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1
Rashid, Asma, and Shameen Shafiq. "Baloch Insurgency and External Involvement amid the Taliban rise in Afghanistan: Implications for Pakistan." Central Asia 93, Winter (January 10, 2024): 43–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54418/ca-93.206.
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Taliban has taken control of Afghanistan; the US-influenced government of Ashraf Ghani has surrendered, a two-decade-long war ended, and the Taliban proclaimed their acting government on 7 September 2021 and resumed the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan. Pakistan is in support of an inclusive Taliban-led government in Afghanistan and providing Aid to the country for rebuilding and reconstruction of the affected neighbor while hoping for recognition from the international community. Taliban’s regime in Afghanistan is a game-changer for South Asian regional politics as now China, Russia, and Iran's interests lie in this area. The Study is an attempt to examine the effects of the Taliban’s government on Pakistan’s national security, integrity, and economy with special concern for China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and Foreign Relations by taking the Baluchistan insurgency as an example. This research will answer intriguing questions such as how the Taliban’s government of Afghanistan affects the Baluch insurgency. The purpose of this research is to determine if the Taliban-led Afghan government deepens Pakistan's woes or serves the country's national interests. This paper argues that Baluch insurgents were previously hiding in Afghanistan and unstable Afghan territory was used against Pakistan by the enemies to exacerbate of Baluch insurgency and escalate terrorism to destabilize Pakistan. This study also argues that the New Taliban Government in Afghanistan has an amalgamation of encouraging and detrimental outcomes for Pakistan as supporting the Afghan Taliban government has visible impacts on regional politics and the dynamics of Pakistan’s relations with the United States, Iran, and with regional powers, Russia, and China.
2
Saboor, Abdul, Sardar Ahmed, and Taha Shabbir. "Post Withdrawal Situation of us Troops from Afghanistan: Role of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)." Global International Relations Review IV, no. IV (December 30, 2021): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2021(iv-iv).05.
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The study of international relations has been re-examined in light of a global perspective on politics since the conclusion of World War 2 and the September 11 terrorist attacks. Examining Afghanistan's connection with the SCO is a relatively new subject of study. Between 2001 and 2011,China intervened strategically and economically in Afghanistan in the Bonn talks between Afghanistan, China, and the SCO. Afghanistan was awarded observer status by the SCO in 2012 in order to facilitate the integration of the broader area into the SCO and diminish US-NATO influence in the nation where Russia's key geostrategic interests lay. For China, Afghanistan's natural riches are particularly valuable. Despite the United States' exit from Afghanistan, the Taliban maintains total control of the country, and international governments refuse to recognize them.The country's position is deteriorating due to the government's lack of legitimacy. Both Moscow and Beijing want to put an end to the situation.
3
Çelik, Cengiz. "The Effect of Ethnicity on Situation and Politics in Afghanistan." TSBS Bildiriler Dergisi, no. 1 (August 21, 2021): 49–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.55709/tsbsbildirilerdergisi.1.50.
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Afghanistan is referred to as the “heart of Central Asia”. This expression is also an indication of how important Afghanistan is in regional politics. Afghanistan is an Asian country where different ethnic groups come together. But the "Afghan" identity has not been the upper identity of the people of the country. The Taliban, which was in the country’s administration from 1996 to 2001, relied on Pashtun ethnicity and kept other ethnic structures under pressure during the period in power. A factor in the US invading Afghanistan and overthrowing the Taliban is the fact that the Taliban did not listen to the wishes and desires of the people during the administration. In the period that started on October 7, 2001, and lasted until August 15, 2021, the USA could not convince ethnic groups to form a nation-state. Each region has formed a structure outside the central government according to its ethnic origin and religious life. On the other hand, the central government did not take into account the wishes and desires of ethnic structures. The US-backed Afghan government continued the same mistakes that the Taliban had made until 2001. This study includes the impact of ethnic groups in current Afghanistan politics and our evaluations of the New Taliban.
4
Issraelyan, E. V. "Afghan Agenda in Current Canadian Politics." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 92, S2 (June 2022): S142—S147. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331622080044.
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Abstract Canada’s operation in Afghanistan has been unfolding during a critically important domestic political event, i.e., the federal elections of 2021. The election campaign had pooled the main attention and resources of the Canadian leadership, limiting its ability to act in Afghanistan. Despite the difficulties, the Liberal Government of Justin Trudeau has achieved a lot. Firstly, they have organized the evacuation of Canadians and of Afghans who worked with the Canadian Armed Forces during the US and NATO military mission. Secondly, Ottawa has defined its attitude towards the Taliban regime by refusing diplomatic recognition. Thirdly, the admission of Afghan refugees to Canada has begun. In each of these areas, the Liberal Government has successes and failures, which have caused acute controversy in the country.
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Abbass, Zaffar, and Sher Bano. "Deficit of Trust in Pakistan-Afghanistan Bilateral Relations: An Evaluation from a Security and Economic Perspective from 2001 to 2021." Open Access Organization and Management Review 2, no. 2 (June 5, 2024): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.59644/oagmr.2(2).61.
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At the crossroads of Central and Southern Asia lie two Muslim neighbors i.e., Pakistan and Afghanistan. Similarities in religion, culture, ethnicity, race, and history were predicted to cement the harmonious bilateral connection between the two countries. There have been a lot of obstacles to the development of positive relations between the two republics ever since they were established. Afghanistan's alone neighbor and a key commercial partner, Pakistan and the two countries have a difficult history despite Afghanistan's reliance on Pakistan's seaports and international trade. Tense relations began with the conflicts over the Durand line and Pakhtunistan stunt supported by Afghan government and were exacerbated by subsequent events like the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 and the American involvement in the country after September 11, 2001. A large number of refugees fled to Pakistan as a result of these invasions, shaking up the country's politics and economy. India's involvement in Afghan politics has had a major effect on Pakistan's interests in the country and the surrounding region, especially after September 11th, when the United States attempted to offset Chinese influence in the area. India's engagement in Afghanistan and Pakistan's support in the US invasion of Afghanistan are at the root of the current state of bilateral ties. Normalizing bilateral relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan may require the involvement of a third party or agreement on confidence-building measures to enhance the welfare of persons living on the other side of the Durand line and encourage amicable interactions between the two countries. Using a qualitative approach, this article investigates the causes and consequences of the current mistrust in bilateral ties, with a particular emphasis on economic and security problems in the wake of 9/11.
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Tariq, Muhammad. "US-Afghan Talks: Myths and Realities." Global Political Review V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 104–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-i).12.
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This article focuses on US-Taliban talks in the context of intra-Afghan talks. The talks provide for the restoration of peace in Afghanistan and withdrawal of the US troops from Afghanistan after a period of about 19 years. It also provides for the swap of 5,000 Taliban held by the government and 1,000 Afghan in the custody of Taliban. The agreement cannot be put into practice on account of mutual distrust by both the Afghan government and the Taliban. Though there is pressure from the US over the Afghan government for resumption of talks with Taliban yet no fruitful result has been obtained. The government of Afghanistan is not only faced with threat of insurgency from Taliban but also the ISKP or ISIS. The US withdrawal from Afghanistan and failure of the US-Taliban talks is testimony to the fact that Realism has failed to shape the politics of the smaller states.
