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1
Muhammad, Rehan Khan. "International Forced Migration and Pak- Afghan Development Concerns: Exploring Afghan Refugee Livelihood Strategies." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 2, no. 4 (October 15, 2011): 181–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v2i4.667.
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This study investigates the livelihood strategies employed by Afghan refugees residing in Pakistan. These refugees were forced to take refuge in Pakistan after Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1978. Three decades after their migration, and after repeated Pakistani government attempts to resettle them in Afghanistan, scores of Afghan refugees still reside in Pakistan. This paper discusses the evolving relationship between Afghanistan and Pakistan over the years and their respective implications. Researching the various livelihood strategies that Afghan refugees pursued their impact on the Pakistani labor market is discussed. By means of taking a case study of an Afghan refugee woman, this study concludes that there exists a gender dimension in Afghan refugee population. In doing so two developmental concerns are identified i) development projects focused on refugee assistance in Afghanistan and Pakistan ignore the development concerns of the women population ii) countries that provide refuge to victims of war are exposed to a new set of development challenges in addition to their already burdened economy. This paper furthers the academic debate on achieving the development challenge of attaining a stable South Asia, in light of the AfPak strategy initiated by President Obama in 2010, and reflects on potential areas for policy making for Pakistan, Afghanistan and the United States.
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Bakhsh, Faiz, and Muhammad Asif Safdar. "ROLE OF THE UNHCR IN REPATRIATION OF AFGHAN REFUGEES FROM PAKISTAN: POST 9/11 ERA." PETITA: JURNAL KAJIAN ILMU HUKUM DAN SYARIAH 5, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/petita.v5i1.95.
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The post 9/11-armed conflict in Afghanistan resulted in the displacement of millions of Afghans and many of these displaced persons entered Pakistan as refugees. Moreover, the involvement of Pakistan in the conflict as an ally to NATO claimed Pakistan an internal armed conflict that displaced waves and waves of internal displacements. Repatriation is considered as a durable solution of the refugee problem. It is the responsibility of the host state to plan for safe and voluntary return of refugees and the UNHCR plays a supportive role in complying with this responsibility. However, the principles of safety, voluntariness and dignity are preserved during repatriation. To comply with the legal framework for refugees regarding repatriation, Pakistan had been struggling a lot in the context of the ongoing armed conflict in both Afghanistan and Pakistan. UNHCR has been helping and assisting the government of Pakistan in planning and executing the safe and voluntary Afghan refugees. This cooperation between the UNHCR and Pakistan has remained effective in achieving the goal of repatriation of Afghan Refugees in the context of ongoing conflicts in both Afghanistan and Pakistan in the context of difficult circumstances This paper discusses the repatriation of the Afghan refugees from Pakistan, engineered by the UNHCR and Pakistan, under the legal framework applicable for safe and voluntary return of refugees, amid waves of repeated displacements due to the ongoing conflicts in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
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Abdul Wadood, Ahmed Khan, and Hidayatullah Khan. "Belonging to Nowhere: A Phenomenological Study of the Identity Crisis of the Second Generation of Afghan Refugees in Balochistan." Journal of Business and Social Review in Emerging Economies 6, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 1141–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/jbsee.v6i3.1379.
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This study investigates how the second generation of Afghan refugees who are born and raised in Balochistan feel about and express their sense of belonging and identity in the hosting community. The main purpose of this study is to analyze and understand how the second generation of Afghan refugees feel about their identity in terms of who they think they were, how they perceived themselves, whether they felt comfortable or uncomfortable identifying themselves Afghans in local community, and that how their identity affected their sense of belonging and their day to day life in Balochistan. This phenomenological study intended to explore the sense of identity of the young Afghan refugees by drawing on their individual and collective narratives of self and others as they struggle to be part of the social fabric and feel safe and accepted in Pakistani community. It also aimed to highlight how the identity crisis and the feeling of being other affected the needs, attitudes and perceptions of second generation Afghan refugees in the hosting community , and that how the second-generation Afghan refugees experience their sense of belonging and identification in two different national contexts (Afghanistan and Pakistan).This study uses qualitative phenomenological approach. It uses analysis of relevant secondary data, focus group discussions and semi-structured interviews. The findings reveal that the identity crisis is still a challenging and major issue for Afghan refugee children.
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Mobashery, Mahan, Ulrike von Lersner, Kerem Böge, Lukas Fuchs, Georg Schomerus, Miriam Franke, Matthias Claus Angermeyer, and Eric Hahn. "The relationship between perceived causes of depression and desire for social distance in Farsi-speaking migrants and refugees from Iran and Afghanistan living in Germany." International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 16, no. 3 (June 26, 2020): 201–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-03-2019-0036.
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Purpose An increasing number of migrants and refugees seeking asylum in Germany is challenging psychiatrists and psychotherapists in multiple ways. Different cultural belief systems on the causes of mental illness and their treatment have to be taken into consideration. The purpose of this study is to explore perceived causes of depression among Farsi-speaking migrants and refugees from Afghanistan and Iran, which represent two groups with a shared cultural heritage, but originating from very different regimes of mobility. Both are among the largest migrant groups coming to Germany over the past decade. Design/methodology/approach In total, 50 Iranian and 50 Afghan migrants and refugees, who arrived in Germany in the past 10 years were interviewed, using an unlabeled vignette presenting signs and symptoms of depression. The answers were then coded through inductive content analysis. Findings Among Iranians, there was a more significant number of causal attribution to Western psychiatric concepts, whereas Afghans attributed depression more often to the experience of being a refugee without referring to psychological concepts. These differences in attribution did, however, not affect the desire for a social distance toward depressed people. Nonetheless, a higher number of years spent in Germany was associated with less desire for social distance toward persons with depression among Afghans, but not among Iranians. Originality/value To the best of the knowledge, this is the first study examining perceived causes of depression with Farsi-speaking migrants in Germany and contributes to understanding tendencies in the perception of depression in non-Western migrant groups.
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Zubair, Muhammad, Muhammad Aqeel Khan, and Muzamil Shah. "Analysis of Pakistan's Policy Towards Afghan Refugees: A Legal Perspective." III IV, no. III (September 30, 2019): 28–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(iv-iii).04.
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This article explores Pakistan’s policy towards Afghan refugees since their arrival into Pakistan in 1979. As Pakistan has no refugee related law at national level nor is a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention or its Protocol of 1967; but despite of all these obstacles it has welcomed the refugees from Afghanistan after the Russian aggression. During their stay here in Pakistan, these refugees have faced various problems due to the non-existence of the relevant laws and have been treated under the Foreigner’s Act of 1946, which did not apply to them. What impact this absence of law has made on the lives of these Afghan refugees? Here various phases of their arrival into Pakistan as well as the shift in policies of the government of Pakistan have been also discussed in brief. This article explores all these obstacles along with possible legal remedies.
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Morrow, Christopher B., and Nithin Krishna. "Depression and suicidality in an Afghan refugee: A case report." Transcultural Psychiatry 56, no. 5 (May 14, 2019): 845–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363461519847314.
