Relevant bibliographies by topics / Afghanistan – Politics and government

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Afghanistan – Politics and government'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Afghanistan – Politics and government"

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Rashid, Asma, and Shameen Shafiq. "Baloch Insurgency and External Involvement amid the Taliban rise in Afghanistan: Implications for Pakistan." Central Asia 93, Winter (January 10, 2024): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-93.206.

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Taliban has taken control of Afghanistan; the US-influenced government of Ashraf Ghani has surrendered, a two-decade-long war ended, and the Taliban proclaimed their acting government on 7 September 2021 and resumed the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan. Pakistan is in support of an inclusive Taliban-led government in Afghanistan and providing Aid to the country for rebuilding and reconstruction of the affected neighbor while hoping for recognition from the international community. Taliban’s regime in Afghanistan is a game-changer for South Asian regional politics as now China, Russia, and Iran's interests lie in this area. The Study is an attempt to examine the effects of the Taliban’s government on Pakistan’s national security, integrity, and economy with special concern for China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and Foreign Relations by taking the Baluchistan insurgency as an example. This research will answer intriguing questions such as how the Taliban’s government of Afghanistan affects the Baluch insurgency. The purpose of this research is to determine if the Taliban-led Afghan government deepens Pakistan's woes or serves the country's national interests. This paper argues that Baluch insurgents were previously hiding in Afghanistan and unstable Afghan territory was used against Pakistan by the enemies to exacerbate of Baluch insurgency and escalate terrorism to destabilize Pakistan. This study also argues that the New Taliban Government in Afghanistan has an amalgamation of encouraging and detrimental outcomes for Pakistan as supporting the Afghan Taliban government has visible impacts on regional politics and the dynamics of Pakistan’s relations with the United States, Iran, and with regional powers, Russia, and China.
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Saboor, Abdul, Sardar Ahmed, and Taha Shabbir. "Post Withdrawal Situation of us Troops from Afghanistan: Role of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)." Global International Relations Review IV, no. IV (December 30, 2021): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2021(iv-iv).05.

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The study of international relations has been re-examined in light of a global perspective on politics since the conclusion of World War 2 and the September 11 terrorist attacks. Examining Afghanistan's connection with the SCO is a relatively new subject of study. Between 2001 and 2011,China intervened strategically and economically in Afghanistan in the Bonn talks between Afghanistan, China, and the SCO. Afghanistan was awarded observer status by the SCO in 2012 in order to facilitate the integration of the broader area into the SCO and diminish US-NATO influence in the nation where Russia's key geostrategic interests lay. For China, Afghanistan's natural riches are particularly valuable. Despite the United States' exit from Afghanistan, the Taliban maintains total control of the country, and international governments refuse to recognize them.The country's position is deteriorating due to the government's lack of legitimacy. Both Moscow and Beijing want to put an end to the situation.
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Çelik, Cengiz. "The Effect of Ethnicity on Situation and Politics in Afghanistan." TSBS Bildiriler Dergisi, no. 1 (August 21, 2021): 49–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.55709/tsbsbildirilerdergisi.1.50.

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Afghanistan is referred to as the “heart of Central Asia”. This expression is also an indication of how important Afghanistan is in regional politics. Afghanistan is an Asian country where different ethnic groups come together. But the "Afghan" identity has not been the upper identity of the people of the country. The Taliban, which was in the country’s administration from 1996 to 2001, relied on Pashtun ethnicity and kept other ethnic structures under pressure during the period in power. A factor in the US invading Afghanistan and overthrowing the Taliban is the fact that the Taliban did not listen to the wishes and desires of the people during the administration. In the period that started on October 7, 2001, and lasted until August 15, 2021, the USA could not convince ethnic groups to form a nation-state. Each region has formed a structure outside the central government according to its ethnic origin and religious life. On the other hand, the central government did not take into account the wishes and desires of ethnic structures. The US-backed Afghan government continued the same mistakes that the Taliban had made until 2001. This study includes the impact of ethnic groups in current Afghanistan politics and our evaluations of the New Taliban.
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Issraelyan, E. V. "Afghan Agenda in Current Canadian Politics." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S2 (June 2022): S142—S147. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622080044.