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TIKHONOV, Yuriy Nikolayevich. "SOVIET-AFGHANIAN NEGOTIATIONS ABOUT THE PASTURE CONVENTION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE “GREAT GAME” IN CENTRAL ASIA ON THE EVE OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR (1935–1939)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 174 (2018): 203–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-174-203-209.
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The results of the study of the new declassified documents of Russian archives lead to the conclusion that under the influence of “world politics” there were all directions of Afghanistan’s foreign policy. The history of Soviet-Afghan relations on the eve of the Second World War convincingly proves the fact that in the relations of Afghanistan with the Great Powers of that time there were no spheres of cooperation that would not be used by foreign states in the struggle for the “Afghan bridgehead”. A striking proof of this is the attempt of the Soviet government in the 1930s to coordinate the issue of grazing of Afghan herds on Turkmen pastures with a whole range of measures aimed at strengthening the positions of Germany and Japan in Afghanistan. Soviet diplomacy repeatedly asked Kabul about the pastoral convention to speed up the signing of the necessary Soviet treaties with Afghanistan. In 1936 the question of concluding a grazing convention was repeatedly raised during the negotiations on the extension of the Kabul Pact of 1931 (the Neutrality and Mutual Non-Aggression Treaty of 1931) and the conclusion of a general trade agreement with Afghanistan, through which the USSR sought to economically supplant German and Japanese goods from the market of Northern Afghanistan.
8
Singh, Gurwinder. "Identifying the Legitimacy of the Taliban Government and the Resurrection of Peace in Afghanistan." Groningen Journal of International Law 10, no. 2 (February 8, 2024): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/grojil.10.2.103-118.
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A government’s legality and its recognition need to be tested through the lenses of international law where the government changes through unconstitutional measures. The Taliban’s coming to power in Afghanistan is through unconstitutional and undemocratic means. Its control over Afghanistan raises questions about the fundamental nature of international law, politics, the State’s internal governance, and issues crucial for international peace. These matters although of primary concern, however, compromised to a secondary position as their accomplishment is contingent on peace being restored and guaranteed by the class of people in the ruling hierarchy. Since the Taliban government is not recognised by many States, it puts to test, the international law criteria for recognizing the government of the State. The reluctance shown by the comity of nations in recognizing the government, further raises the related issue of international law, that how the comity of nations can create an inroad for human rights and peace in Afghanistan. The objective to establish peace in Afghanistan, by identifying the legitimacy of the Taliban regime, touches the core aspect of de jure government as recognized by international law and is also a key concern for setting the trust of Afghan people in international law and international institutions. This article sets the premise to know the position of international law, for recognising a government in a State where the change of government is not established by legal measures and therefore not recognised by other nations. Besides, the author attempts to explore the possibilities of setting the foundation and establishing human rights and related objectives for sustainable peace in Afghanistan. The author sets the dialectical discourse, for setting a roadmap to achieve peace in Afghanistan by applying international law provisions through international institutions.
9
Paris, Roland. "Afghanistan: What Went Wrong?" Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 2 (May 21, 2013): 538–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713000911.
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The US-led invasion of Afghanistan in October 2001, which deposed the Taliban regime, was followed by a major international effort to stabilize that country. More than a decade later, this effort has yielded neither security nor political stability in Afghanistan. After having been ousted from power, the Taliban reestablished itself in the borderlands of Pakistan and began fighting an effective guerrilla war against international and Afghan government forces. Despite heavy losses in recent years, the insurgency shows no sign of giving up. Meanwhile, attempts to establish a credible and legitimate Afghan government have been similarly disappointing. President Hamid Karzai, once hailed as the country's democratic savior, came to be seen instead as the leader of one of the most corrupt regimes on the planet, a perception that has damaged his government's legitimacy both at home and abroad. Afghanistan's development and human rights indicators have improved, but it remains to be seen if these gains can be sustained as the international effort is scaled back. Finally, although the United States and its partners succeeded in weakening Al Qaeda in the region, both Afghanistan and nuclear-armed Pakistan appear to have become considerably less stable over the course of the mission, with untold consequences for the future.
10
Afzal, Osman Mohammed. "Multi-Ethnic Society and Lack of Political Culture in Afghanistan." Journal of Politics and Law 16, no. 4 (November 15, 2023): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v16n4p43.
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Ethnic diversity and ethnic politics in Afghanistan overcome the common political culture that the nationalities have never been coherent regarding political decisions in the country. The only issue that led the nationalities to cohesiveness is religion as the common value and culture. Except for religion, the other commonalities do not highly influence the cohesiveness of the nationalities in Afghanistan. Thus, religion often brought together nationalities against foreign factors and withstanding interventions; however, concerning inner challenges and conflict, religion has never been a factor in diminishing and resolving inner conflict. The legitimacy of regimes and fair schemes for the welfare and the status quo change is not the fundamental issue for ethnicities in Afghanistan. Still, the extent of ethnic political participation in the government has often been considerable. The central government and centralised regime led to a big rift in the society and led to rivalry at any cost among the ethnicities to hold further political authority. The autocracy under the definition of Democracy, at least within the last 20 years in Afghanistan, one way or another, even changed the social norm among ethnicities that everyone, instead of feeling responsibility toward the government and national interest, focused on ethnic interests.
11
Felbab-Brown, Vanda. "Afghanistan in 2012." Asian Survey 53, no. 1 (January 2013): 22–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.1.22.
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As the 2014 transition of the U.S. out of Afghanistan approaches, progress has been made in weakening the Taliban insurgency and strengthening Afghan forces’ capacity. But the Taliban still remains entrenched, negotiations have not taken off, the Afghan government suffers from a profound legitimacy crisis, and Afghanistan’s economic future seems fraught with instability.
12
Milani, Mohsen M. "Iran's Policy Towards Afghanistan." Middle East Journal 60, no. 2 (April 1, 2006): 235–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/60.2.12.
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Since 1979, Iran's objectives in Afghanistan have changed as Afghanistan's domestic landscape changed. Still, Iran has consistently sought to see a stable and independent Afghanistan, with Herat as a buffer zone and with a Tehran-friendly government in Kabul, a government that reflects the rich ethnic diversity of the country. Toward those and other goals, Iran has created “spheres of influence” inside Afghanistan. During the Soviet occupation (1979-88), Iran created an “ideological sphere of influence” by empowering the Shi'ites. Iran then created a “political sphere of influence” by unifying the Dari/Persian-speaking minorities, who ascended to power. Iranian policies added fuel to the ferocious civil war in the 1990s. Astonishingly slow to recognize the threat posed by the Taliban, Iran helped create a “sphere of resistance” to counter the “Kabul-Islamabad-Riyadh” axis by supporting the Northern Alliance. Since the liberation of Afghanistan, Iran has also established an “economic sphere of influence” by engaging in the reconstruction of Afghanistan. Today, Iran's goals are to pressure the Afghan government to distance itself from Washington, and for Iran to become the hub for the transit of goods and services between the Persian Gulf and Afghanistan, Central Asia, India, and China. While Iran has been guilty of extremism and adventurism in some critical aspects of its foreign policy, its overall Afghan policy has contributed more to moderation and stability than to extremism and instability.
13
Kleiner, Juergen. "Diplomacy with Fundamentalists: The United States and the Taliban." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 1, no. 3 (2006): 209–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119006x149553.
