Dissertations / Theses: 'Africa Peace and Security Architecture'

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Wood, J. C. "Defining the role of the African Union Peace and Architecture (APSA) : a reconceptualisation of the roles of institutions." Thesis, Coventry University, 2012. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/c211face-e5d4-40ae-bb90-d41d0dff935d/1.

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At its core, this research project is a revision of how we conceptualise the role of international organisations. The concept of role is often invoked International Relations when discussing the function of institutions like the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), but its full meaning in this context has never been problematised, leading to varying perceptions of its meaning and a lack of common understanding in the discourse. In the case of the APSA, this lack of common understanding has led to a wide variance in how the role of the APSA is categorised, and a corresponding discrepancy in assessments of the institution’s success and utility, which has had a knock-on effect on policy recommendations, which also differ wildly from author to author. This thesis devises technical definitions for the various ways in which the word role is utilised in International Relations and related fields, and in so doing, aims to standardise our understanding of the role of institutions, using the APSA as a case study. After developing a new technical definition of role based on Role Theory, the thesis develops a research programme which sets out to investigate the true role of the APSA, based on an examination of how the APSA’s role has been shaped by key limiting and enabling factors, and how this role is shaped and influenced, and directed; all the while highlighting how it differs from the organisation’s stated role, and scholarly perceptions of that role.

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Franke, Benedikt. "Rethinking complex security cooperation with special reference to Africa's emerging peace and security architecture." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.612245.

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Oluborode, Jegede Ademola. "The African Union Peace and Security Architecture : can the Panel of the Wise make a difference?" Diss., University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/8058.

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The African Union's Panel of the Wise was inaugurated on 18 December 2007. The prospects of the Panel as a conflict prevention and peace and security promotion tool in the AU Peace and Security architecture may remain dim unless its concept is understood and the Panel is effectively operationalised. To this end therefore, the objectives of this study are as follows: (1) To examine the need for the Panel in the AU Peace and Security Architecture. (2) To examine the institutional design of the Panel. (3) To explore the prospective roles for the Panel in the AU Peace and Security Architecture. (4) To identify how the Panel can promote the internalisation of peace and security in Africa. The study will propose key strategies to improve the relevance of the Panel as a tool of the PSC in facilitating peaceful interventions and promotion of peace and security in Africa.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008.
A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Christopher Mbazira, Faculty of Law, Makarere University, Uganda
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

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4

Njoroge, Mercy Waithira. "Ships passing in the night? Opportunities to integrate the African Peer Review Mechanism: early warning findings within the African Union Peace and Security Architecture." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/12683.

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The potent nature of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as an early warning tool may remain in oblivion unless its peace and security mandate is identified and benefitted from by the Africa Union (AU) Peace and Security Architecture. The objectives of this study are: a) To examine the AU and sub-regional organizational mechanisms on early warning as well as their strengths and weaknesses. b) To map out the APRM mandate in peace and security from the concept, instruments, process and reports. c) To draw both conceptual and practical links between the Continental Early Warning System and the APRM reports. d) To make recommendations of how APRM early warning findings can be integrated within the AU Peace and Security Architecture for early response.
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Katarina Crause, Institute for Human Rights, Abo Akademi University, Finland.
LLM Dissertation (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa -- University of Pretoria, 2009.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

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5

Francis, David J. "Uniting Africa: Building Regional Peace and Security Systems." Ashgate, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3614.

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Plagued by bloody wars and armed conflicts, political instability, communal violence and displaced persons, and at the mercy of natural catastrophes such as drought and famine, it is not surprising that the Western press has long dismissed Africa as the 'hopeless continent'. In the face of these challenges, Africa today is faced with a stark choice: either unite or perish. The debate on why and how the continent should unite in terms of co-operative peace, security and development is more urgent than at any other time in Africa's post-colonial history. Moving forward from the failure of the earlier, typically idealistic Africa unity project, David Francis demonstrates how peace and security challenges have created the imperative for change. He argues that a series of regional peace and security systems are emerging, and that states that have participated in practical experiments in regional peacekeeping, peace support operations, conflict stabilization/management and preventive diplomacy are building de facto systems of peace and security that could be institutionalized and extended.