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Abstract Canada’s operation in Afghanistan has been unfolding during a critically important domestic political event, i.e., the federal elections of 2021. The election campaign had pooled the main attention and resources of the Canadian leadership, limiting its ability to act in Afghanistan. Despite the difficulties, the Liberal Government of Justin Trudeau has achieved a lot. Firstly, they have organized the evacuation of Canadians and of Afghans who worked with the Canadian Armed Forces during the US and NATO military mission. Secondly, Ottawa has defined its attitude towards the Taliban regime by refusing diplomatic recognition. Thirdly, the admission of Afghan refugees to Canada has begun. In each of these areas, the Liberal Government has successes and failures, which have caused acute controversy in the country.
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Abbass, Zaffar, and Sher Bano. "Deficit of Trust in Pakistan-Afghanistan Bilateral Relations: An Evaluation from a Security and Economic Perspective from 2001 to 2021." Open Access Organization and Management Review 2, no. 2 (June 5, 2024): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.59644/oagmr.2(2).61.

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At the crossroads of Central and Southern Asia lie two Muslim neighbors i.e., Pakistan and Afghanistan. Similarities in religion, culture, ethnicity, race, and history were predicted to cement the harmonious bilateral connection between the two countries. There have been a lot of obstacles to the development of positive relations between the two republics ever since they were established. Afghanistan's alone neighbor and a key commercial partner, Pakistan and the two countries have a difficult history despite Afghanistan's reliance on Pakistan's seaports and international trade. Tense relations began with the conflicts over the Durand line and Pakhtunistan stunt supported by Afghan government and were exacerbated by subsequent events like the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and the American involvement in the country after September 11, 2001. A large number of refugees fled to Pakistan as a result of these invasions, shaking up the country's politics and economy. India's involvement in Afghan politics has had a major effect on Pakistan's interests in the country and the surrounding region, especially after September 11th, when the United States attempted to offset Chinese influence in the area. India's engagement in Afghanistan and Pakistan's support in the US invasion of Afghanistan are at the root of the current state of bilateral ties. Normalizing bilateral relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan may require the involvement of a third party or agreement on confidence-building measures to enhance the welfare of persons living on the other side of the Durand line and encourage amicable interactions between the two countries. Using a qualitative approach, this article investigates the causes and consequences of the current mistrust in bilateral ties, with a particular emphasis on economic and security problems in the wake of 9/11.
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Tariq, Muhammad. "US-Afghan Talks: Myths and Realities." Global Political Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 104–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-i).12.

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This article focuses on US-Taliban talks in the context of intra-Afghan talks. The talks provide for the restoration of peace in Afghanistan and withdrawal of the US troops from Afghanistan after a period of about 19 years. It also provides for the swap of 5,000 Taliban held by the government and 1,000 Afghan in the custody of Taliban. The agreement cannot be put into practice on account of mutual distrust by both the Afghan government and the Taliban. Though there is pressure from the US over the Afghan government for resumption of talks with Taliban yet no fruitful result has been obtained. The government of Afghanistan is not only faced with threat of insurgency from Taliban but also the ISKP or ISIS. The US withdrawal from Afghanistan and failure of the US-Taliban talks is testimony to the fact that Realism has failed to shape the politics of the smaller states.
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TIKHONOV, Yuriy Nikolayevich. "SOVIET-AFGHANIAN NEGOTIATIONS ABOUT THE PASTURE CONVENTION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE “GREAT GAME” IN CENTRAL ASIA ON THE EVE OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR (1935–1939)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 174 (2018): 203–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-174-203-209.

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The results of the study of the new declassified documents of Russian archives lead to the conclusion that under the influence of “world politics” there were all directions of Afghanistan’s foreign policy. The history of Soviet-Afghan relations on the eve of the Second World War convincingly proves the fact that in the relations of Afghanistan with the Great Powers of that time there were no spheres of cooperation that would not be used by foreign states in the struggle for the “Afghan bridgehead”. A striking proof of this is the attempt of the Soviet government in the 1930s to coordinate the issue of grazing of Afghan herds on Turkmen pastures with a whole range of measures aimed at strengthening the positions of Germany and Japan in Afghanistan. Soviet diplomacy repeatedly asked Kabul about the pastoral convention to speed up the signing of the necessary Soviet treaties with Afghanistan. In 1936 the question of concluding a grazing convention was repeatedly raised during the negotiations on the extension of the Kabul Pact of 1931 (the Neutrality and Mutual Non-Aggression Treaty of 1931) and the conclusion of a general trade agreement with Afghanistan, through which the USSR sought to economically supplant German and Japanese goods from the market of Northern Afghanistan.
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Singh, Gurwinder. "Identifying the Legitimacy of the Taliban Government and the Resurrection of Peace in Afghanistan." Groningen Journal of International Law 10, no. 2 (February 8, 2024): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/grojil.10.2.103-118.