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AbstractAfter the Taliban had become a permanent factor in Afghan politics at the beginning of 1995, the US administration started talking to them, mainly through the American Embassy in Islamabad. Declassified documents about the administration's dealings with the Taliban, which were obtained and published by the National Security Archive, give insight into the relationship between the two unlikely partners. The Americans discussed various issues with the Taliban, such as peace in Afghanistan, the fight against narcotics, human rights, the proposed Unocal gas pipeline from Turkmenistan through Afghanistan, and terrorism. The Taliban demanded recognition as Afghanistan's legitimate government and wanted access to additional revenue. American talks with the Taliban survived the deterioration of the relationship from original friendliness to opposition to the promotion of sanctions and finally to threats. Since the end of summer 1998, a solution to the issue of Osama Bin Laden has been the US administration's top issue. The Americans asked the Taliban with urgency to take Bin Laden into custody or to expel him. The US administration, however, did not offer the Taliban anything in return. Persuasion was not enough to achieve the desired result and the administration's strategy was self-defeating.
14
Lambert, Karras J., Christopher J. Coyne, and Nathan P. Goodman. "The Fatal Conceit of Foreign Intervention: Evidence from the Afghanistan Papers." Peace Economics, Peace Science and Public Policy 27, no. 3 (May 5, 2021): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/peps-2021-0001.
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Abstract The fatal conceit of foreign intervention refers to the limitations faced by governments using discretionary power to address perceived problems in foreign societies. Drawing on evidence from the “Afghanistan Papers”—a collection of internal government documents compiled by the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction (SIGAR) and released in December 2019—we demonstrate how the failure of the U.S.-led intervention in Afghanistan to meet the stated objectives illustrates the fatal conceit of foreign intervention. We explore the limitations faced by foreign government interveners in three stages, reflecting distinct decision nodes within a means-ends framework in which the policies relating to foreign intervention are formulated and implemented.
15
Lhost, Elizabeth. "Of Horizontal Exchanges and Inter-Islamic Inquiries." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 257–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9127180.
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Abstract In 1924, the government of Afghanistan wrote to the Jam‘iyat ‘Ulama-yi Hind looking for legal justifications to support Emir Aman Allah Khan's (r. 1919–29) proposed reforms—particularly those relating to female education. Known for securing Afghanistan's independence from the British, and now recognized as a pioneering modernizer and renegade constitutional monarch, Aman Allah introduced a series of reforms during his reign that Faiz Ahmed has recently characterized as “a burgeoning model of Islamic legal modernism.” Yet the story of Afghanistan's experiments with Islamic legal modernism are greater and extend beyond the history of a single state. Taking the above claim about Afghanistan seriously, and in response to Ahmed's Afghanistan Rising this essay offers a close reading of the exchange between Kabul and Delhi to interrogate ideas about Islamic legal reform, Islamic modernity, and inter-Islamic circulations at the time of waning empires and rising nation-states.
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Naazer, Manzoor Ahmad. "From Peace Talks to Operation Zarb-e-Azb: Politics of Consensus Building for Counter-Terrorism." Global Social Sciences Review II, no. II (December 30, 2017): 122–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-ii).07.
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Pakistan faced severe challenges of violent extremism and terrorism after US invasion of Afghanistan. The successive governments pursued both political and military means to bring an end to this problem but to no avail. The war against terrorism was highly unpopular among the people and it was the main cause of failure to combat terrorism. In 2013, the newly formed government led by Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif decided to give peace a chance after a decision of an All Parties Conference (APC). Consequently, the dialogue process, through the committee members nominated by the government and Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), ensued that kindled the hope of peace and stability in the country. However, the process was crippled after a few months and government launched a military operation against TTP and other militant outfits in the country. The paper explores the factors that lead the government to start peace talks with TTP and analyzes the challenges that dialogue process faced and ultimately caused its failure. Finally, it highlights the benefits, particularly the national consensus to combat terrorism that dialogue process produced despite its failure to bring peace in the country.
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IFEJIKA, Solomon I. "PAKISTAN: AXING THE ROOTS. POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC MARGINALIZATION AND RISE OF MILITANCY IN PAKISTAN’S FEDERALLY ADMINISTERED TRIBAL AREAS." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 42 (January 5, 2023): 43–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.42.3.
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Federally Administered Tribal Areas of Pakistan, a region lying on the boundary between Pakistan’s North-West Frontier Province and southern Afghanistan, controlled by the Federal Government of Pakistan, has been in the public eye following the event of the United States invasion of Afghanistan in 2001. The spate of the rise of militancy and insurgencies in FATA currently poses a serious threat to the political stability of Pakistan and Afghanistan respectively. Relying on the documentary methods of data collection and analysis, therefore, this study argues that the major factor underlying the prevailing militancy in FATA is the deep-seated political and socio-economic marginalization of the region. The study thus recommends, among other measures, that the Government of Pakistan needs to expedite actions to initiate and implement deliberate and well articulated holistic reforms to bring the region into the mainstream of Pakistan’s socio economic and political developmental agenda. The study concludes that the intentional and proper adoption and application of these measures would be a realistic way of ending the militancy and insurgency in FATA and achieving lasting peace in the region and Pakistan as a whole. Keywords: Governance/Politics, Economy, Marginalization, FATA, Militancy, Religion.
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Shahrani, Nazif M. "The Impact of the 2014 U.S.-NATO Withdrawal on the Internal Politics of Afghanistan." Asian Survey 55, no. 2 (March 2015): 273–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.2.273.
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U.N.-sanctioned interventions were imposed in Afghanistan to punish Taliban and al-Qaeda terrorists, establish effective government to prevent a Taliban resurgence, and enable U.S.-NATO troops to withdraw (except for a residual force to train Afghan security forces and conduct counterterrorist operations). The mission has failed: a “thugocracy” has been established. Will it be replaced by a Taliban theocracy?
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Yousufi, Musab. "A Critical Analysis of Terrorism and Military Operations in Malakand Division (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) after 9/11." Global Social Sciences Review II, no. II (December 30, 2017): 109–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-ii).06.
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The 9/11 was a paradigm shifting event in the international and global politics. On September 11, 2001, two jet planes hit the twin's tower in United States of America (USA). US official authorities said that it is done by alQaeda. This event also changes Pakistan's internal and foreign policies. The government of United States compel Afghan Taliban government to handover the master mind of 9/11 attack and their leader Osama bin Laden but the talks failed between the both governments. Therefore US government compel the government of Pakistan to give us Military bases and assistance against Afghan Taliban. Pakistan agreed with US as frontline ally of US in war on terror. The majority of Pakistani people were not happy with the decision, therefore, some non-state actors appeared in different part of the country especially in Malakand Division and FATA to support Taliban regime in Afghanistan. In Malakand Division Mulana Sufi Muhammad head of Tehrik Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Muhammadi started a proper armed campaign for Afghan Taliban Support and sent thousands of people to Afghanistan support Taliban against US and their allied forces. It was a basic reason behind the emergence of terrorism in Malakand division KP but it did not played it role alone to cause terrorism in the region. Many other important factors i.e. weak political administration, unemployment, economic deprivation, socio-political instability constituted the main reason that opened room for non-state actors to consolidate their grip on the region.