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We report the case of a young male refugee from Afghanistan who presented after a violent suicide attempt, likely precipitated in part by discrimination and social isolation experienced after immigrating to the United States. Common psychiatric comorbidities associated with immigration from war-torn nations are reviewed with a particular emphasis on how adequate screening and additional resources for vulnerable refugees during and after immigration continues to be an unmet need. Our findings suggest that there is a critical need and additional studies should be conducted, not only to identify at risk refugee populations but also to prevent potentially violent behavior. Our findings also suggest a lack of an optimal screening tool and shed light on the struggles of refugees, particularly those from Afghanistan.
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Yusuf, Farhat. "Size and Sociodemographic characteristics of the Afghan refugee population in Pakistan." Journal of Biosocial Science 22, no. 3 (July 1990): 269–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932000018654.
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SummarySome recent data are presented on the size and selected sociodemographic characteristics of the Afghan refugee population in Pakistan. Although the official figures show that there were 3·27 million registered Afghan refugees in Pakistan, it is estimated that the actual number may be as high as 3·6 million. There is an excess of females over males, mainly due to war-related activities and excessive casualties particularly among males. While infant and childhood mortality rates are declining and are lower than the levels prevalent in Pakistan, as well as in Afghanistan during the prewar period, the fertility levels among Afghan refugees seem very high indeed.
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Jones Nathanael, Joshua, and Natalia Yeti Puspita. "Penanganan Pengungsi Afghanistan Di Indonesia: Turut Bertanggung Jawabkah Perwakilan Diplomatik Afghanistan Di Indonesia?" Jurnal Komunikasi Hukum (JKH) 7, no. 1 (February 2, 2021): 312. http://dx.doi.org/10.23887/jkh.v7i1.31685.
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Apart from being intended to establish friendly relations, diplomatic relations are also carried out to improve cooperative relations in various fields. The objectives of this study include: 1) to find out whether the diplomatic representatives of Afghanistan in Indonesia are also responsible for handling Afghan refugees in Indonesia based on the 1961 Vienna Convention, 2) to find out how Indonesia's role as a receiving country in efforts to handle refugees from Afghanistan in Indonesia is based on the Convention. Wina 1961. This legal research uses the normative juridical legal method. Secondary data obtained through literature study is used as the main data. The findings of this study indicate that Afghan diplomatic representatives have no responsibility towards refugees from Afghanistan because they have abandoned their citizenship when they left their country. As a receiving country based on the 1961 Vienna Convention, Indonesia has played a role in handling refugees from Afghanistan by issuing Presidential Regulation no. 125/2016 concerning the Handling of Refugees from Abroad which is used as a normative and coordinative basis for Ministries / Agencies and in handling refugees from abroad by involving the role of the Regional Government.
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Zubair, Muhammad, Suhail Shahzad, and Muhammad Aqeel Khan. "The Position of Afghan Refugees under Various Agreements and Constitution of Pakistan: An Analysis." Global Regional Review IV, no. I (March 30, 2019): 462–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2019(iv-i).50.
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This article explores the legal position of Afghan refugees in Pakistan (as it has no refugee related legislation at national level nor a signatory to refugee related instruments at international level) in the light of . various agreements which it has concluded with the UNHCR and the Afghan government along with the various protections available under the 1973 Constitution. A total of eight agreements which started with the first one in 1988 have been concluded among the Government of Pakistan (GOP), the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the Government of Afghanistan (GOA) under which various rights have been extended to them apart from their refugee status recognition. The Constitution of Pakistan also affords them certain fundamental rights irrespective of their status as they are currently living in Pakistan’s territorial jurisdiction, which enables them to claim those rights. Their life and liberty is as protected as any other citizen of Pakistan.
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Ali, Mubbshar, Muhammad Imran Ashraf, and Iqra Jathol. "Pakistan – U.S. Relations and its Impact on Afghanistan." Global International Relations Review III, no. I (December 30, 2020): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2020(iii-i).01.
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Afghan's invasion of the Soviet Union in 1979 created panic worldwide and proved a decisive moment in the international political scenario. Soviet expansionism policy when challenged the security of Pakistan, it appeared as a front - line country and the main route to provide aid for Afghan Mujahedin. This paper has analytically reviews the Pakistan's decision to join 1979 Afghan war and evaluated how it benefited economic and defense conditions of Pakistan. Simultaneously, the article presents how this Afghan war posed grave threats to security (internal as well as external) of the country due to refugees flood that resulted not only in problematic scenario with respect to the economy, politics, and society but also produced ecological difficulties. Moreover, Afghan refugees caused deforestation for their food, eroded soil, propped up Kalashnikov culture, illegal drug trade, and other infinite law and order troubles. However, Pakistan had no better option except to take part in the Afghan war.
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LØnning, Moa Nyamwathi. "Layered journeys: Experiences of fragmented journeys among young Afghans in Greece and Norway." Journal of Refugee Studies 33, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 316–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/feaa032.
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Abstract This article focuses on the fragmented journeys towards and within Europe among a group of young people originating from a country marked by war and conflict. It explores how the journey towards Europe may be part of a complex migration history that leads to layered journeys. I use the term ‘layered journeys’ to refer to multidimensional and multi-experiential journeys in which past, present and future experiences of mobility are intertwined. They may include multiple stages and various statuses. The article is based on ethnographic fieldwork, creative methods and life-history interviews. It focuses on a case study of a group of young Afghan males who arrived in Greece and Norway between 2008 and 2015, looking at their journeys in the context of mobility, undocumentedness and return. Young Afghans have represented the largest group of unaccompanied minor asylum seekers arriving in Europe between 2008 and 2018. While the last decade saw a considerable increase in the number of young Afghans arriving in Europe, migration itself is not a new phenomenon in the Afghan context. Afghanistan has a long history of migratory movements as part of livelihood and survival strategies, of which the past four decades of war and conflict in Afghanistan and its resulting millions of refugees are part.
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Mufti, Khalid A., Farooq Naeem, Haroon Rasheed Chaudry, Asad Haroon, Farida Saifi, Siama Mahmood Qureshi, and Saif ur Rehman Dagarwal. "Post-traumatic stress disorder among Afghan refugees following war." International Psychiatry 4, no. 1 (January 2007): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600005087.
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There was a large influx of Afghan refugees into Pakistan during the 1980s and in particular after the US invasion of Afghanistan in 2001. That refugees have high rates of mental health problems has been well established (e.g. De Jong et al, 2000) — causes include migration, often with painful transit experiences, difficult camp life and the experience of major trauma, including multiple losses of family members as well as the loss of property and traditional lifestyle. However, the Afghan refugees in Pakistan have been poorly studied. Although the mental health problems of Afghan refugees have been studied in the West, the numbers of participants in such research have been relatively small.
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Khan, Asghar, Irfan Khan, and Noor Ullah Khan. "War, refugees and regional implications: The impact of Afghan refugees on local society of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan." Journal of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences (JHSMS) 2, no. 1 (September 15, 2021): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.jhsms/2.1.11.
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The migration of Afghan refugees into Pakistan started in the wake of Saur (Red) Revolution in 1978, as a result of reforms introduced by the communist regime in Kabul, Afghanistan. However the large influx of refugees to Pakistan took place soon after the invasion of Soviet Union in 1979. Pakistan provided asylum for the approximately 4.2 million refugees. They were settled in 386 camps mostly in rural as well as in urban areas of the country. But the most populous province that has large number of Afghan refugees was Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) (that time N.W.F.P), which has long border (Durand line) with Afghanistan, and also has cultural, religious, and linguistics ties. This large number of immigrants generated grave consequences for Pakistan, especially for Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. They have affected the socio-economic and political life of the province. The main objective of the study was to find out the socio-economic impact of Afghan Refugees living for more than three decades in the host society of KP. An empirical and analytical methodological approach was adopted for this study. To conclude the findings, the research reveals that that Afghan Refugees have not only affected the social set-up but also the economy of the local host society by introducing various type of social evils like begging, drugs culture, Kalashnikov culture (AK-47), Galemjum culture (prostitution) and corruption.