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A government’s legality and its recognition need to be tested through the lenses of international law where the government changes through unconstitutional measures. The Taliban’s coming to power in Afghanistan is through unconstitutional and undemocratic means. Its control over Afghanistan raises questions about the fundamental nature of international law, politics, the State’s internal governance, and issues crucial for international peace. These matters although of primary concern, however, compromised to a secondary position as their accomplishment is contingent on peace being restored and guaranteed by the class of people in the ruling hierarchy. Since the Taliban government is not recognised by many States, it puts to test, the international law criteria for recognizing the government of the State. The reluctance shown by the comity of nations in recognizing the government, further raises the related issue of international law, that how the comity of nations can create an inroad for human rights and peace in Afghanistan. The objective to establish peace in Afghanistan, by identifying the legitimacy of the Taliban regime, touches the core aspect of de jure government as recognized by international law and is also a key concern for setting the trust of Afghan people in international law and international institutions. This article sets the premise to know the position of international law, for recognising a government in a State where the change of government is not established by legal measures and therefore not recognised by other nations. Besides, the author attempts to explore the possibilities of setting the foundation and establishing human rights and related objectives for sustainable peace in Afghanistan. The author sets the dialectical discourse, for setting a roadmap to achieve peace in Afghanistan by applying international law provisions through international institutions.
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Paris, Roland. "Afghanistan: What Went Wrong?" Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 2 (May 21, 2013): 538–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713000911.

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The US-led invasion of Afghanistan in October 2001, which deposed the Taliban regime, was followed by a major international effort to stabilize that country. More than a decade later, this effort has yielded neither security nor political stability in Afghanistan. After having been ousted from power, the Taliban reestablished itself in the borderlands of Pakistan and began fighting an effective guerrilla war against international and Afghan government forces. Despite heavy losses in recent years, the insurgency shows no sign of giving up. Meanwhile, attempts to establish a credible and legitimate Afghan government have been similarly disappointing. President Hamid Karzai, once hailed as the country's democratic savior, came to be seen instead as the leader of one of the most corrupt regimes on the planet, a perception that has damaged his government's legitimacy both at home and abroad. Afghanistan's development and human rights indicators have improved, but it remains to be seen if these gains can be sustained as the international effort is scaled back. Finally, although the United States and its partners succeeded in weakening Al Qaeda in the region, both Afghanistan and nuclear-armed Pakistan appear to have become considerably less stable over the course of the mission, with untold consequences for the future.
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Afzal, Osman Mohammed. "Multi-Ethnic Society and Lack of Political Culture in Afghanistan." Journal of Politics and Law 16, no. 4 (November 15, 2023): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v16n4p43.

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Ethnic diversity and ethnic politics in Afghanistan overcome the common political culture that the nationalities have never been coherent regarding political decisions in the country. The only issue that led the nationalities to cohesiveness is religion as the common value and culture. Except for religion, the other commonalities do not highly influence the cohesiveness of the nationalities in Afghanistan. Thus, religion often brought together nationalities against foreign factors and withstanding interventions; however, concerning inner challenges and conflict, religion has never been a factor in diminishing and resolving inner conflict. The legitimacy of regimes and fair schemes for the welfare and the status quo change is not the fundamental issue for ethnicities in Afghanistan. Still, the extent of ethnic political participation in the government has often been considerable. The central government and centralised regime led to a big rift in the society and led to rivalry at any cost among the ethnicities to hold further political authority. The autocracy under the definition of Democracy, at least within the last 20 years in Afghanistan, one way or another, even changed the social norm among ethnicities that everyone, instead of feeling responsibility toward the government and national interest, focused on ethnic interests.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Afghanistan – Politics and government"

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Nassimi, Azim M. "An ethnography of political leaders in Afghanistan." Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1063417.