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Shukurov, Shukhrat Z. "The power politics of the US and its partners in introducing Western democracy into Afghan society." Vestnik of Kostroma State University 28, no. 1 (April 20, 2022): 70–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2022-28-1-70-76.
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The subject of the study is the power policy of the United States and its allies in the fight against international terrorist organisations in Afghanistan, aimed at building a new Afghan society based on the principles of Western democracy. The research focuses on the processes of democratisation, which were implemented in three stages in 2001-2014. The article also describes important events related to democratization – the creation of a political system in Afghanistan loyal to the United States and its allies; the holding of the first presidential and parliamentary elections; the formation of political opposition from different strata of Afghan society; the holding of the second presidential and parliamentary elections in the said country; the development of the political process against the background of the withdrawal of the main foreign contingent in 2014. The author analyses the miscalculations and serious failures of the administration of the United States and NATO related to the formation of a new government of Afghanistan, the organisation of presidential and parliamentary elections, economic recovery, training for Afghan law enforcement agencies and security. The assessment of the actions of the United States related to the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan during the period most dramatic for the population of the country is given. This article is an analysis of the processes of democratisation of Afghan society, revealing individual aspects of each stage carried out within the framework of the military operation of the United States and its allies in Afghanistan. The main conclusion of the study is that the United States and its partners have failed to achieve their goals of building an Afghan society based on Western democratic values.
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Kakar, Jalal-Ud-Din, Javeria Fatima, and Muhammad Waqar Anwar. "CHINA-TALIBAN RELATIONS, PERCEPTIONS AND ENGAGEMENT: A CASE OF TALIBAN’S POLITICO-ECONOMIC PREDICAMENTS." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 04, no. 02 (June 30, 2022): 982–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v4i2.550.
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China is keeping a close eye on the Afghan issue, weighing its options and drafting strategies to prevent any unwanted consequences. The Chinese government believes that peace in neighboring Afghanistan is in their best interests, and it is attempting to fill the void left by the chaotic US exit from Afghanistan so that it does not obstruct Chinese interests. In this regard, China is negotiating with the Taliban on a diplomatic level. Moreover, the geo-political and geo-economic interests of China in Afghanistan necessitate a more activist approach to the country, but instability is likely to limit such participation. China's flexibility toward the Taliban is tempered with caution, and it is influenced by the Taliban's internal political and economic stability, as well as its foreign policy. Above all, China wants a moderate Taliban government in Afghanistan that will maintain domestic stability and foster positive relations with neighboring countries. The purpose of this research paper is to examine the relationship between China and the Taliban, as well as the Taliban's politico-economic predicament in the aftermath of the US pullout. Primary data will be gathered through interviews from various Islamic clergy in Afghanistan as well as field specialists. Keywords: China-Taliban’s Relations, Politico-economic predicament, Extractive politico-economic institutions, United States of America, Primary data, Af-Taliban (Afghan-Taliban).
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Avtsinova, G. I., and M. Naseri. "Current state of the political culture of Afghanistan." Post-Soviet Issues 10, no. 4 (April 15, 2024): 365–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2023-10-4-365-373.
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The article is devoted to one of the important issues of the development of the political space, political system, political life, and ideological and cultural structure of modern Afghan society. The article attempts to analyze and discuss various aspects of the current state of the political culture of Afghanistan. The main attention is paid to the attitude of citizens to politics and the political regime of the Taliban (organization banned in Russia). Afghanistan’s current political culture is based on the models and values of the Taliban government. They rely on traditionalist political models. The implementation of modern political processes, such as elections, is not far from being able to question the power of representatives. It can be argued that political culture is the link between people and political power. The main task of political culture is to include people in the political system of society and political activities. Political culture is a system of political knowledge, attitudes, beliefs, and values, as well as political activities of political subjects. For example, political culture manifests itself differently in different social groups and communities, political movements, and individuals. The study of the current state of the political culture of Afghanistan allows us to conclude that today the level of conflict is quite high, the mood of the Afghan society is at a disorganized level. A controversial political culture prevails in Afghan society. This conflict can be seen in social differences, institutional weakness, society’s distrust of functioning authority, and cultural differences.
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Ибрайымов, Г. В. "Afghanistan and Pakistan in Soviet and American Cold War politics: diplomatic relations and their ideological impact." Historical bulletin 7, no. 3 (May 6, 2024): 37–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.58224/2658-5685-2024-7-3-37-46.
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Афганистан во второй половине XX в. был одним из основных направлений в «холодной войне» СССР и США. Это небольшое государство Центральной Азии оказалось крайне ценным в регионально-стратегическом значении. Активность в Афганистане советских и американских дипломатических миссий вызвана необходимостью склонить афганские политические верхи на одну из сторон. Методы применялись разные, от мощной экономической поддержки до связей с внутренними организациями, нередко находящиеся в оппозиции к власти. Соседний Пакистан также имел серьезную ценность в регионе, поэтому поддержка оказывалась и ему. При этом у Пакистана имелись собственные внешнеполитические интересы, в том числе и в Афганистане. Со стороны Пакистана велась активная деятельность в союзе с США для установления контроля в Афганистане и противодействию распространения коммунистической идеологии. А идеологический фактор имел значительную роль в отношениях СССР и США с государствами Афганистан и Пакистан. Представленная статья ставит своей цель исследовать взаимодействия двух сверхдержав в Афганистане и Пакистане на политическом и идеологическом уровне. В основном исследование сосредоточится на проникновение и развитие марксизма в Афганистане, история афганской коммунистической партии, советско-афганским отношениям. Так же будет исследовано отношение обеих сверхдержав с Пакистаном, реакция США и Пакистана на происходящие в Афганистане события, и их совместное противодействие политики СССР. in the second half of the 20th century, Afghanistan was one of the major focuses in the "Cold War" between the USSR and USA. This Central Asian country has proven to be of extreme strategic importance in the region. The activities of Soviet and American diplomatic missions in Afghanistan were motivated by the need to convince Afghan political leaders into one camp. Different methods were employed, ranging from strong economic aid to connections with domestic organizations that often oppose the government. Pakistan, a neighboring country, also had significant value in the area, so support for it was given. At the same time, Pakistan has its own foreign policies, including those regarding Afghanistan. Through alliance with the US, Pakistan actively works to establish control over Afghanistan and counter communist ideology's spread. And the ideological factor played a significant role in relations between the USSR and the United States and the states of Afghanistan and Pakistan. This article aims to explore interaction between these two superpowers in Afghanistan and Pakistan, at the political and ideological levels. The research will focus mainly on penetration and development of Marxism in Afghanistan, history of the Afghan Communist Party, and Soviet-Afghan relations. It will also investigate the relationship between both superpowers and Pakistan; the reaction of the US and Pakistan to events in Afghanistan; and their joint opposition to policy of the USSR.
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Giustozzi Dr., Antonio, and Adam Baczko. "The Politics of the Taliban’s Shadow Judiciary, 2003–2013." Central Asian Affairs 1, no. 2 (September 12, 2014): 199–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22142290-00102003.
