Kunduzi, and Gulaqa Aanwari. "Main Factors of Lack of Economic Development in Afghanistan." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 6, no. 2 (2023): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v6i2.803.

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Afghanistan has lost its economic, social, and political infrastructures during almost four decades of war. The huge damages are seen in traditional administrative and legal systems that failed in economic development. This is a qualitative study, which aims to find and address the main factors of the lack of economic development in Afghanistan. Lack of economic development recognition requires comprehensive study, and limitations of national literature and data are the key problems that researchers normally face. Despite all obstacles, the current review study tried to explain the determinant

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Murtazashvili, Jennifer Brick. "Afghanistan in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (2016): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.187.

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Hopes for national unity and stability in Afghanistan were dashed in 2015 as the government lost control of significant territory to insurgents. Kunduz City fell briefly to the Taliban, the first major city to fall to them since 2001. The ANSF experienced heavy casualties, at a time when nearly one-fifth of the country’s districts were either controlled or heavily contested by the Taliban.

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Fair, C. Christine. "Afghanistan in 2017." Asian Survey 58, no. 1 (2018): 110–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.1.110.

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The year 2017 witnessed continued challenges to the credibility and competence of the so-called National Unity Government in Kabul. President Ghani and Chief Executive Abdullah competed over the perquisites of power rather than collaborating to secure a viable future for their country. US and NATO forces remained at a stalemate with the Taliban, while Afghanistan’s predatory neighbors were as self-interested as ever. Hard-won gains remain reversible.

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Sharma, Raghav. "China’s Afghanistan Policy." China Report 46, no. 3 (2010): 201–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600303.

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This article analyses the trajectory that Sino-Afghan relations have acquired since 2001. In doing so it undertakes an analysis of China’s key interests in the commercial, security and political arena in Afghanistan and the policies adopted by Beijing to secure these interests. The analysis particularly takes into account four factors which have left a crucial imprint in moulding the contours of Beijing’s engagement with Kabul, namely, the Indo-Pak equation, implications of a large US military presence in the region, consequences of growing drug proliferation and its linkages with pan-Islamist

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Novikova, Olga. "BRITAIN’S FOURTH AFGHAN WAR." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 4 (2022): 213–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.04.09.

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In the collective memory of the British, there was a perception that Afghanistan was a space that could not be colonized: a space that limited British power and influence. Nevertheless, selectively using its experience of colonial warfare, Britain invaded Afghanistan for the fourth time, this time as part of a multilateral force. In analyzing the performance of Britain’s counterinsurgency mission in Afghanistan, Western sources have most often favored identifying tactical and operational failures of military or civilian structures rather than addressing the fundamental shortcomings of the oper

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40

Haqmal, Mohammad Aimal, Sayed Akram Hashimi, and Abdul Hadi Zamani. "The Need, Development, and Benefits of Commercial Arbitration in Afghanistan." American Journal of Business and Strategic Management 3, no. 1 (2024): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.58425/ajbsm.v3i1.244.

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Aim: Commercial arbitration is considered to be one of the best and widely accepted mechanisms for resolving commercial disputes in the world today. However, on the one hand, as a member state of the international community, with regard to foreign investment and commercial development in Afghanistan, to what extent does Afghanistan need commercial arbitration in its jurisdiction? How much attention has been paid to the and finally, what are the benefits and advantages of this dispute resolution mechanism for the opposing sides of commercial disputes? All of these queries have been analytically

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Cawkwell, Thomas W. "Narrative Misdirection? UK Strategic Communication for Afghanistan and Beyond." Critical Sociology 45, no. 3 (2018): 379–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920517748455.

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Britain’s war in Afghanistan – specifically its latter stages, where the UK’s role and casualties sustained in the conflict rose dramatically – coincided with the institutional emergence of Ministry of Defence-led ‘Strategic Communication’. This article examines the circumstances through which domestic strategic communication developed within the UK state and the manner in which the ‘narratives’ supporting Britain’s role in Afghanistan were altered, streamlined and ‘securitised’. I argue that securitising the Afghanistan narrative was undertaken with the intention of misdirecting an increasing

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Mohd Ali Ibrahim, Mohamad Qayyum Afifuddin, and Chooi Ye Wong. "AN ANALYSIS ON CHINA’S NATIONAL INTEREST IN AFGHANISTAN DURING THE UNITED STATES MILITARY WITHDRAWAL ERA." International Journal of Law, Government and Communication 10, no. 39 (2025): 78–96. https://doi.org/10.35631/ijlgc.1039005.

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China has been playing active role in Afghanistan during the post-United States withdrawal from military intervention. The main problem statement laid on China’s national interest in rebuilding Afghanistan from the perspectives of security, economy, and politics. The main objective of this study aims to determine the development of China-Afghanistan bilateral relations and further analyses China’s national interests in Afghanistan in addressing the emerging and existential challenges faced by China in Afghanistan. Multiple qualitative research methods are used in this study involve secondary d

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Poghosyan, V. A. "The Impact of the Cold War on the Afghan Society." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 1 (April 6, 2024): 187–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2024-4-1(11)-187-199.