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This study consisted of qualitative interviews with six Afghan political leaders who served as cabinet members in the Afghan government prior to the Soviet invasion. The study sought to report the political conditions in Afghanistan based on the direct experiences and the reflections of these leaders whose titles and names remain anonymous.The data were collected and analyzed using a modified version of Spradley's Developmental Research Sequence Writing methodology. The data included field notes gathered from numerous interviews, casual conversations, tape recording, library research and documents provided by the informants.The rivalries that prevented political unity during the war of resistance have exacerbated the quest for power now that the common enemy, the Soviet Union and Afghan-Marxist regimes, has disappeared from the scene. No credible social or political within the country to initiate and promote political reconciliation. Each group appears to be attempting a unilateral solution to the national crisis. The great majority of Afghans are not only left out of the political process, but are also held hostage to the confrontation between competing groups whose political and military strategies is the elimination, or at best exclusion, of other competing groups. Dangerously, none of the powerful group's adversaries has given up the idea of war as the institution or nationally acceptable leadership is available instrument of political settlement. Among political leaders there is still much in Afghan political culture that is basically hostile to open and competitive politics.
Department of Educational Leadership
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Mehran, Weeda. "The political economy of warlord democracy in Afghanistan." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709272.

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MERY-KHOSROWSHAHI, Christophe-Aschkan. "The opium of the people : essays on counter-narcotics efforts in Afghanistan." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/73449.

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Defence Date: 17 December 2021
Examining Board: Prof. Andrea Mattozzi, (EUI and University of Bologna); Prof. David Levine(EUI); Prof. Oliver Vanden Eynde (PSE); Prof. Salvatore Modica (University of Palermo)
The idea of this PhD thesis is to document the link between the counter-narcotics operations that took place in Afghanistan in the years 2008-2015 and the Afghan civil conflict, which has led to the terrible outcome of the year 2021. In the first chapter, I propose a microeconomic model to describe the effect of counternarcotics law enforcement on the supply of drugs when territorial control is contested. I assume, as is seen on the field, that if insurgents take power, then drug producers are protected against counter-narcotics operations, but that they have to pay taxes on their production. I show that under some circumstances the influence of drug producers on the outcome of conflict induces a complementarity between investment in narcotics production and insurgent support. This complementarity has two effects: 1) It mitigates the efficacy of counter-narcotics operations 2) It generates a trade-off between the war on drugs and counterinsurgency. In the second chapter, I address point 1) by estimating the elasticity of opium supply to counter-narcotics operations in Afghanistan. I find that law enforcement had little impact, with a 1% increase in opium eradication causing a reduction of roughly a third of a percent in opium supply the following year. Moreover, this effect is driven by northern regions, far from the Taliban’s strongholds which concentrate most of the country’s production. In the third chapter, I turn to point 2) and estimate the effect of counter-narcotics operations on the population’s self-declared support for military actors. I find that those provinces where law enforcement induced the eradication of 10% or more of the total opium-cultivated area exhibit greater sympathy for opposition armed groups, such as the Taliban, and less trust in the national army. This effect is driven by the Pashtun sub-population, which agricultural sector relies heavily on opium cultivation. These results empirically confirm the existence of a trade-off between counter-narcotics and counterinsurgency. Since law enforcement was originally meant to weaken the Taliban insurgency, these results should be of interest to policymakers.
1. Counternarcotics and Counterinsurgency : Competing Objectives of State Development? 2. Afghanistan : Did Counter-Narcotics Counter Narcotics? Not So Much 3. Counter-Narcotics Operations Might Have Strengthened the Taliban Insurgency
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Grant, Patrick J. "All Politics is Local: Examining Afghanistan's Central Government's Role in State-Building at the Provincial Level." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1333061472.

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Swenson, Geoffrey Jon. "Addressing crises of order : judicial state-building in the wake of conflict." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:fdb405b6-ee32-4af8-971e-cf5ff3283ff0.