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The Taliban established their own judicial system in Afghanistan as both an instrument of population control and as a means to project themselves as an effective parallel government. Despite the heavy reliance on coercion, the Taliban’s method of dealing with common criminality and resolving disputes was often welcome, though the weak appeal system and the rapidity of the trials was sometimes criticized. A more structured approach to coercion, featuring rules, regulation and supervision over the military, allows less use of violence and promises increased predictability for the population, making active resistance less of a necessity. In the long run, the establishment of credible judiciary institutions reshapes the social environment and creates vested interests in favor of Taliban domination.
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Cai, Meina, Ilia Murtazashvili, and Jennifer Murtazashvili. "The politics of land property rights." Journal of Institutional Economics 16, no. 2 (June 10, 2019): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137419000158.
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AbstractLegal reforms that improve the security of private property rights to land have characteristics of a public good with dispersed benefits. However, nothing ensures that the state will provide property protection as a public good. Some states provide property protection selectively to powerful groups. Others are unable to provide property protection. In this paper, we argue that whether the state provides property protection as a public good, selectively, or cannot establish private property rights depends on the following features of politics: political stability, government capacity to administer and enforce private property rights, constraints on political decision-makers, and the inclusivity of political and legal institutions. We illustrate the theory using evidence from reforms that increased opportunities to privately own land in the US from the late eighteenth through nineteenth centuries, selective enforcement of land property rights in China, and the absence of credible legal rights to land in Afghanistan.
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Loodin, Najibullah, and Jeroen Warner. "A Review of Hydro-Hegemonic Dynamics on the Transboundary Harirud River Basin: 2001–Present." Water 14, no. 21 (October 29, 2022): 3442. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/w14213442.
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In the absence of a transboundary water agreement between riparian states of Harirud River Basin, downstream states—Iran and Turkmenistan—have adopted a resource-capturing policy through the construction of Doosti Dam in the lower Harirud River Basin when the upstream state—Afghanistan—was engaged in social unrest during 1980s to the early 2000s. While Doosti Dam has a high potential of supplying water for major cities in Turkmenistan and Iran, its flow has declined due to climate changes and drought in the basin. The paper found that Iran accuses Afghanistan of blocking the flow of water through the construction of Salma Dam, whereas some Afghan and Iranian scholars critique Iran’s water management approach for water shortages through construction of dams and employment of unsustainable irrigation approaches in the lower Harirud River Basin. Additionally, the hydro-hegemony theory was critiqued as the theory under-estimates the broader role of outside basin players in influencing and reshaping the hydro-politics of a shared watercourse. Finally, it was concluded that the rapid drawdown of the US forces from Afghanistan along with the establishment of a fragile, weak, and politically unrecognized government-Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan—under Taliban administration—helped Iran to reinforce its hydro-hegemonic potential in the basin.
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Utne, Kelsey J. "Corpse Politics and the Traveling Bones of Jamaluddin al-Afghani." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 43, no. 2 (August 1, 2023): 191–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-10615661.
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Abstract Forty-seven years after his death, Jamaluddin al-Afghani was reburied in Kabul. Amid the chaos of World War II, Afghanistan had enlisted the governments of British India, Turkey, and Iraq in a scheme to bring the bones of this nineteenth-century intellectual and Pan-Islamist out of exile in Istanbul, where they had lain buried since 1897. The subsequent exhumation, transnational corpse transfer, and reinterment in Kabul provoked the ire of the Iranian state, which contested Afghanistan's claim to be Jamaluddin's natal state. The significance of Jamaluddin's corpse was inseparable from certain aspects of his self-curated hagiography as a consummate wanderer and anti-imperial Pan-Islamist. Consequently, the two states competed for custody of his remains. This transregional case study engages multidisciplinary scholarship on commemoration of the dead and remaking nationalist spaces. The article proposes that the physical location of the dead conjoined with individual hagiographies is key to disrupting or reifying nationalist narratives.
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Murtazashvili, Jennifer Brick. "Afghanistan in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 187–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.187.
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Hopes for national unity and stability in Afghanistan were dashed in 2015 as the government lost control of significant territory to insurgents. Kunduz City fell briefly to the Taliban, the first major city to fall to them since 2001. The ANSF experienced heavy casualties, at a time when nearly one-fifth of the country’s districts were either controlled or heavily contested by the Taliban.
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Rawan, N., and O. E. Grishin. "Importance of Afghanistan for Regional Security in South and East Asia." Post-Soviet Issues 7, no. 1 (April 15, 2020): 94–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2020-7-1-94-103.
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In this article, the importance ofAfghanistanfor South andEast Asiaand for regional security is assessed.Asiaas a whole and the south Asian region in particular is playing an increasingly important role in world politics and economy. It’s believed that south Asia is moving forward and will be in a much better position both in politics and economy in the future of Asia and world. The region has been characterized by the dynamic inter-play of security, economic and diplomatic factors reinforcing each other owing to the complex nature of territorial claims and religious extremist activities.Afghanistanstrategic location is so important for south Asian countries likePakistan,Indiaand also forChina,IranandRussiastability and security in the region. AsAfghanistanis still a safe haven for international terrorists’ groups and Taliban, therefore it’s a serious threat to the region and world. Due to the geo-strategic Location of Afghanistan any problem will affect the region stability and security as it did in the past too. Further Successive regimes inPakistanhave tried their best to impose a favorable government inAfghanistanbut those policies harmed them only. ForChina, the importance ofAfghanistanbecomes evident from the internal security in Xinjiang region.Iranwould like to seeAfghanistanfree fromUSexistence. From other sideRussiaworry about the inflow of opium and other narcotics fromAfghanistanto the centralAsia.
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Fair, C. Christine. "Afghanistan in 2017." Asian Survey 58, no. 1 (January 2018): 110–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.1.110.
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The year 2017 witnessed continued challenges to the credibility and competence of the so-called National Unity Government in Kabul. President Ghani and Chief Executive Abdullah competed over the perquisites of power rather than collaborating to secure a viable future for their country. US and NATO forces remained at a stalemate with the Taliban, while Afghanistan’s predatory neighbors were as self-interested as ever. Hard-won gains remain reversible.
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Emadi, Hafizullah. "The Politics of Homosexuality: Perseverance of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (lgbt) Community in a Repressive Social Milieu in Afghanistan." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 26, no. 2 (February 2, 2019): 242–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02602001.
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In Afghanistan, minorities are subjected to harassment, intimidation and even death by Islamic fanatics and conservative leaders as they try to impose their own interpretation of religious scriptures and punish those who do not agree with their interpretation of religious precepts and follow their rulings. Application of such measures has impacted the safety and security of the gender-minority community, as its members are forced to hide their identities, and cannot speak about their sexual orientation. Government agencies and civil society organizations do not advocate for the rights of this community, and deliberately avoid any discussion about them, fearing a backlash from religious vigilantes, conservative religious leaders and clerics. A lack of public education and social awareness programs about the gender-minority community has contributed to the perpetuation of discrimination, hatred and bigotry toward them − a community that is part and parcel of the social fabric of modern Afghanistan.
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Abdullah, M. "In the World of Politics and Stigma Around Cancer, Can Cancer Survivors With Political Career Become Cancer Advocates?" Journal of Global Oncology 4, Supplement 2 (October 1, 2018): 180s. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jgo.18.72300.