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Ishaque, Waseem, Shabnam Gul, and Muhammad Faizan Asghar. "Evolving Migration Trends from Afghanistan: Management and Honourable Repatriation of Afghan Refugees in Pakistan." Global Regional Review VI, no. I (March 30, 2021): 124–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2021(vi-i).14.
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Since 1979, Pakistan has been a key player in the management of Afghan refugees despite challenging economic and security conditions. The repatriation efforts in the past could not bring conclusive results as a significant population still live in Pakistan. The outbreak of COVID 19 has increased their vulnerability due to inadequate quarantine and health facilities. The positive political developments by way of new elections and a political settlement with the Taliban provide an opportunity for honourable repatriation of Afghan refugees. This article investigates the dilemma in the management of Afghan refugees in Pakistan and suggests a viable course of action for their honourable repatriation to Afghanistan.
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Hoodfar, Homa. "Families on the Move: The Changing Role of Afghan Refugee Women in Iran." Hawwa 2, no. 2 (2004): 141–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569208041514707.
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AbstractIn their attempts to "modernize" and bring about socio-economic change, Afghan governments have been preoccupied with restructuring the institutions of marriage and family, and women's role within them, since the 1880s. Serious commitment to introduce legal reform and democratize the family and gender roles cost King Amanullah his throne (1919–1929). From 1930 to 1976 the government attempted a gradual approach introducing reforms piecemeal which had little impact beyond the capital and major cities. After the coup d'état in 1973 and the installation of socialism, the regime introduced a new family decree (known as Number 7) in October 1978 and aggressively pursued women's education and the reform of family laws. This policy incensed the conservative communities and tribal societies, who rebelled against the government; the ensuing Russian occupation brought about the resistance movements and subsequent civil war that has wreaked havoc on Afghanistan for more than two decades. Many conservatives who had tried to resist the intended changes regarding family law and education for girls and "protect" their women, who represented the males honor, decided to leave the country with their families. More than six million Afghans moved to neighboring countries, mostly to Iran and Pakistan. Examining data collected among Afghan refugees in Iran from 1999 to 2002, this paper argues that, ironically, living in exile has brought about the very changes resistance to which had forced them into the refugee situation. Forced to cope with a crisis situation, they developed economic and social survival strategies that altered women's role. Moreover, that exposure to an Islamic society very different from their own brought about structural and ideological changes in the family and in gender roles which legal reforms in Afghanistan had failed to induce. Given the considerable size of the refugee population in Iran (but also in Pakistan and elsewhere) and the destruction of the old fabric(s) of Afghan society, this paper argues that these changes may be irreversible.
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Kalafi, Y., H. Hagh-Shenas, and A. Ostovar. "Mental Health among Afghan Refugees Settled in Shiraz, Iran." Psychological Reports 90, no. 1 (February 2002): 262–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.2002.90.1.262.
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This study was designed to investigate the mental health of Afghan refugees settled in Shiraz, the capital of a southern province of Iran. They were mostly refugees from Afghanistan by reason of internal war during the last two decades. A version of the General Health Questionnaire (GHQ–28) in Persian was administered on a group of randomly selected Afghan refugees ( n = 81) from a pool of Afghan residents in the Shiraz district. 34.5% of the subjects scored high enough to be considered as having psychiatric problems. There was a significant positive correlation between refugees' years of age and GHQ–28 factor scores, i.e., Physical Health and Social Functioning. The mental health of the subjects was not related to education or marital status. The years of settling in Iran were not significantly correlated with any GHQ–28 indices. The overall findings suggest that the rate of psychiatric problems in the refugees is higher than in the native population.
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Renner, Walter, Anton-Rupert Laireiter, and Marco J. Maier. "Social support as a moderator of acculturative stress among refugees and asylum seekers." Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 40, no. 1 (February 1, 2012): 129–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.2012.40.1.129.
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A group of 63 refugees and asylum seekers, comprising 27 women and 36 men with a mean age of 33.08 years (SD = 10.3) from Chechnya and Afghanistan were granted sponsorship for 6 months and were randomized to an intervention or waiting-list control group. Only those participants who had been traumatized benefited from the intervention. For the traumatized subsample, sponsorship led to a significant and stable decrease in anxiety, depression, and psychological problems as compared to the control group, with effect sizes comparable to those of psychotherapy. As the effects were palliative rather than instrumental, sponsorship did not instigate improvements in acculturation, societal contact, or coping capability. Women benefited from the intervention more than men, and Afghans benefited more than Chechens.
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Ahady, Anwar-ul-Haq. "KAMAL MATINUDDIN, The Taliban Phenomenon: Afghanistan 1994–1997 (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1999). Pp. 306." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 4 (November 2000): 586–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002920.
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In his book, The Taliban Phenomenon, Kamal Matinuddin does not offer a central thesis regarding Afghan politics or the Taliban movement. Rather, he discusses a number of important questions pertaining to the Taliban movement. Since the rise of the Taliban, their identity has been disputed. The opponents of the Taliban claim that many members of the movement are natives of Pakistan. In contrast, the supporters of the Taliban assert that they are ethnic Afghans. Matinuddin's discussion of the origins of the Taliban addresses this controversy. According to Matinuddin, during the 1980s a large number of Islamic seminaries (d―in―i mad―aris) were established in Pakistan. The government of Pakistan and oil-rich Arab states paid for most of the expenses of these institutions. In 1997, about 220,000 students were enrolled in these seminaries. After the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, a large number of young Afghan refugees registered in these institutions. When the Taliban movement began, not only Afghan students (Taliban) of these seminaries joined the movement, but Pakistani Taliban from these institutions also joined their Afghan colleagues in their efforts to take control of Afghanistan. Thus, according to Matinuddin, the Taliban movement is an Afghan phenomenon, but occasionally Pakistani Taliban help their Afghan colleagues in the battlefield. However, Pakistani Taliban do not take orders from the government of Pakistan.
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Fatima, Noor, and Iqra Jathol. "Afghanistan Factor in Pak-US Relations." Global Foreign Policies Review I, no. I (December 30, 2018): 39–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gfpr.2018(i-i).05.
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Afghan's interference of the Soviet Union in 1979 made anger worldwide and demonstrated a definitive minute in the universal political situation. Soviet imperialism strategy when tested the security of Pakistan, it showed up as a front - line nation and the primary course to give help to Afghan Mujahedin. This paper has logically surveys the Pakistan's choice to join 1979 Afghan war and assessed how it profited financial and barrier states of Pakistan. All the while, the article exhibits how this Afghan war postured grave dangers to security (inside and additionally outer) of the nation because of outsiders surge that came about not just in complicated situation regarding the economy, governmental issues, and society yet in addition delivered organic challenges. Afghan refugees caused deforestation for their food, battered soil, propped up Kalashnikov culture, illegal drug trade, and other infinite law and order troubles. However, Pakistan had no better option except to take part in the Afghan war.