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Promoting the rule of law is vital for the success of domestic and international postconflict state-building efforts. Yet in post-conflict settings, non-state justice systems handle most disputes, retaining substantial autonomy and authority. Legal pluralism's importance, however, is rarely recognized and dramatically under-theorized. This thesis demonstrates that multiple justice systems can co-exist and contribute to the development of a democratic state bound by the rule of law. Domestic and international efforts, however, must be cognizant of the overarching legal pluralism paradigm that exists when trying to build the rule of law and tailor their strategies accordingly. By drawing on two divergent case studies, Timor-Leste and Afghanistan, this dissertation examines the conditions under which the rule of law can be advanced in post-conflict settings featuring a high degree of legal pluralism and substantial international involvement. Four distinct legal pluralism paradigms are proposed - combative, competitive, cooperative, and benign - in order to understand how legal pluralism functions in practice. Timor-Leste successfully advanced the rule of law because the major parties remained committed to democracy and developed institutions promoting accountability, inclusivity, and legality. The state meaningfully collaborated with key non-state actors. While the process was imperfect, Timorese state-officials effectively mediated between the international community and local-level figures. This contributed to the effective transformation of a competitive legal pluralist environment into a cooperative one. The international community largely reinforced these positive trends. Conversely, Afghanistan's post-2001 regime squandered the opportunity to build a democratic state bound by the rule of law. Simultaneously, it failed to mediate between the international community and the tribal and religious authorities essential for legitimate rule. Despite international actor's substantial influence, external aid did little good and was often counter-productive. These divergent approaches helps explain judicial state-building's failure and the corresponding slide from competitive into combative legal pluralism against the Taliban.
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Nuyken, Mark E. "Between domestic constraints and multilateral obligations : the reform of the Bundeswehr in the context of a normalised German foreign and security policy." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/6511.

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This thesis seeks to understand the developments in Germany’s foreign and security policy since the end of the Cold War. Primarily, this thesis will centre on the question of whether Germany can now, after being re-unified for more than 20 years, be considered a normal actor in international relations. Although this subject has been debated extensively, the effects a possible change in foreign policy behaviour has on related fields of policy, have largely been left aside. This thesis therefore sets out to understand if there has in fact been a change in Germany’s foreign and security policy and will then apply the findings on the institution most affected by this change, i.e. Germany’s armed forces the Bundeswehr. It will therefore firstly discuss the perceived changes in German foreign policy since 1990 by analysing the academic debate on the process of normalisation and continuation. It will be argued that Germany has in fact become more normal and abandoned the constrained foreign policy of the Cold-War-era. The Bundeswehr will therefore have to be reformed accordingly to accommodate the new tasks set out by the changed foreign policy – most importantly peacekeeping and peace-enforcing out-of-area missions. This thesis will therefore analyse the reform efforts made over the last 20 years and apply them to the Bundeswehr’s large deployments in Kosovo and Afghanistan to determine how effective the reforms have been. Finally, this thesis will be able to contribute to the discussion on Germany’s status of a normal player in international relations with the added perspective from the Bundeswehr’s point of view.
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Young, Greven Rebecca. "An Analysis of State Building: The Relationship between Pashtun 'Para-State' Institutions and Political Instability in Afghanistan." Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5158.

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This study arose from the desire to research the effectiveness of state building policies in Afghanistan. In order to address this topic, I review state building literature and find that state building literature focuses largely on the processes of democratization instead of institution building. In the second part of this dissertation I conduct a comparative case study of Afghanistan during the Soviet and Taliban eras to study the relationship between Pashtun `para-state' institutions (PSI's) and levels of political instability. I hypothesize that Pashtun PSI's compete with central state institutions for popular support thus increasing political instability and reducing state institutional effectiveness. I then conduct process-tracing to study hypothesized causal mechanisms that link Pashtun PSI's and political instability. I find that during the Soviet era, areas with Pashtun PSI's exhibited higher levels of political instability than areas without the presence of Pashtun PSI's. However, during the Taliban era, the results were negatively correlated and southern Afghanistan exhibited reduced levels of political instability. The causal mechanisms of `violence against the government' and `support to the local populace' were present in both cases although the introduction of the variables is different in both cases. This research is foundational in clarifying state building literature. Additionally, this study of Afghanistan moves academic literature towards establishing appropriate measures of effectiveness specific to institution building, which is imperative in assessing the success of future and past state building policies.
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Omari, Turkan. "How We Define Corruption : A comparative study of NGOs and government agency’s definition and experience of corruption." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-41712.