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Background and context: According to WHO estimates in 2012, around 20,000 Afghans suffered from various types of cancers while around 15,000 die of this disease. Until late 2015, there was not a single dedicated bed for cancer patients nor there was a doctor, nurse or other cancer care professionals within the structure of Afghan government, especially within the Ministry of Public Health. In November 2014 when Dr. Shinkai Karokhail, member of parliament, returned Afghanistan after spending almost a year overseas for breast cancer treatment misdiagnosed in Afghanistan, she and H.E. the First Lady, Rolla Ghani, began advocating for cancer prevention and control in Afghanistan. They managed to bring the few cancer care professionals and advocates under one umbrella called Afghanistan Cancer Foundation (ACF). Aim: To provide cancer care services to cancer patients. Strategy/Tactics: The main strategy was the involvement of known social and political figures in cancer advocacy. Considering the disparity in cancer incidence among men and women and breast cancer being the leading cancer, one of the most influential people was H.E. the First Lady who is a strong advocate of women rights. The other tactic was the involvement of members of parliament who were cancer survivors. Program/Policy process: Once the political commitment regarding cancer prevention and control was gained, H.E. the First Lady and members of parliament asked the Ministry of Finance to allocate fund for cancer prevention and control. Thus, first fund of only $50,000 was provided by the Ministry of Finance provided to Ministry of Health in the fiscal year 2015. Outcomes: As a result of the advocacy efforts by cancer control advocates, especially by Ms. Shinkai Karokhail, the breast cancer survivor, and H.E. the First Lady of Afghanistan, the first 10-bed day-care and 29-bed IPD cancer center was established in Afghanistan in March 2016. Subsequently, the National Cancer Control Program (NCCP) was created in January 2017 within the Ministry of Public Health. In addition, the first hospital-based cancer registry was formed which will be followed by establishment of Kabul Cancer Registry. The only cancer center provided health care services to around 12,000 patients in 2017 who were either not receiving cancer care services or were traveling to neighboring countries for diagnosis and treatment. What was learned: Cancer patients/survivors who have political career can be the best cancer prevention and control advocates.
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Johnson, McKenzie F. "Institutional change in a conflict setting: Afghanistan’s Environment Law." European Journal of International Relations 23, no. 1 (July 24, 2016): 168–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066115624953.
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This article examines the development of Afghanistan’s Environment Law to explore the politics of institutional change in a conflict-affected context. Environment was catapulted to prominence in 2002 when it was included in the agenda for reconstruction under the new transitional government. Subsequent efforts to reconstitute Afghanistan’s environmental institutions culminated in the Environment Law written by the United Nations Environment Programme and other international actors, with input from the Government of Afghanistan. The Environment Law was crafted as a model of best practice, intended to modernize Afghanistan’s legislative foundation. However, it experienced significant content drift during the ratification process. As a result, the Environment Law produced institutions that differed in important ways from those initially proposed. Capitalizing on changes made during ratification, I analyze how actors across governance scales interact to translate development models from international to domestic policy spaces. I draw on both structure- and agent-oriented explanations to argue that changes to the Environment Law reflect attempts to increase structural complementarity between global and local systems of governance and cross-scalar contests over authority in the post/conflict landscape. The data suggest that interactions between domestic and international domains provided an opportunity to challenge institutional meaning and content. Ultimately, exploring how global models are incorporated within local contexts provides explanatory power for understanding institutional development. This is important in conflict studies, where the expansion of security theory to include issues like environment has provided new opportunities for strategic intervention by international actors in managing global conflict and its aftermath.
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Goodson, Larry P. "AFGHANISTAN IN 2003: The Taliban Resurface and a New Constitution Is Born." Asian Survey 44, no. 1 (January 2004): 14–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2004.44.1.14.
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Abstract The year 2003 for Afghanistan was marred by a declining security situation, as resurgent Taliban and other anti-government forces made large sections of the rural areas too dangerous for sustained reconstruction work, and powerful regional warlords continued to defy the attempts of the Kabul government to strengthen statebuilding. Recognizing the danger to its investment there, late in the year, the U.S. altered its military tactics, announced a major new reconstruction grant, and sent a new ambassador. The year ended on a high note, as Afghanistan's Constitutional Loya Jirga promulgated a new Afghan constitution, modeled on the American document, and ratified it early in the New Year on January 4, 2004.
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Blitz, Brad K., Rosemary Sales, and Lisa Marzano. "Non-Voluntary Return? The Politics of Return to Afghanistan." Political Studies 53, no. 1 (March 2005): 182–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00523.x.
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The forced removal of 35 Afghan nationals from the UK in April 2003 calls into question the viability of the government's voluntary repatriation schemes and undermines the voluntary nature of return programmes. This article draws on the results of research conducted in 2002 to explore the views of the Afghan community about return. We evaluate three motivations for promoting return programmes: justice-based arguments, where return is the ‘end of the refugee cycle’; human capital explanations, which focus on individual decisions to reverse the effects of brain-drain; and burden-relieving explanations, where return is an alternative to repatriation. Our findings suggest that domestic interest based arguments, rather than those founded on the protection of human rights, are driving the policy-making agenda. Returns are portrayed as a means of relieving the burden on welfare services, and placating an increasingly anti-immigrant public opinion. As well as individuals forcibly removed from Britain, other Afghans are being urged to return by means of financial inducements, and sometimes under the threat of repatriation. In this context, we can discern a new category of ‘non-voluntary’ returns where individual choice has little real meaning.
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Haq, Inam Ul, and Uzma Rashid. "Masculinities: Tracing the Trajectories of Gender Performance in Afghanistan War Poetry." Masculinities & Social Change 7, no. 2 (June 21, 2018): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/mcs.2018.3122.
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This paper critically examines the war songs and poems of men who fought in the post 9/11 Afghanistan war. The study locates the analysis within the socio-cultural influences that left an impact on the ‘manly’ soldiers, allowing a 'micro mapping' of masculinity to be revealed in these men’s writings. Using thematic analysis techniques, fifty war songs and poemsfrom the years 2007 and 2008 are analyzed through the lens of masculinity and its performance. The critical investigation of the war songs and poems found that the performative dimension of masculinities in war spread around the themes of youth warriors; weapons; arms and war machinery; state of politics and need for an Islamic government; the motif of red color; and glorification of death. The religion Islam, their homeland Afghanistan and its traditional culture constantly act as a fuel to evoke overpowering emotions for the soldiers and their passion for fighting. It is furthermore found that the locally constructed masculinities informed the context ofthe Afghanistan War. This has implications for the way we understand masculinities especially in war poetry. As the paper demonstrates, the multiple ways in which the notion of masculinity is manifested in war poems point to the need to break free from the stereotypical understandings of warriors from conservative religious backgrounds.
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Mullen, Rani D. "Afghanistan in 2009: Trying to Pull Back from the Brink." Asian Survey 50, no. 1 (January 2010): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2010.50.1.127.
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The state-building endeavor in Afghanistan became more tenuous in 2009. Charges of increased corruption against Afghan government officials were highlighted in a presidential election marred by fraud. Taliban and other insurgent activities escalated to spread to most parts of the country. Relations between the Afghan government and the major international donor countries also deteriorated. However, member countries of the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan decided to increase international troop strength and tried to elicit greater commitment from the Afghan government to address problems of governance.
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Mostowlansky, Till. "Dying Dreams in Tajikistan’s Global Borderland." Current History 121, no. 837 (October 1, 2022): 277–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2022.121.837.277.