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Le, Gouriellec Sonia. "Régionalisme, régionalisation des conflits et construction de l'État : l'équation sécuritaire de la Corne de l’Afrique." Thesis, Paris 5, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA05D015.

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En dépit de sa complexité analytique, la situation sécuritaire de la Corne de l’Afrique peut être soumise aux outils de la Science politique afin de mieux comprendre les interactions entre les différents acteurs. Cette recherche s’efforce d’analyser les ressorts d’une équation sécuritaire qui peut paraître insoluble : le régionalisme est-il aujourd’hui un prérequis à l’émergence d’une paix régionale ? Pour répondre à cette question il est nécessaire de comprendre quels rôles jouent les processus sécuritaires régionaux (régionalisation et régionalisme) dans la construction des États de la Corne de l’Afrique. Cette étude s’efforce d’étudier les interactions entre le régionalisme, fondement de l’architecture de paix et de sécurité continentale, la régionalisation des conflits, qui semble à l’oeuvre dans cette région, et les processus de construction/formation de l’État. Les rapports entre les trois termes de l’équation dépendent du contexte et des interactions entre les différentes entités composant la région (États, acteurs non étatiques qui se dressent contre eux ou négocient avec eux et acteurs extérieurs). Deux types de dynamiques sont mises en évidence au terme de cette étude : l’une endogène, l’autre exogène. Dans la première, nous constatons que les conflits participent à la formation de l’État. Ils sont en grande partie des conflits internes et montrent qu’il existe une crise dans l’État. Ces États dominent le processus de régionalisme qui tente de réguler la conflictualité régionale avec un succès relatif puisque les organisations régionales cherchent à renforcer ou reconstruire l’État selon les critères idéalisés de l’État wébérien vu comme source d’instabilité. Le processus exogène se caractérise par le rôle des conflits régionaux dont l’existence sert de justificatif au développement et au renforcement du régionalisme, perçu comme la réponse la plus appropriée à ces problèmes de conflictualités. Cette conflictualité a pour source l’État car celui-ci est perçu comme faible. Le régionalisme permettrait de renforcer les États et diminuerait leurs velléités de faire la guerre
In spite of its analytical complexity, the security context in the Horn of Africa may be submitted to the Political Science’ tools in order to better understand the complex interactions between the various actors. The present research thus seeks to analyze the mechanism underlying what appears as an unsolvable security problem: is regionalism a prerequisite for the emergence of a regional peace? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to understand the role of regional security processes (regionalization and regionalism) in the state formation and state building of the Horn of Africa’s states. This study endeavours to explore the interactions between regionalism, which are inherent in the creation of an African peace and security architecture, the regionalization of conflict, which seems at work in this area, and construction/formation state process. The relationship between the three terms of this equation depends on the context and interactions between the various entities that make up the region (states, non-state actors that stand against them or negotiate with the states and external actors). This study thus reveals two kinds of dynamics at play: an endogenous process and an exogenous one. In the first one conflicts are involved in the formation of the state and are largely internal conflicts. It demonstrates that there is a crisis in the state States dominate the regionalism process which tries to regulate regional conflit with relative success because regional organizations seek to strengthen or rebuild the state according to the idealized criteria of the Weberian State seen as a source of instability. The exogenous process is characterized by the role of regional conflicts whose very existence serves to justify the development and the strenghtening of regionalism thus perceived as the most appropriate answer to those security problems. States are the source of conflicts because they are perceived as weak. Regionalism would strengthen states and reduce the inclination of states to make war

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Van, Wyk Heste. "Human security as an influence on Japan's contemporary Africa policy : principles, patterns and implications /." Link to the online version, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/727.

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Mwinyi, Mohamed Juma. "Tracing the Development of East African Community on Peace and Security." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/77964.