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Husni, Mariwan, Ghafoor Rahim, and Zack Cernovsky. "PTSD Symptoms in Afghan Refugees in the UK." International Journal of Social Science Research 3, no. 1 (March 18, 2014): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijssr.v3i1.7268.
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Objective: To evaluate anamnestic and sociodemographic correlates of PTSD symptoms in refugees from Afghanistan.Method: Fifty Afghan refugees in the UK (mean age 37.4 years, SD=12.1; 33 men, 17 women) underwent SCID interview for PTSD, administered in their native language (Pashtun or Dari).Results: Eighteen (36.0%) reported being tortured while in Afghanistan. More than half (54.0%) of these refugees met criteria for PTSD. While the diagnosis was not significantly related to age, gender, education, and history of torture, those free of PTSD rated their present occupation in UK as more satisfactory (r=.28, p=.048).Almost a half (46.0%) of these refugees reported nightmares about the circumstances of their escape from Afghanistan.Conclusions: Although PTSD symptoms were noted in more than a half of our sample, they were related neither to history of torture nor to sociodemographic variables (age, gender, education).
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Silverman, Stephanie J. "“Imposter-Children” in the UK Refugee Status Determination Process." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 32, no. 3 (November 23, 2016): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.40371.
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This article describes and analyzes an emerging problematic in the asylum and immigration debate, which I cynically dub the “imposter-child” phenomenon. My preliminary exploration maps how the imposter-child relates to and potentially influences the politics and practices of refuge status determination in the United Kingdom. I argue that the “imposter-child” is being discursively constructed in order to justify popular and official suspicion of spontaneously arriving child asylum-seekers in favour of resettling refugees from camps abroad. I also draw connections between the discursive creation of “imposter-children” and the diminishment of welfare safeguarding for young people. Further complicating this situation is a variety of sociocultural factors in both Afghanistan and the United Kingdom, including the adversarial UK refugee status determination process, uncertainty around how the United Kingdom can“prove” an age, and a form of “triple discrimination” experienced by Afghan male youth. Through unearthing why the “imposter-child” is problematic, I also query why it is normatively accepted that non-citizens no longer deserve protection from the harshest enforcement once they “age out” of minor status.
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Dehghan, Roghieh. "The health impact of (sexual) torture amongst Afghan, Iranian and Kurdish refugees: A literature review." Torture Journal 28, no. 3 (November 28, 2018): 77–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/torture.v28i3.111194.
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Background: Amongst Muslim majority countries, torture is reported most in Afghanistan and Iran. In addition, despite the significant impact of sexual violence on individuals and public health, the issue has been poorly researched amongst victims of torture. Objectives: The original intention of this paper was to review the health impact of sexual torture amongst Iranian and Afghan refugees in high-income countries; however, a comprehensive search of relevant databases did not produce any results. The aim of this review was then altered to examine those health-related studies that explored the impact of torture in this population. Special attention was given to the discussion of gender and sexual violence in those studies. Methodology: Web of Science, PILOTS, Medline, PsycINFO, Scopus, Popline and the online catalogue at DIGNITY were searched for health studies that examined the health impact or predictors of adverse health outcomes in Afghan, Iranian and Kurdish refugee survivors of torture. Outcome: Seven papers were identified and examined in this review. The results were limited by the diverse methodologies, by the use of psychiatric tools that had not been validated in this population, and by small sample sizes. Since there is a high prevalence of sexual torture in Iranian and Kurdish refugees, the issue merits greater attention in this population. Studies are most limited amongst the Afghan population. Moreover, there is a great need for further culture-andgender- specific health research in torture survivors from Muslim backgrounds.
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Sajjad, Tazreena. "What’s in a name? ‘Refugees’, ‘migrants’ and the politics of labelling." Race & Class 60, no. 2 (August 30, 2018): 40–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396818793582.
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Through a critical examination of European immigration policy and using the case of Afghan asylum seekers in the European continent, this article argues that the politics of labelling and the criminalisation and securitisation of migration undermine the protection framework for the globally displaced. However, the issue goes deeper than state politicking to circumvent responsibilities under international law. The construction of migrants as victims at best, and as cultural and security threats at worst, particularly in the case of Muslim refugees, not only assists in their dehumanisation, it also legitimises actions taken against them through the perpetuation of a particular discourse on the European Self and the non-European Other. At one level, such a dynamic underscores the long-standing struggle of Europe to articulate its identity within the economic, demographic and cultural anxieties produced by the dynamics of globalisation. At another, these existing constructions, which hierarchise ‘worthiness’, are limited in their reflection of the complex realities that force people to seek refuge. Simultaneously, the labels, and the discourse of which they are part, make it possible for Europe to deny asylum claims and expedite deportations while being globally accepted as a human rights champion. This process also makes it possible for Europe to categorise turbulent contexts such as Afghanistan as a ‘safe country’, even at a time when the global refugee protection regime demands creative expansion. Ultimately, the politics of European migration policy illustrates the evolution of European Orientalist discourse – utilised in the past to legitimise colonisation and domination, now used to legitimise incarceration and deportation.
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Cheng, I.-Hao, Sayed Wahidi, Shiva Vasi, and Sophia Samuel. "Importance of community engagement in primary health care: the case of Afghan refugees." Australian Journal of Primary Health 21, no. 3 (2015): 262. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/py13137.
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Refugees can experience problems accessing and utilising Australian primary health care services, resulting in suboptimal health outcomes. Little is known about the impact of their pre-migration health care experiences. This paper demonstrates how the Afghan pre-migration experiences of primary health care can affect engagement with Australian primary care services. It considers the implications for Australian primary health care policy, planning and delivery. This paper is based on the international experiences, insights and expert opinions of the authors, and is underpinned by literature on Afghan health-seeking behaviour. Importantly, Afghanistan and Australia have different primary health care strategies. In Afghanistan, health care is predominantly provided through a community-based outreach approach, namely through community health workers residing in the local community. In contrast, the Australian health care system requires client attendance at formal health service facilities. This difference contributes to service access and utilisation problems. Community engagement is essential to bridge the gap between the Afghan community and Australian primary health care services. This can be achieved through the health sector working to strengthen partnerships between Afghan individuals, communities and health services. Enhanced community engagement has the potential to improve the delivery of primary health care to the Afghan community in Australia.
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Edwards, David B. "Summoning Muslims: Print, Politics, and Religious Ideology in Afghanistan." Journal of Asian Studies 52, no. 3 (August 1993): 609–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2058856.
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Gulbuddin hekmatyar made the above statement in a speech to Afghan refugees in Peshawar, Pakistan, in the early 1980s. As the leader (amīr) of Hizb-i Islami Afghanistan (the Islamic Party of Afghanistan), one of the principal Islamic parties then fighting to overthrow the Marxist regime in Afghanistan, Hekmatyar was primarily concerned in this speech with condemning the leftist leadership in Kabul and its Soviet sponsors. However, the head of the most radical of the Afghan resistance parties also took time to inform his audience about the origins of his party as a student group at Kabul University in the late 1960s. This reminiscence of student days was not a digression or flight of fancy. To the contrary, Hekmatyar's historical reflections have major significance in the context of Afghan national politics, for it is through history that Hizb-i Islami Afghanistan has staked its claim to rule Afghanistan.