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Objective Over the latest decades, NGOs have grown exponentially both in size and influence; they have come to play a significant role in development and support for civil society and the democratization process in developing countries. With an increased influence and budgets, NGOs have also come to be increasingly associated with corruption – as victims of corruption, as driving forces of corruption, and finally as anti-corruption activists and strategists. However, corruption is a complex and ill-defined concept where definitions and perceptions vary greatly between scholars and practitioners. The aim of the thesis is to describe and compare how western NGOs as well as the Swedish governmental donor agency Sida, operating in Afghanistan, a war-ridden, developing country with a high level of corruption define and approach corruption[1]. Theories The study is based on theories of institutionalism and anthropology to analyze how the chosen organizations define corruption. These theories are most appropriate for this thesis since the focus of the study is on organizations and the individuals working within them. Institutional theories study how institutions affect individuals behavior and how an individual's behavior affects the evolution of institutions. On the other hand, anthropology theories study how people who share a common cultural system organize and shape the physical and social world around them and how they, in turn, are shaped by those ideas, behaviors, and the environment. Analysis and methodology The analysis is based on an institutionalist approach, and organizational theories focus on power-dependency, considering that in terms of social science, the institutionalist approach emphasizes the role of institutions, which is the focus of this thesis. Therefore, this approach was an appropriate choice when conducting this research. The method used in the thesis is a comparative methodology. Each organization's anti-corruption policy, as well as interviews with representatives of two Swedish NGOs and Sida, was compared and analyzed. Results and discussion Similarities are found in organizations' formal definition of corruption, as all organizations share a similar anti-corruption policy, where corruption and corrupt activities are defined from a Western model. However, the differences are found in the experience of corruption, as NGOs, unlike Sida are active in the field, they are more exposed to the complex and challenging environment in which they feel that their formal guidelines and policies are not adapted to. They primarily experience that the level of tolerance of corruption varies in the context in which they are active.  The donor agency, Sida, is believed by the Swedish NGOs to be focusing more on working within the regulations and formal policies of anti-corruption, conducted by their origin country being Sweden, rather than on the complex nature of the context the operate in in this case being Afghanistan. Consequently, this issue is also followed by NGOs feeling pressure to implement projects within the framework of the donor agency's regulation, to avoid risking any loss of donor funds.  On the other hand, Sida states the opposite, emphasizing a more cooperative relationship with their partner NGOs.
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Sandstrom, Karl. "Modes of mobilisation : socio-political dynamics in Somaliland, Somalia, and Afghanistan." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2088.

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This thesis provides a framework for viewing socio-political contexts and how these relate to interventionist projects. The framework draws on and combines strands from international relations and sociological perspectives of social interaction. The central question becomes how intervention and existing social contexts interact to produce unintended outcomes. It applies the analysis to two separate wider contexts: Afghanistan and Somalia, with a particular focus on the self-declared independent Somaliland as an internally generated and controlled transformational process. Unlike abstract directions of theoretical development the framework seeks to provide a platform that sets aside ideological assumptions and from which interventionist projects can be observed and evaluated based on literature, field observations and interviews. Drawing on such diverse influences as fourth generation peace and conflict studies, Morphogenetics, and social forces theory, the framework explores conditions and interest formations to capture instances of local agency that are part of a continuity of local realities. It views social interaction without imposing Universalist value assumptions, but also without resorting to relativism or raising so many caveats that it becomes impractical. It exposes the agency of local interest formations hidden beneath the discourses of ideologically framed conflicts. These social agents are often dismissed as passive victims to be brought under the influence of for example the state, but are in reality able to subvert, co-opt, constrain or facilitate the forces that are dependent on them for social influence. In the end, it is the modes of mobilisation that emerge as the most crucial factor for understanding the relevant social dynamics.
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McCullough, Benjamin P. "Counterinsurgency in Afghanistan: A Last Ditch Effort to Turn Around a Failing War." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1406041482.

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Books on the topic "Afghanistan – Politics and government"

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Olesen, Asta. Islam and politics in Afghanistan. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon, 1995.

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V, Krishnappa, D'Souza Shanthie Mariet, Singh Priyanka, and Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses., eds. Saving Afghanistan. New Delhi: Academic Foundation in assocaition with Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, 2009.

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V, Krishnappa, D'Souza Shanthie Mariet, Singh Priyanka, and Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses., eds. Saving Afghanistan. New Delhi: Academic Foundation in assocaition with Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, 2009.

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V, Krishnappa, D'Souza Shanthie Mariet, Singh Priyanka, and Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses., eds. Saving Afghanistan. New Delhi: Academic Foundation in assocaition with Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, 2009.

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Sundelin, Anders. Afghanistan. Stockholm: Svenska Afghanistankommittén, 2005.

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Ludra, Kuldip S. Afghanistan research papers. Chandigarh: Thakur Kuldip S. Ludra, 1999.