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Twenty-five years since the end of Tajikistan’s civil war in 1997, dreams and aspirations of international development and cross-border mobility in the country’s Gorno-Badakhshan Autonomous Province, colloquially called “the Pamirs,” have evaporated. Once the mountainous region was envisaged to have a prosperous postwar future ahead of it, with emerging trade links to China and Afghanistan, substantial funding from international nongovernmental organizations, and support from wealthy Muslim institutions. Today, as the Tajik government mounts a violent campaign to eradicate opposition, people in the Pamirs are surrounded by closed international borders and an ever-shrinking space in which to participate in Tajikistan’s politics and economy.
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Machitidze, G. "Turkey and the Taliban: Algorithms of Interaction." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 3 (2023): 67–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-3-67-78.
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The relationship between Turkey and the Taliban* from the late 1990s to date has gone through periods of decline, when Ankara sided with the collective West and the pro-Western governments of Afghanistan, and recovery, when Turks attempted to mediate in the Afghan conflict and then forged links with the new Taliban* government. In light of these circumstances, the author analyzes the long-standing historical ties between Turkey and Afghanistan in the context of the shared Islamic culture of the two peoples. The author notes the Taliban’s accumulated grievances against the Turkish side are noted, including the provision of a forum for the Afghan opposition forces to exchange views as well as Ankara’s demands for the principle of inclusivity in the formation of authorities and respect for human rights in Afghanistan. It is possible that Ankara could become more or less involved in the internal Afghan conflict, which contradicts its own policy of a neutral player in Afghanistan. The author draws attention to the Taliban’s* pragmatic approach to the development of relations with Turkey, especially in the areas of economy and education. The author concludes that, despite some difficulties in its relations with the Taliban government, Ankara is determined to increase its geopolitical influence in the region with a focus on Central Asia and thus tries to enhance its value for its NATO allies. The analysis reveals Turkey’s desire to strengthen its presence in Afghanistan and become an important regional player. However, in the current circumstances, the Turks do not yet have an opportunity to have a serious impact on Kabul. * the organization is banned on the territory of the Russian Federation
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Johnson, Thomas H., and M. Chris Mason. "No Sign until the Burst of Fire: Understanding the Pakistan-Afghanistan Frontier." International Security 32, no. 4 (April 2008): 41–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2008.32.4.41.
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The Pakistan-Afghanistan border area has become the most dangerous frontier on earth, and the most challenging for the United States' national security interests. Critically, the portion of the border region that is home to extremist groups such the Taliban and al-Qaida coincides almost exactly with the area overwhelmingly dominated by the Pashtun tribes. The implications of this salient fact—that most of Pakistan's and Afghanistan's violent religious extremism, and with it much of the United States' counterterrorism challenge, are contained within a single ethnolinguistic group—have unfortunately not been fully grasped by a governmental policy community that has long downplayed cultural dynamics. The threat to long-term U.S. security interests in this area is neither an economic problem, nor a religious problem, nor a generic “tribal” problem. It is a unique cultural problem. In both southern Afghanistan and the tribal areas of Pakistan, rather than seeking to “extend the reach of the central government,” which simply foments insurgency among a proto-insurgent people, the United States and the international community should be doing everything in their means to empower the tribal elders and restore balance to a tribal/cultural system that has been disintegrating since the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979.
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Iqbal, Sajid. "Comparative Analysis of Taliban Regimes to Assess the Global Challenges in Afghanistan: A Realist Perspective." Global Foreign Policies Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2023): 76–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2023(vi-ii).07.
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This paper delves into the challenges faced by the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, impacting their legitimacy and stability. These challenges encompass economic, humanitarian, and security issues similar to the previous Taliban regime from 1996 to 2001, along with new challenges arising from shifts in global security and politics. With a focus on international relations theory, specifically realism, the paper analyzes neighboring countries' responses to Taliban rule and their implications for regional security. Additionally, it examines potential spillover effects, such as increased terrorism and refugee flows. The paper advocates for a coordinated and multifaceted approach, considering the intricate political, social, and economic factors at play in Afghanistan. Emphasizing Pakistan's role due to its socio-cultural ties with Afghanistan, the paper encourages policymakers to involve governments, corporations, organizations, and international groups. Further research is necessary to develop effective strategies in addressing these challenges and promoting regional security and stability.
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Din, Najbud, and Khan Faqir. "Temporary Displaced Persons (TDPS) from North Waziristan Agency (NWA) in Bannu: Problems and Prospects." Global Strategic & Securities Studies Review VI, no. IV (December 30, 2021): 12–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsssr.2021(vi-iv).02.
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Since its inception, Pakistan has always remained an important player in the South Asian politics due to its geographical location and strategic position. The war against terror affected the whole world generally and South Asia particularly. After the 9/11 attacks, the United States came into Afghanistan along with allied forces which pushed militants from Afghanistan to take refuge in near by places. Due to close proximity and vulnerable borders, many of these militants entered Pakistan's Federally Administered Tribal Areas, which resulted in a huge growth of militancy and extremism in the whole region.On the other side due to close collaboration with the United States in the war against terror, Pakistan suffered more in terms of lives, infrastructure, and the economy as compared to the forces combating terrorism in Afghanistan. This influx of militancy and extremism drove Pakistan to take measures against the advancement of militancy. Forceful strikes from Pakistan security forces on one side shook the structure of militants but on the other side resulted in a huge number of displacement. In the recent wave of displacement from the North Waziristan Agency, people suffered a lot, but later on, the Pakistani government, with the help of the local population and humanitarian agencies, overcome their difficulties and still trying to facilitate and rehabilitate them as soon as their areas became clear of the menace.
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LYALL, JASON, YANG-YANG ZHOU, and KOSUKE IMAI. "Can Economic Assistance Shape Combatant Support in Wartime? Experimental Evidence from Afghanistan." American Political Science Review 114, no. 1 (November 18, 2019): 126–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055419000698.
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Governments, militaries, and aid organizations all rely on economic interventions to shape civilian attitudes toward combatants during wartime. We have, however, little individual-level evidence that these “hearts and minds” programs actually influence combatant support. We address this problem by conducting a factorial randomized control trial of two common interventions—vocational training and cash transfers—on combatant support among 2,597 at-risk youth in Kandahar, Afghanistan. We find that training only improved economic livelihoods modestly and had little effect on combatant support. Cash failed to lift incomes, producing a boom-and-bust dynamic in which pro-government sentiment initially spiked and then quickly reversed itself, leaving a residue of increased Taliban support. Conditional on training, cash failed to improve beneficiaries’ livelihoods but did increase support for the Afghan government for at least eight months after the intervention. These findings suggest that aid affects attitudes by providing information about government resolve and competence rather than by improving economic livelihoods.
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Ahady, Anwar-ul-Haq. "KAMAL MATINUDDIN, The Taliban Phenomenon: Afghanistan 1994–1997 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999). Pp. 306." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 4 (November 2000): 586–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002920.