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Jan, Amir, Muhammad Hassan, and Ishrat Afshan Abbasi. "Khyber Pakhtoonistan is a Factor in Pak-Afghan Relations: Challenges and Way Forward." Progressive Research Journal of Arts & Humanities (PRJAH) 2, no. 1 (March 19, 2021): 107–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.51872/prjah.vol2.iss1.27.
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This paper aims to explore out the challenges of Pak-Afghan relations and their impact on regional peace. Despite geographical proximity and common socio-cultural legacy, Pakistan and Afghanistan failed to settle their mutual differences amicable as a result, their bilateral relations have been exploited by the regional and international power. In addition to this, KPK and Balochistan provinces of Pakistan which are the main causes of geo-political differences between Pakistan and Afghanistan have been the home of terrorism, extremism and Afghan refugees since 1980s. The paper is qualitative in nature, and based on investigation of the various events and facts in order to address the question why did Pakistan and Afghanistan failto set a mechanism to end up their mutual geo-political difference? The paper also intends to forward policy recommendations for the durable and permanent friendly relations of Pakistan and Afghanistan and their possible impacts on the region.
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Rakhmonov, Abubakr K., and Roman V. Manshin. "Trends and strategies of labor emigration from Tajikistan to OECD countries." RUDN Journal of Economics 27, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 159–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2019-27-1-159-168.
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The article discusses the trends and strategies of labor emigration from Tajikistan to OECD countries. Waves and types of emigration from Tajikistan, adaptation of emigrants from Tajikistan to OECD countries. As well as the migration policy of the OECD countries in relation to immigrants from Tajikistan. Tajik labor migrants are becoming increasingly brighter than the prospect of getting a job not only in the CIS countries, but also in Europe, Asia and North America, where working conditions are better, and wages are much higher than in Russia and Kazakhstan. The OECD countries can rightfully be considered as new directions of Tajik emigration. An important feature of the tendency and strategy of labor emigration as a result of our research would be to note the combination of educational and vocational qualifications, resettlement and seasonal labor, labor migration - mostly unskilled and skilled with retraining and internship of labor migration from Tajikistan. Adaptation of immigrants is accompanied by some difficulties. The main one is job searches, which usually take several months. For the most part, the emigrants of Tajikistan consider Eastern Europe and Greece as countries of temporary residence, their main goal being moving to Western Europe (Austria, Germany, Scandinavian countries, etc.). There are cases of intentional destruction of their passports by Tajik migrants when they move to Germany with subsequent appeal to the authorities under the guise of refugees from Afghanistan, since both Tajiks and Afghans speak Farsi (Dari) to receive refugee status and corresponding benefits in Germany. In the OECD countries, new Tajik communities are being formed, which may become, in the near future, networks of attraction for new migrants from Tajikistan.
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Ishaque, Waseem. "Prospects of Enduring Peace in Afghanistan: Avoiding Zero Sum Game in Af-Pak Region." Global Social Sciences Review II, no. II (December 30, 2017): 146–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2017(ii-ii).09.
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Afghanistan has witnessed a turbulent history of long and devastating war due to Soviet unabated invasion of Afghanistan of ten years producing unbearable losses of life, institutions and society. The United States along-with the support of majority of Muslim countries supported Jihad to defeat communism. This victory was, however, short-lived as infighting among Afghan war lords later entangled the entire country with even graver consequence. The emergence of Taliban and resultant occupation of 70% of Afghanistan had brought some degree of stability by providing good governance and expeditious justice system, but failed to pragmatically adjust to international environment. The unfortunate incidents of 9/11 changed the world for foreseeable time with even harsher fall out for Afghan nation as unleashing of the war of terror destroyed the left over Afghanistan. The instability in Afghanistan has caused negative effects on Pakistan as next door neighbour, which has rendered all sorts of humanitarian, diplomatic and moral support to Afghan cause since Soviet invasion and has also suffered most in the process due to spill-over effects. The democratic government is incharge in Afghanistan after fall of Taliban regime in 2001 and several state institutions are also in place albeit at infancy stage, especially the security institutions, yet the prospects of enduring peace and stability are distant reality. More than three million Afghan refugees are still in Pakistan with very dim prospects of honourable return due to persisting instability. This paper highlights the causes of instability in Afghanistan with spill-over impact on Pakistan and suggests a course of action for enduring stability.
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Knappe, Anna, Amir Jan, and Laura Böök. "Mohajer (camp-e-forsat)." Journal of Anthropological Films 3, no. 02 (October 21, 2019): e2697. http://dx.doi.org/10.15845/jaf.v3i02.2697.
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Mohajer (camp-e-forsat) was filmed in Forssa asylum seeker reception center in Finland, together with a recently arrived group of Hazara asylum seekers from Afghanistan. In Mohajer (camp-e-forsat) the people who are labeled as asylum seekers and refugees, redefine themselves with the word mohajer. Mohajer is a loan word from Arabic, and in Persian it means anyone or anything migrating from one place to another.
A camp is a place where mohajers live in a state of waiting. Mohajers are asylum seekers, refugees, and other migrants in precarious situations and their camps are reception centers, detention centers, and temporary shelters. Camps are often located in remote areas, effectively isolating the individuals living in them. They are facilities for storing humans, full of invisible walls, and windows to remind people that the world they can see through them is out of their reach.
Cobra: “When someone asks me where I’m from, I say I’m from Afghanistan, but I’ve never been there. Mohajer means not belonging anywhere, not where you are and not where you’re from or your parents are from. My husband says that we’re born mohajers. There is no other name for us. When they ask your name, you should say your name is mohajer. Our umbilical cords are cut with the word mohajer. Even in hospitals, when a new Afghan child is born, they say a new mohajer was born. They don’t say this woman’s child was born, they say one Afghan mohajer was born. Those two words, Afghan and mohajer, are attached together, it’s always Afghan mohajer. Then many who have migrated, try to detach themselves from the word mohajer. But in a new country, you’re still a mohajer.”
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Shah, Muhammad Naveed Ul Hasan, Muhammad Irfan Mahsud, and Azadar Ali Hamza. "A brief history of Pakistan–USSR bilateral relations 1947–1991." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2021, no. 01 (January 1, 2021): 171–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202101statyi24.
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Pakistan, since 1947 remains under the umbrella of US, as a result, relations of Pakistan were not smooth with anti US states including USSR. The US was to increase its role in the region in order to make secure the largest petroleum reserves in the Persian Gulf. Pakistan’s alignment with the western world was mainly to counter possible Indian aggression, not to lessen the Soviet influence in the region, but the approach was more or less thwarting Soviet interests in the region. Over 3 million Afghan refugees had travelled to Pakistan in the 1st year of Soviet intervention in Afghanistan. The main objective of the USA during the initial stages of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan was primarily to ensure that the Soviet exercise would be a costly one. The United States of America supported Afghan militants with the help of Pakistan to organize them against the USSR. A general perception is that US did not want to be directly involved to thwart the Soviet invasion; rather USA handed over the operational aspect of the program to the Pakistan. The Pakistan was in charge of providing the funds and weapons to the mujahedin and setting up training camps. The US remained indecisive over the next course of action in Afghanistan and the Pakistan took the opportunity to carry out its own agenda in Afghanistan to promote their national interests.