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Service, Australia Dept of the Parliamentary Library Legislative Research. The Afghanistan conflict. [Canberra]: Dept. of the Parliamentary Library, 1987.

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Military Education Research Library Network, ed. Afghanistan MiPAL. Washington, D.C: National Defense University, 2003.

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Rasuly, Sarajuddin. Politischer Strukturwandel in Afghanistan. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1993.

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Conflict Studies Research Centre (Great Britain), ed. Afghanistan: Where are we? [Camberley, Surrey]: Defence Academy of the United Kingdom, Conflict Studies Research Centre, 2005.

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Book chapters on the topic "Afghanistan – Politics and government"

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Hartley, Cathy. "Afghanistan." In The International Directory of Government 2021, 1–3. 18th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003179931-1.

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Sharan, Timor. "The National Unity Government." In Inside Afghanistan, 156–87. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315161617-6.

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Yadav, Vikash. "Afghanistan." In An Introduction to South Asian Politics, 173–206. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429198113-7.

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Pettitt, Robin T. "Government." In Contemporary Party Politics, 162–77. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-41264-5_9.

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Diaz-Guerrero, Rogelio, and Lorand B. Szalay. "Government, Politics." In Understanding Mexicans and Americans, 175–90. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-0733-2_12.

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Esman, Milton J. "Ethnic Diversity and the Structure of Government." In Beyond Reconstruction in Afghanistan, 156–68. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403981172_9.

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Jones, Bill. "Local government." In British politics, 342–58. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: The basics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429199509-27.

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Game, Chris. "Local government." In Politics UK, 528–59. 10th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003028574-32.

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Maley, William. "The Rise and Fall of the Rabbani Government, 1992–1996." In The Afghanistan Wars, 194–217. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-1840-6_10.

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Maley, William. "The Rise and Fall of the Rabbani Government, 1992–1996." In The Afghanistan Wars, 162–81. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-01361-3_10.

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Conference papers on the topic "Afghanistan – Politics and government"

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Güvenek, Burcu, Zeynep Karaçor, and Abdul Qahar Khatir. "CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR INVESTMENT IN AFGHANISTAN DURING THE COALITION FORCES’ SUPPORT FOR THE GOVERNMENT." In 12th International Scientific Conference „Business and Management 2022“. Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3846/bm.2022.805.

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The goal of this study is to look into the challenges and opportunities for investing in Afghanistan while coalition forces are present in the country. The World Bank (WB) enterprise survey was used for this, with dependent dummy variables being access to finance, land, electricity, being in a stable political environment, taxes, and security, and dependent variables being age, small, medium, and large enterprises, experience of top level managers, and firm ages. The most significant and significant impediments for investors and enterprises are access to land, access to electricity, access to a secure environment, and taxes.
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Mohmand, Abdul Mujeeb, Aimal Marjan, and Amirzai Sangin. "Developing e-government in Afghanistan." In the 4th International Conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/1930321.1930331.

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Dawodi, Mursal, Jawid Ahmad Baktash, and Tomohisa Wada. "Data-Mining Opportunities in E-Government: Agriculture Sector of Afghanistan." In 2019 IEEE 10th Annual Information Technology, Electronics and Mobile Communication Conference (IEMCON). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iemcon.2019.8936193.

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Kelmendi, Jeton. "GOVERNMENT�S POLITICS FOR HIGH EDUCATION IN KOSOVO." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b12/s3.060.

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Li, Boyi, and Kyung Ryul Park. "Session details: Open Government Data Policies and Politics." In dg.o '17: 18th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3247602.

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Mohammad, Erkin. "ZAHIRAD-DIN MUHAMMAD BABUR'S WORK IN THE FIELD OF GOVERNMENT AND DEVELOPMENT IN AFGHANISTAN." In The Impact of Zahir Ad-Din Muhammad Bobur’s Literary Legacy on the Advancement of Eastern Statehood and Culture. Alisher Navoi' Tashkent state university of Uzbek language and literature, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.52773/bobur.conf.2023.25.09/iaez5110.

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Zahiriad-Din Muhammad Babur is an poet who has made a great contribution to the treasury of world culture. During his rule in Afghanistan, he built many caravanserais, mosques, madrassas and gardens. Many of these improvements were built during Babur’s time and, moreover, during the time of his sons.
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Ronzhyn, Alexander. "Social Media Activism in Post-Euromaidan Ukrainian Politics and Civil Society." In 2016 Conference for E-Democracy and Open Government (CeDEM). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cedem.2016.17.