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In his book, The Taliban Phenomenon, Kamal Matinuddin does not offer a central thesis regarding Afghan politics or the Taliban movement. Rather, he discusses a number of important questions pertaining to the Taliban movement. Since the rise of the Taliban, their identity has been disputed. The opponents of the Taliban claim that many members of the movement are natives of Pakistan. In contrast, the supporters of the Taliban assert that they are ethnic Afghans. Matinuddin's discussion of the origins of the Taliban addresses this controversy. According to Matinuddin, during the 1980s a large number of Islamic seminaries (d―in―i mad―aris) were established in Pakistan. The government of Pakistan and oil-rich Arab states paid for most of the expenses of these institutions. In 1997, about 220,000 students were enrolled in these seminaries. After the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, a large number of young Afghan refugees registered in these institutions. When the Taliban movement began, not only Afghan students (Taliban) of these seminaries joined the movement, but Pakistani Taliban from these institutions also joined their Afghan colleagues in their efforts to take control of Afghanistan. Thus, according to Matinuddin, the Taliban movement is an Afghan phenomenon, but occasionally Pakistani Taliban help their Afghan colleagues in the battlefield. However, Pakistani Taliban do not take orders from the government of Pakistan.
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Nadiri, Khalid Homayun. "Old Habits, New Consequences: Pakistan's Posture toward Afghanistan since 2001." International Security 39, no. 2 (October 2014): 132–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00178.
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Since September 11, 2001, Pakistan has pursued seemingly incongruous courses of action in Afghanistan. It has participated in the U.S. and international intervention in Afghanistan at the same time as it has permitted much of the Afghan Taliban's political leadership and many of its military commanders to visit or reside in Pakistani urban centers. This incongruence is all the more puzzling in light of the expansion of indiscriminate and costly violence directed against Islamabad by Pakistani groups affiliated with the Afghan Taliban. Pakistan's policy is the result not only of its enduring rivalry with India but also of historically rooted domestic imbalances and antagonistic relations with successive governments in Afghanistan. Three critical features of the Pakistani political system—the militarized nature of foreign policy making, ties between military institutions and Islamist networks, and the more recent rise of grassroots violence—have contributed to Pakistan's accommodation of the Afghan Taliban. Additionally, mutual suspicion surrounding the contentious Afghanistan-Pakistan border and Islamabad's long record of interference in Afghan politics have continued to divide Kabul and Islamabad, diminishing the prospect of cooperation between the two capitals. These determinants of Pakistan's foreign policy behavior reveal the prospects of and obstacles to resolving the numerous issues of contention that characterize the Afghanistan-Pakistan relationship today.
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Ahmed, Faiz. "IN THE NAME OF A LAW: ISLAMIC LEGAL MODERNISM AND THE MAKING OF AFGHANISTAN'S 1923 CONSTITUTION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 48, no. 4 (September 30, 2016): 655–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743816000817.
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AbstractIn 1919, a new amir in Afghanistan named Aman Allah Khan launched an ambitious campaign to reorder his government into a constitutional monarchy. By 1923, Afghanistan had ratified its first constitution, supplemented by scores of legal and administrative codes. Whereas the latter have long been attributed to European borrowings or Kemalist imitation, this article uncovers two neglected features of Aman Allah's reformist project to argue that the making of Afghanistan's 1923 Constitution presents a distinctive path of state building in the region: Islamic legal modernism. First, by upholding the Hanafi school of Islamic jurisprudence as the basis of Afghan substantive law, Amir Aman Allah sought a cohesive national judiciary through the codification offiqh, not European civil law. Second, by synthesizing the expertise of a diverse cast of Muslim scholars and professionals—from Afghan clerics to Ottoman and Indian technocrats recruited to Kabul—he attempted to avert a rift between “Islamic” and “secular” lawmaking.
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Stoner, Kathryn. "Russia’s 21st Century Interests in Afghanistan." Asian Survey 55, no. 2 (March 2015): 398–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.2.398.
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The Russian government under Vladimir Putin has long-term geostrategic interests in Afghanistan: stability, economic development, and curbing narcotics flowing into Central Asia and thence to Russia. Moscow is in the difficult position of not wanting American forces to stay in Afghanistan but also not wanting the drawdown of forces to leave behind chaos.
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Chang, Gordon C., and Hugh B. Mehan. "Discourse in a religious mode." Pragmatics. Quarterly Publication of the International Pragmatics Association (IPrA) 16, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/prag.16.1.01cha.
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This study of the politics of representation illustrates the Bush Administration’s use of a religious mode of representation to make sense of the 9/11 events, to legitimize military actions against the Taliban, Afghanistan, and terrorism in general. The religious mode of representation is enabled by the construction and application of what we call the “War on Terrorism script,” which is grounded in the institution of “American civil religion.” We demonstrate the unique power of this mode of representation to create a coherent account at a time of national crisis, to establish connections between the 9/11 perpetrators, the Taliban, and the Afghanistan government. By comparing the Bush Administration’s discourse with those voiced by dissenters and critics using intellectual, rational, and legal representations and modes of argumentation in the post-9/11 contexts, we demonstrate how the institutionalization of a particular mode of speaking influence a particular mode of thinking and a particular mode of acting. We also argue that the convention governing political discourse have significant implications in determining the legitimacy of definitions and interpretations of political situations as well as of political actions.
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RAHIMI, Weeda. "CHALLENGES TO THE PRESENCE OF AFGHAN WOMEN IN THE POLITICAL PROCESSES (2000-2020)." IEDSR Association 7, no. 17 (January 20, 2022): 264–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.46872/pj.477.
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Abstract The study presents the results of current research in the field of political participation of women in Afghanistan in the context of the challenges they faced during their participation in political process in the last twenty years resulting ongoing situation with the transition of regime once again in the hands of the Taliban. In particular, it deals with different strategies how to remove these barriers for the future empowerment of Afghan women in politics. This study, attempted to examine the barriers to women's participation in political processes (presidential elections, parliamentary elections, provincial election, councils’ elections, and peace process), which has been analyzed based on qualitative methods utilizing secondary sources. The result shows that all the basic challenges in the context of women’s political participation are most notably in cultural, historical, and ideological problems of Afghanistan. The current conditions of women in Afghanistan contribute to tribal culture and clan-centric life patterns, characterized by patriarchy, and centered on manhood. Other challenges such as economic dependence, gender gaps, security and hundreds of other challenges also exist but political culture is the root to all challenges to Afghan women’s political participation. In order to remove barriers to women's political participation, in addition to the support and pressure of the international community, women themselves must first change their views, and then society and the Afghan government must fulfill their obligations to the political position of women.
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Crews, Robert D. "Mourning Imam Husayn in Karbala and Kabul: The political meanings of ʿAshura in Afghanistan." Afghanistan 3, no. 2 (October 2020): 202–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afg.2020.0056.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores Afghan Twelver Shiʿi commemoration of the martyrdom of Imam Husayn at the Battle of Karbala. It shows how the rites of remembrance and mourning celebrated on ʿAshura in Afghanistan has evolved in important ways from the late nineteenth century to the recent past. More than a pivotal event in the ritual calendar of Shiʿism, ʿAshura has served as an index of Afghan politics—and a field of contestation among state officials, clerical authorities, and the Shiʿi faithful. It has thus been at the center of struggles over the identity of the Afghan nation, the status of the Shia, and ritual practices in public life. Drawing on representations of ʿAshura produced by government authorities, state media, clerics, and lay people, this article examines how different actors have competed to give ʿAshura meaning and to develop distinctively Afghan forms of commemoration.