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Hamrah, Mohammad Shoaib, Mohammad Hassan Hamrah, Hideki Ishii, Susumu Suzuki, Mohammad Hussain Hamrah, Ahmad Edris Hamrah, Ahmad Elias Dahi, et al. "Anxiety and Depression among Hypertensive Outpatients in Afghanistan: A Cross-Sectional Study in Andkhoy City." International Journal of Hypertension 2018 (August 1, 2018): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2018/8560835.
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There is a relationship between mental and physical health. Depression and anxiety are linked with the development of several chronic diseases. The purpose of the present study was to determine the prevalence and factors associated with anxiety and depression among adult hypertensive outpatients in Afghanistan. Methods. Two hundred thirty-four consecutive hypertensive patients from December 2015 to August 2016 were recruited to complete the Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale (HADS) questionnaire, which has scores for classifying the participants having anxiety and depression symptoms. Results. Of the total 234 patients, 81 (34.6%) were males and 153 (65.4%) were females. The mean age was 54.6±12.7 for the hypertensive patients with anxiety and 63.8±15.0 for the hypertensive patients with depression while this figure was 49.5±10.2 for the adult participants in general population in Kabul city (Saeed, 2013). The prevalence of anxiety and depression (42.3% vs. 58.1%) among hypertensive persons is compared with the same mental disorders among Afghan refugees (39.3% vs. 22.1%) in Dalakee Refugee Camp (in Iran) (Hosseini Divkolaye and Burkle, 2017). Of the total participants, 99 had anxiety (42.3%), 136 had depression (58.1%), and 66 had (28.2%) comorbid anxiety-depression. Multivariate analysis was used. For anxiety age, female gender, smoking, diabetes mellitus, and 2 or more chronic diseases had a significant association. For depression, age and diabetes mellitus had a significant association, and for comorbid anxiety, depression, age, diabetes mellitus, and 2 or more chronic diseases had a significant association. Conclusion. This study shows that anxiety and depression are highly prevalent among hypertensive patients in an outpatient clinic in Afghanistan. There was an association between some sociodemographic and clinical characteristics and anxiety and depression. More studies are needed on a national level to inform the development of strategies for the prevention and control of psychological distress among patients with chronic diseases in Afghanistan.
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Mghir, Rim, and Allen Raskin. "The Psychological Effects of the War in Afghanistan On Young Afghan Refugees From Different Ethnic Backgrounds." International Journal of Social Psychiatry 45, no. 1 (March 1999): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002076409904500104.
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Bhugra, Dinesh. "The psychological effects of the war in Afghanistan on young Afghan refugees from different ethnic backgrounds." International Journal of Social Psychiatry 45, no. 1 (March 1999): 36–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002076409904500105.
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Raskin, Allen, and Rim Mghir. "The Psychological Effect of the War in Afghanistan On Young Afghan Refugees From Different Ethnic Backgrounds." International Journal of Social Psychiatry 45, no. 2 (June 1999): 148–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002076409904500207.
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Agustina, Hiqma Nur, and Tenia Ramalia. "Parvana’s Trilogy: A Study of Violence toward Afghanistan Women and Girls." PALASTREN Jurnal Studi Gender 10, no. 2 (July 2, 2018): 204. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/palastren.v10i2.2664.
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Afghan women and girls became the portray of the victim of violence in the last years until the recent years. The issue of violence toward Afghan women and girls often arise and being the debate in the international public. The news about the tragedy spread through the newspaper, printed and online, and also in the literature world. The exposure of their sufferings as the impact of war, conflict among the ethnics, Talizam rezim reflected in the Parvana's Trilogy named The Breadwinner (2000), Parvana's Journey (2002), and Mud City (2003). These trilogy were wriiten by Deborah Ellis. How the women and girls became the most victim which received violence caused by all of the trigger displayed obviously show the social facts of violence and the structure of violence toward happened to them. Those will be discussed in this paper to get the deep comprehension about the woman and girls' impact after they get the violence. The theory of violence and framing analysis will be used to analyze in order to get the result of the cause by the viooence and abuse itself. The outcome of the study shows that many efforts done by women and girls to overcome their difficult lives, such as pretending being boys, human trafficking, and living as refugees are the ways to survive from the worst violence caused by the war, conflict between ethnics and Taliban rezime.
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Rizova, Tatiana P. "The Securitization of the European Migrant Crisis - Evidence From Bulgaria and Hungary (2015-2017)." Review of European Studies 11, no. 4 (December 3, 2019): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v11n4p78.
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Conflicts in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria over the past fifteen years have produced the largest waves of displaced people and refugees since World War II. As European Union (EU) leaders braced for an influx of thousands of people fleeing from these conflicts, they faced pressures to revisit and modify legal rules that left countries in Southeastern Europe and the Mediterranean unable to cope with a crisis of unprecedented proportions in the twenty-first century. While the logistical challenges of this humanitarian disaster threatened to undermine Southeastern and Mediterranean states’ capacity, multiple terrorist attacks across Europe magnified the security concerns of EU leaders. This paper compares how two of the European Union’s newest member states – Bulgaria and Hungary – have tackled the migrant crisis and assesses the impact of security concerns on their refugee policies. Some of the responses of these countries’ governments were similar – both governments mandated the erection or extension of physical barriers to impede migrants’ entry on their countries’ territory. While the Bulgarian government took cues from the rhetoric and actions of key EU leaders such as Angela Merkel, the Hungarian government continuously antagonized EU leaders and declined to cooperate with their proposed multi-lateral strategies of handling the migrant crisis. Decisions taken by the two governments were, to some extent, dictated by security concerns. The rhetoric of the Hungarian government, however, contained stronger nationalist overtones than that of the Bulgarian government. Hungary’s Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and his right-wing government led an anti-migrant and anti-refugee campaign that sought to exclude foreign nationals due to the patent incompatibility of their cultural values with those of Hungary’s nationals. On the other hand, the rhetoric of Bulgaria’s Prime Minister – Boiko Borisov – was more dualistic and contradictory. His policy statements to the foreign press or at EU summits reflected the general sentiment of the top EU brass, whereas statements made to the Bulgarian media focused more specifically on security concerns and were far more critical of the foreign nationals attempting to enter Bulgaria’s territory. Moreover, the security-focused rhetoric and actions of the government became more strident immediately before and after the Bulgarian presidential elections of November 2016, which led to the resignation of Borisov’s cabinet. Political parties in Bulgaria, including Borisov’s GERB party have increasingly become critical of refugees living in Bulgaria’s admission centers. Borisov’s government even extradited a group of Afghan asylum seekers due to their involvement in a riot at one of the refugee admission centers. This study is based on a content analysis of statements made by Bulgarian and Hungarian government officials and media coverage in several Bulgarian and Hungarian news publications between 2015 and 2017.
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Rezayee, Maqsood, Gabriel Hoh Teck Ling, and Siti Hajar Misnan. "Approaches to Addressing Informal Settlement Problems: A Case Study of District 13 in Kabul, Afghanistan." Engineering Management Research 9, no. 1 (February 20, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/emr.v9n1p1.