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One monumental problem the East African Community faces today is implementation of its proposed bill known as the East African Community Security Protocol on peace and security. This bill was crafted upon the basis of existing scholarship which examines security and community either from the top-down/state-centric approaches (neorealism/neoliberalism/constructivism/etc.) or as vernacular security--bottom-up. Both of these approaches are inadequate in that they still a) prioritize the state/relate to the state/central authority, b) are Eurocentric (based on/dominated by European points of views), and c) do not adequately explain security collaborations in areas such as East Africa (EA). Therefore, this thesis develop a "responsive security community" approach which does not only ties top-down and ground-up approach, but it also advocates for development of strong states before the creation of a security community. This thesis argue that different states have their very different historical backgrounds and legacies. Hence, in order to have effective security community in EA there need be responsive, human security oriented states which embrace participation and inclusion in sub-national and national level. This would ensure the protection of the vital core of all their citizens' lives in ways that enhance human freedoms and human fulfillment. To discuss this responsive community approach, this thesis analyzes the theories of security community post WW II in conjunction with the development of the East African Community Security Protocol. This thesis also employs the theories of Participatory Budgeting (PB) and ground up approach as models for strengthening state and East African Civil Society Organization Forum (EACSOF). This thesis concludes that responsive security community in EA requires strong states which combine a focus on traditional notions of security with human/individual security.
Master of Public and International Affairs

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9

Othman, Nimatalie A. "The African Union and the right to peace and security." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1070.

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"Peace and security in Africa is defined as the condition for elaborating the humanity of Africans and the promise of the place of Africa in economic reconstruction in the next centruy. Apart from being a recognised right in the African human rights system, it is also present amongst the objectives and principles of the AU political agenda enshrined within the Constitutive Act, with its attainment seen as the gateway to Africa's economic development. Furthermore, this undeniable synergy between the maintenance of peace and security and the attainment of development, also determines the realisation of other human and peoples' rights. Therefore, peace and security is of utmost importance in the current affairs of the continent and, a right being attached to peace and security, adds extra weight to its attainment as it places a duty on other entities for its realisation. Notwithstanding this importance, the concept of the right to peace and security is still quite elusive and underdeveloped, a reality which is incomprehensible taking into consideration the infamous characteristic of the African continent for its political unrest and civil wars. With 14 current internal conflicts, Africa hosts more than one third of the ongoing conflicts in the world. The countries not engaged in civil wars are faced with civil and political unrests, refugee influxes, terrorism threats and attacks, the HIV/AIDS epidemic and other contagious diseases, high crime rates, and natural disasters to name a few. It is against this background that a study into the conceptualisation of the right to peace and security is warranted and, as well , the available mechanisms for its protection within the AU." -- Introduction.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2003.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

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10

Olivier, Laetitia. "Pursuing human security in Africa through developmental peace missions : ambitious construct or feasible ideal?" Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4080.