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The article is devoted to the policies of the global players of the Cold War using the example of Afghanistan. Noting the features of the Afghan policy of the Cold War, the author highlighted the key content of the very concept of the Cold War, political events in Afghanistan, internal and external challenges, ethnic problems and the problem of women during the Cold War. The influence of geopolitical processes on the development, internal and external interests of Afghan society in the 20th century, the social, economic and political consequences of the Cold War, features of the development of

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Mazloum Yar, Fayaz Gul. "Rural Industries and Their Role in the Development of Rural Areas and Afghanistan's National Economy." Jurnal Indonesia Sosial Teknologi 5, no. 10 (2024): 4706–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.59141/jist.v5i10.7035.

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This study explores the role of rural industries in addressing these issues by examining their potential to improve economic conditions in rural areas and their contribution to the national economy. This study aims to examine the role of rural industries in the development of rural areas and their impact on Afghanistan's national economy. Additionally, it seeks to identify the challenges and opportunities for developing these industries and propose strategies for improving their current state. In this study, I aim to address the following questions: What role do rural industries play in the ec

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Faqiryar, Jalal Naser. "Food-Climate Nexus in Qush Tepa National Irrigation Canal." International Journal of Environment and Climate Change 15, no. 3 (2025): 344–61. https://doi.org/10.9734/ijecc/2025/v15i34778.

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The idea and planning for executing one of Daud Khan’s seven-year initiatives, the Qush Tepa canal, started in the waning years of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. Following the Taliban’s takeover in August 2021 and the subsequent ramp-up of the canal’s construction, these plans raised concerns among stakeholders of the Amu Darya. This sparked an urgent need to assess the canal’s potential benefits alongside its challenges. Employing a mixed-method research approach, the study explored the canal’s effects on local livelihoods and agricultural output amid a shifting climate. Results suggest

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Khan, Muhammad, and Shabir Ahnmad Khan. "Peace in Afghanistan:." Central Asia 85, Winter (2020): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-85.8.

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The year-2019, marked the 40 years of instability and chaos in Afghanistan, ever since it was invaded by former Soviet Union in December 1979. In the last forty years, the Afghan instability and conflict has been so transmissible that any peace plan, initiated even with sincerity got entombed into viscid domestic ambiguities, undesired regional rivalries and geopolitical interests of great powers. Owing to internal instability and frequent foreign invasions, there could not develop a cohesive national character within Afghanistan. Besides, there has been no institutional build-up and developme

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Muhammad, Rehan Khan. "International Forced Migration and Pak- Afghan Development Concerns: Exploring Afghan Refugee Livelihood Strategies." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 2, no. 4 (2011): 181–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v2i4.667.

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This study investigates the livelihood strategies employed by Afghan refugees residing in Pakistan. These refugees were forced to take refuge in Pakistan after Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1978. Three decades after their migration, and after repeated Pakistani government attempts to resettle them in Afghanistan, scores of Afghan refugees still reside in Pakistan. This paper discusses the evolving relationship between Afghanistan and Pakistan over the years and their respective implications. Researching the various livelihood strategies that Afghan refugees pursued their impact on the Pa

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WIMAYA, Rio Sundari, Agung Wicaksono, Fanesa Angeli, Rendi Prayuda, and M. Arsy Ash Shiddiqy. "Analysis of United States of America Foreign Policy on the Victory of the Taliban Group in Afghanistan." WIMAYA 5, no. 01 (2024): 51–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33005/wimaya.v5i01.89.

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This research aims to discuss about analysis of United States foreign policy in Afghanistan by looking at case studies of the victory of the Taliban group controlling Afghanistan in 2021. Foreign policy is a unit of analysis in international relations that is related to the national political system. This strategy carried out in foreign policy lasts if the State interacts in the form of relations with the international community in making decisions to achieve its national goals. In making broad country decisions, there is a theory expressed by Richard Snyder which says there are internal facto

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Mohammad, Faisal Kashifi, and khan Khushhal. "Solar energy potential for sustainable development in Afghanistan." Solar energy potential for sustainable development in Afghanistan 3, no. 3 (2024): 41–50. https://doi.org/10.53414/UIJES:2024.303.50.

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Afghanistan's energy generation deficiency relies heavily on fossil fuels and imported electricity. Thecountry is experiencing rapid population growth and advances in various sectors, which means thatcurrent energy sources cannot cover the country's needs. At the same time, there is a massive gapbetween electricity supply and demand, leading to a shortage of energy in Afghanistan. Therefore, itis necessary to develop power generation, focusing on solar energy, to ensure energy sustainability.This literature review looks at Afghanistan's potential for solar energy and identifies obstacles andch

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Nichols, Robert. "The Pashtun Borderlands: Development, Nation, and Agency 1947–55." Afghanistan 4, no. 2 (2021): 114–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afg.2021.0075.

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Histories of Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the North-West Frontier summarize the borderland events of 1947 and the next years as concerned with several enduring issues. The nation-states of Afghanistan and Pakistan became rivals. Each projected different, contested claims to sovereignty over border territories and populations. The Afghan government, especially Sardar Muhammad Daud, used the Pakhtunistan issue to consolidate an Afghan national identity, attract borderland Pashtuns, and extract advantages from an economically weak, politically vulnerable Pakistan. Within the tribal agencies, the go

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