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Afghanistan witnessed rapid urbanization in recent decades due to the post-war recovery process. When the war ended in 2001 with the fall of Taliban regime, most Afghan refugees returned to urban areas of Afghanistan, especially in Kabul. Moreover, the rapid urbanization, migration from rural areas, and population growth impacted Kabul with the manifestation of informal settlement. The residents of informal settlements suffer social and economic exclusion from the benefits and opportunities of an urban environment. Furthermore, the residents of informal settlements experience disadvantages such as geographical marginalization, shortage of basic infrastructure, improper governance framework, vulnerability to the effect of poor environment, and natural disasters. With all the above, the problems of informal settlements are considered enormous challenges for informal residents. Therefore, this paper aims to identify the proper approaches to addressing informal settlement problems in District 13 of Kabul. To reach the aim of the research, the interview and questionnaires survey were used as instrument in data collection. The finding of this paper indicates that through the resident’s preferences, government capacity, and District 13 physical condition, there are three approaches that can be implemented and adopted for improvement of informal settlement in District 13 of Kabul, which is settlement upgrading, the land readjustment, and urban redevelopment.
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Savarrakhsh, Ahmad, and Ezzatollah Ezzati. "The Dimensions of Threat and Insecurity along the Iran’s Eastern Borders with Emphasis on Drug Transit." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 10 (November 30, 2016): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n10p119.
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<p>Borders are lines that separate a political unit or a country from other neighboring units or countries. The main function of the borders is determined in the interactions between surrounding countries and these mutual effects result in the governments in both sides of the border show a specific behavior towards each other.</p><p>Considering what has been pointed above, the security geography of Iran’s eastern borders is highly influenced by the two neighboring countries, Afghanistan and Pakistan, which have special problems each and impact the security of Iran’s eastern borders at national and regional levels.</p><p>The dimensions of threat and insecurity along the Iranian eastern borders are: drugs, terrorism, the Afghan immigrants, asylum-seekers and refugees, development of insecurity into Iran and religious actions. The drugs and drug transit, due to Iran’s adjacency to the golden crescent as the producer of 80 percent of opiates in the world, being between the source (Afghanistan and Pakistan) and target (Turkey and Europe) of the path and the destructive impacts of the drugs on country, in addition to the order villages and regions and the high costs that drugs have imposed on Iran, are highly and more significantly important.</p>Employing analytical-descriptive method and using library resources and documents, the present study aims at clarifying the way Iran’s eastern borders have been delineated, the dimensions of threat and insecurity along the aforementioned borders with emphasis on the drugs as the main case of threat and insecurity and explaining Iran’s geographical realities and capacities for drug transit from this route in the country.
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Johns, Fleur. "Data, Detection, and the Redistribution of the Sensible in International Law." American Journal of International Law 111, no. 1 (January 2017): 57–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2016.4.
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One dusty day in 2002, at Takhta Baig Voluntary Repatriation Centre near Peshawar in northwestern Pakistan, an Afghan woman—let us call her Amena—entered a nondescript room and sat down in front of a camera. A brief conversation took place with a woman sitting nearby at a computer terminal. Amena placed her chin where she was directed to do so, swept back a few strands of hair creeping out of her veil, and stared straight ahead for a few seconds while a series of photographs of one of her eyes was taken. Almost immediately, a small alarm sounded on the computer terminal of the woman seated alongside her. Amena was gently ushered toward the other side of the room for discussions with other officials. Some short time later, she was advised that her request to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) for a modest cash grant and some supplies to aid her and her family's repatriation to Afghanistan had been denied. This was because, according to output of the UNHCR’s iris verification program, she had already received assistance earlier the same year. When asked, Amena admitted that she had indeed sought UNHCR repatriation assistance multiple times, under pressure from family members. She walked away. Soon, she could soon no longer be seen amid the press of trucks, cars, bicycles, and people that stretched to the suburbs in the distance.
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Blitz, Brad K., Rosemary Sales, and Lisa Marzano. "Non-Voluntary Return? The Politics of Return to Afghanistan." Political Studies 53, no. 1 (March 2005): 182–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00523.x.
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The forced removal of 35 Afghan nationals from the UK in April 2003 calls into question the viability of the government's voluntary repatriation schemes and undermines the voluntary nature of return programmes. This article draws on the results of research conducted in 2002 to explore the views of the Afghan community about return. We evaluate three motivations for promoting return programmes: justice-based arguments, where return is the ‘end of the refugee cycle’; human capital explanations, which focus on individual decisions to reverse the effects of brain-drain; and burden-relieving explanations, where return is an alternative to repatriation. Our findings suggest that domestic interest based arguments, rather than those founded on the protection of human rights, are driving the policy-making agenda. Returns are portrayed as a means of relieving the burden on welfare services, and placating an increasingly anti-immigrant public opinion. As well as individuals forcibly removed from Britain, other Afghans are being urged to return by means of financial inducements, and sometimes under the threat of repatriation. In this context, we can discern a new category of ‘non-voluntary’ returns where individual choice has little real meaning.
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Loganovsky, Konstantin N., Natalia A. Zdanevich, Marina V. Gresko, Donatella Marazziti, and Tatiana K. Loganovskaja. "Neuropsychiatric characteristics of antiterrorist operation combatants in the Donbass (Ukraine)." CNS Spectrums 23, no. 2 (August 15, 2017): 178–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1092852917000190.
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ObjectiveThe present paper aimed to explore the neuropsychiatric characteristics of the antiterrorism (ATO) combatants in the Donets Basin (Donbass) and to propose therapeutic strategies for managing their mental healthcare.MethodsA total of 54 ATO combatants were included in our study and compared with four groups of subjects exposed to other emergencies, including the Chernobyl disaster and the war in Afghanistan. The neuropsychiatric features were assessed through psychopathological assessments, neurological examinations, and quantitative electroencephalography (qEEG).ResultsThe ATO combatants were characterized by low health self-estimation, somatic concerns, a high prevalence of posttraumatic stress disorder, anxiety, insomnia, depression, social dysfunction, mild cognitive impairment, and neurological soft signs, similar to individuals involved in the Chernobyl disaster and veterans of the Afghan War. Quantitative EEG showed abnormalities suggestive of irritation of the corticolimbic system and diencephalic structures. Some post-conflict personality changes in ATO combatants were recorded. The treatment of ATO combatants included a comprehensive strategy: from psychotropic drugs to different psychotherapies.ConclusionsOn the basis of 30 years of experience in the management of the consequences of Chernobyl disaster and the available studies on war veterans, the authors proposed a method for assessment and an approach to providing mental healthcare for ATO combatants, refugees, and migrants from the Donbass, which perhaps can be used as guidelines for other conflicts. Taken together, the findings of the study suggest that voluntary participation in war may decrease but does not eliminate the risk of developing the neuropsychiatric consequences caused by such conflicts. A comprehensive strategy—one that would encompass psychopharmacological, psychological, and rehabilitation techniques—seems to be the most successful approach to managing the main symptoms and disorders involved.
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Talwasa, Sanaa. "Türkiye’de “Daha İyi Bir Yaşam” Peşinde: Türkiye'deki Afgan Mültecilerin Durumunun İnsan Hakları Açısından Değerlendirilmesi." Üsküdar Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi 2020, no. 11 (November 2020): 245–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.32739/uskudarsbd.6.11.76.