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Zhang, Xuefeng. "Is High Housing Price the Responsibility of the Government?" In 2017 2nd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-17.2017.6.

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"The Status Quo, Opportunities and Challenges of Local Government Financing Platform Transformation." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.02.

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Ehsonullo, Quvonch. "THE HISTORICAL AND CURRENT SITUATION OF BABUR GARDEN IN AFGHANISTAN." In The Impact of Zahir Ad-Din Muhammad Bobur’s Literary Legacy on the Advancement of Eastern Statehood and Culture. Alisher Navoi' Tashkent state university of Uzbek language and literature, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.52773/bobur.conf.2023.25.09/wgwe1478.

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This article provides a comprehensive examination of the Babur Garden in Kabul, constructed by the illustrious king and poet Zahirad-Din Muhammad Babur. It covers the garden's historical and cultural significance, including its importance in Afghan society and government. The article offers a brief historicalcontext of the Kabul region, Babur's genealogy, and the garden's evolution over time, notably during the reign of Shahjahan. Additionally, it explores the various historical sites within Babur garden, shedding light on its contemporary status. This multifaceted analysis offers a thorough understanding of the garden's enduring heritage.
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Reports on the topic "Afghanistan – Politics and government"

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Winter, Charlie, Abdul Sayed, and Abdullah Alrhmoun. A “New” Islamic Emirate? The Taliban’s Outreach Strategy in the Aftermath of Kabul. RESOLVE Network, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/ogrr2022.1.afg.

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As the Taliban’s forces swept across Afghanistan in July and August, their triumphalist—and fundamentally revolutionary—discourse became exponentially more pronounced. The moment it seized Kabul, however, the Taliban had to reorder its communications priorities. As Afghanistan’s new de facto government, it needed to expand on what its outreach strategists had been doing to date, i.e., setting out political aspirations, emphasizing military capabilities, and attacking the legitimacy of adversaries. Now, it had to take on a more complex strategic communications task: demonstrating that its new state would be able to follow through on what as a movement it had been promising for decades. Drawing on tens of thousands of data points ingested by ExTrac’s automated crawlers from the Taliban’s online networks on Telegram and Twitter as well as an array of pro-Taliban static websites, this report examines how the fall of Kabul impacted the Taliban’s outreach strategy.
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Berman, Eli, Michael Callen, Clark Gibson, and James Long. Election Fairness and Government Legitimacy in Afghanistan. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, March 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w19949.

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Sherman, Lorraine. Sustainability of U.S. Government Projects in Afghanistan. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada545222.

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Bassetto, Marco, and Thomas Sargent. Politics and Efficiency of Separating Capital and Ordinary Government Budgets. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w11030.

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Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. The Size and Scope of Government: Comparative Politics with Rational Politicians. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6848.

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Titus, Michael S. U.S. Government Initiatives in Afghanistan: An Application of Diffusion of Innovations Theory. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada567669.

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Cherney, Adrian, and Kylie Fisk. Rebuilding Government Legitimacy in Post-Conflict Societies: Case Studies of Nepal and Afghanistan. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada626814.

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Menes, Rebecca. The Effect of Patronage Politics on City Government in American Cities, 1900-1910. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6975.

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de Figueiredo, John, and Brian Silverman. How Does the Government (Want to) Fund Science? Politics, Lobbying and Academic Earmarks. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13459.

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Becerra, Oscar, Eduardo A. Cavallo, and Carlos Scartascini. The Politics of Financial Development: The Role of Interest Groups and Government Capabilities. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010996.

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Although financial development is good for long-term growth, not all countries pursue policies that render full financial development. This paper builds on an extensive political economy literature to construct a theoretical model showing that the intensity of opposition to financial development by incumbents depends on both their degree of credit dependency and the role of governments in credit markets. Empirical evidence for this claim is provided, and the results suggest that lower opposition to financial development leads to an effective increase in credit markets development only in those countries that have high government capabilities. Moreover, improvements in government capabilities have a significant impact on credit market development only in those countries where credit dependency is high (thus, opposition is low). This paper therefore contributes to this rich literature by providing a unified account of credit market development that includes two of its main determinants, traditionally considered in isolation.
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