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Turkey hosts the vast majority, more than four million, of refugees in the world, and Afghans make up the second-largest group of this population. Turkey is considered both a transit, a gate toward European countries, and a destination country for refugees due to its geographical position. Nevertheless, the majority of asylum seekers in Turkey are Syrian who have moved into since 2011. The author claims that Turkey and international refugee supporters prefer Syrian refugees’ legal protection, which causes Afghans to suffer massive violations of basic human rights during their journey to Turkey, after arrival, and while seeking refugee status in Turkey. This paper considers current condition of Afghan asylum seekers’ international human rights in Turkey who are waiting for their final destination toward European countries. Similarly, this paper highlights the possible consequences of current strategies’ application on Afghan refugees’ human rights conditions based on UNHCR's most recent system. The author includes practical recommendations and suggestions for international society as well as Turkey to enhance the human rights condition of refugees, especially Afghans, since this concept requires global cooperation rather than only Turkey’s efforts.
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Stilwell, Frank. "Refugees in a Region: Afghans in Young, NSW." Urban Policy and Research 21, no. 3 (September 2003): 235–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0811114032000113635.
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Browne, Barbara, and Terri Leonard. "Preventing Hepatitis B and Tuberculosis Among Refugees." Practicing Anthropology 9, no. 4 (September 1, 1987): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.9.4.ex17k83l2082k77w.
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Although the flow of refugees to this country has declined over the past few years, a significant number of refugees continue to arrive. Since 1981, the state of Georgia has resettled an average of 1450 new arrivals yearly, bringing the total refugee population to over 10,000. Most are Southeast Asian, primarily Vietnamese but with significant numbers of Cambodians, Lao and Hmong. Georgia also resettles Ethiopians, Afghans, and refugees from various eastern European countries.
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Ghafur, Riaz. "Portrail of Afghan Refugees in the Wake of APS Attack." Global Mass Communication Review III, no. I (December 30, 2018): 34–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2018(iii-i).04.
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After the Russian invasion in 1979, most of the disturbed Afghans fled their homes. A huge number of refugees rushed to Pakistan, Iran, Tajikistan. Their influx increases infrastructure problems in the targeted countries. According to the United nations available resources, more than 4 million registered Afghan refugees, took shelter in Pakistan. These refugees were given nominated spaces throughout Khyber Pakhtunkhwa & Baluchistan to live there. After the fall of Kabul, refugees remained in Pakistani provinces. During their stay, so many incidents took place in Pakistan. According to the intelligence reports, in many terrorists' activities, Afghan refugees found responsible. The recent attack of Army Public School showed a strong connection between Afghan refugees' involvement in the incident. Pakistani Media also portrayed them with angles.
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Moinipour, Shabnam. "Refugees against refugees: the Iranian Migrants’ perception of the human rights of Afghans in Iran." International Journal of Human Rights 21, no. 7 (May 24, 2017): 823–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642987.2017.1307831.
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WAHAB, ABDUL, MAHMUD AHMAD, and SYED AKRAM SHAH. "MIGRATION AS A DETERMINANT OF MARRIAGE PATTERN: PRELIMINARY REPORT ON CONSANGUINITY AMONG AFGHANS." Journal of Biosocial Science 38, no. 3 (June 1, 2005): 315–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021932005026404.
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Two sample populations, one refugee and one resident, were studied. The frequencies of consanguineous marriages came out to be 49·8% and 55·4%, respectively, for the refugees and the residents. Caste endogamy was dominant both in the residents and the refugees. The mean coefficient of inbreeding was calculated to be 0·0303 for the refugee population and 0·0332 for the resident population samples. First cousin marriage was the dominant type of marriage in both samples; father’s brother’s daughter (FBD) marriage was more frequent among the refugees while mother’s brother’s daughter (MBD) marriage was more frequent among the residents. Education has no decreasing effect on the incidence of consanguineous marriages. A significant difference in the pattern of marriages in the refugees is observed after the Saur Revolution of 1979.
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Akcapar, Sebnem Koser. "Religious conversions in forced migration: Comparative cases of Afghans in India and Iranians in Turkey." Journal of Eurasian Studies 10, no. 1 (January 2019): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366518814666.
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This article examines closely the crucial link between religious conversions of two groups of refugees from Islam to Evangelism by taking up the cases of Afghan and Iranian refugees in India and in Turkey, respectively. India hosts many refugees from different parts of the world despite the absence of international protection laws, whereas Turkey is the country hosting the highest number of refugees since 2015, mainly due to the Syrian conflict. In this article, I first analyze the reasons why Afghan and Iranian refugees decide to change religious group membership from different sects of Islam and become members of the “born-again” evangelical Christian groups operating in South Asia and West Asia. By combining forced migration and religious identity issues in two different settings, I suggest that a combination of contextual and institutional factors explain this religious change and help us understand the sociocultural and political impacts of conversions.
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Sujata. "Guilt and Redemption : A Critical Study of the Kite Runner by Khalid Housseini." History Research Journal 5, no. 4 (August 30, 2019): 191–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/hrj.v5i4.7502.
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The literature of Afghanistan speaks the voice of every violated soul either it is male or female. Specially, it speaks the voice of violence, taking place towards every male, female and child. Violence is not only a harsh threat to our life but it blocks our happiness. Violence totally kills our ambition, and simultaneously our every future positivity by which we can face the bold incidents coming in front of us. Actually violence has no clear cut definition and explanation. A process of creative fiction has always been a segment of the creative evolution of the society itself. Afghan fiction has also the same segment and immersed in the social and political milieu. In the tumultuous era of past three or more decades and especially after 1979, there is change of patterns and subjectivity of Afghan writers. These writers have almost created a body of a literature that is homeless in every respect and the almost literature is produced largely by the diasporas creative souls of Afghanistan. These writers due to the miserable condition left the country and now living in foreign lands. The phases of different type of war and violence have affected Afghanistan and inflicted so much harm on the country. This harm was to such extent that the social life of common people along with their customs and traditions are completely in disorder and a state of disarray. So Afghan writers worked for the improvements and every Afghan artist became so much conscious and keen to preserve and worked for the recreation of Afghanistan’s post. It is quite natural Afghan writers blend their fiction in their memory of time they lived in the country to and their highly emotional and experiences in Afghanistan. Afghan writers, haunted strongly by memories, and they prefer talking about only Afghanistan. They rarely talks about their plight as exiled and refuge in the host country like U.S.A and France. The diverse area of study finds its face in the faithful exploration of day to day life exclusively from the perspective of the common victimized Afghan. This study presents a sequence and execution of violence as well as guilt and redemption in the novel the Kite Runner by Khalid Housseini.
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Shafi, Sophia Rose. "Beyond the “Wild Tribes”." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 2 (April 1, 2013): 105–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i2.1131.
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We have come to expect nothing but bad news about Afghanistan, nothingbut negative prognoses of that troubled state from policymakers, pundits, andjournalists. Only rarely do we hear what scholars of Afghan studies have tosay. In Beyond the “Wild Tribes”: Understanding Modern Afghanistan andIts Diaspora, the country and its people are presented in a far more complicatedfashion than the usual this-place-is-doomed mantra. Contributions includea review and critique of research methodologies in Afghanistan and thediaspora, the role of gender in community-based justice, models of nationaland local governance, the refugee warrior, and migration. There is much tolike about this book, and even those knowledgeable about the complex problemsplaguing the fledgling state will learn something ...