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Thesis (MMil (Military Sciences. School for Security and Africa Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the feasibility of the concept Developmental Peace Missions (DPMs). It seeks to answer the question whether DPMs is an ambitious construct or a feasible ideal and whether DPMs could be effectively applied during peace missions. The study takes the form of a descriptive analysis of the theoretical underpinnings of the concept of DPMs, and includes the analysis of various relevant case studies in terms of the application of the concept of DPMs. The study further explores the evolution that has taken place in terms of United Nations peace missions, in that most modern peace missions include both peacekeeping and peacebuilding initiatives. The study also illustrates the modern approach to peace missions, based on an integrated systems-thinking approach by means of which the activities of all relevant role-players are integrated and fused towards a common end state: that of sustained security and development. In order to analyse the concept of DPMs, the theoretical underpinnings of the concept human security, the security-development nexus and peacebuilding were researched in depth. These concepts were then coupled to the concept of DPMs in terms of their utility during current complex peace missions, both internationally and on the African continent. The concept of DPMs was studied in the context of contemporary peacekeeping in terms of three case studies, namely the peace missions in Kosovo, Sierra Leone and the DRC. The DPMs concept was applied to these case studies and analysed in terms of the extent to which the peace interventions in these countries were conducted in accordance with the philosophical and theoretical underpinnings of DPMs. The study concludes that DPMs, in terms of its theoretical basis, is indeed a feasible ideal for peace missions, as it is based on and in line with the approved current UN- and AU-integrated planning processes. However, in terms of its practical utility in Africa, it currently remains an ambitious construct, given the limited capacity and resources of the AU and regional organisations. Therefore, DPMs should not be viewed as a short-term solution to, or panacea for, all intra-state wars. The study proposes that the UN, the AU, as well as relevant regional organisations will have to adjust and make changes in terms of their institutions, structures, funding and the provision of resources in order to operationalise the concept of DPMs successfully. This is especially true as far as the AU is concerned, as the AU currently experiences severe limitations in both material and human resources. However, the fact that both the UN and the AU have adopted the Integrated Mission Planning Process concept as planning tool for their respective missions is an indication that progress is being made towards the achievement of establishing a more holistic and integrated approach to finding sustainable solutions to global conflict. Ultimately, the success of DPMs will be determined by the will and commitment of all the relevant role-players involved in finding a lasting solution to intra-state conflicts. The concept itself cannot provide sustainable peace and development.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Dié tesis verken die lewensvatbaarheid van die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings. Daar sal gepoog word om ‘n antwoord te kry op die vraag of Ontwikkelingsvredesendings ‘n ambisieuse konstruk of ‘n haalbare ideal is. Verder sal gepoog word om te bepaal of dit effektief tydens vredesoperasies toegepas kan word. Die studie neem die vorm aan van ‘n beskrywende analise van die teoretiese grondbeginsels van die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings en sluit die analise van verskeie relevante gevallestudies ten opsigte van die begrip in. Die studie ondersoek die evolusie wat plaasgevind het ten opsigte van vredesendings wat deur die Verenigde Nasies (VN) onderneem word, naamlik dat die meeste moderne vredesendings, vredesbewarings, sowel as vredesbou (nasiebou) inisiatiewe insluit. Die studie illustreer ook die moderne benadering wat ten opsigte van vredesendings toegepas word, naamlik dat die aktiwiteite van al die betrokke rolspelers geïntegreer word en op ‘n gedeelde einddoel gefokus word. Die teoretiese grondstelllings van die begrippe veiligheid en ontwikkeling, die veiligheid-ensekuriteit- neksus, sowel as die begrip van vredesbou (nasiebou) is in diepte ondersoek ten einde die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings te analiseer. Hierdie begrippe is daarna in verband gebring met die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings soos wat dit tans tydens moderne komplekse vredesendings toegepas word – beide internasionaal sowel as op die Afrika kontinent. Die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings is bestudeer teen die agtergrond van eietydse vredesbewaring ten opsigte van drie gevallestudies, naamlik die intervensies in Kosovo, Sierra Leone en die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo. Hierdie drie gevallestudies is gekies aangesien dit die eerste sendings was waartydens die VN die nuwe geïntegreerde benadering tot vredesendings, soos in die Brahimi-verslag aanbeveel, toegepas is. Die studie het bevind dat Ontwikkelingsvredesendings, wat betref die teoretiese grondstellings inderdaad uitvoerbaar is, aangesien dit gebaseer is op en in ooreenstemming is met die huidige aanvaarde beplanninsprosesse van die VN en die AU. Maar, wat betref die praktiese bruikbaarheid van die begrip in Afrika, bly dit tans ‘n ambisieuse konstruk, gegewe die beperkte vermoë en hulpbronne van die AU en streeksorganisasies. Die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings moet dus nie as ‘n korttermynoplossing vir alle interne oorloë beskou word nie. Die studie het bevind dat die VN, die AU, sowel as die betrokke streeksorganisasies, ingrypende veranderings sal moet ondergaan ten einde die begrip Ontwikkelingsvredesendings suksesvol te kan toepas, veral ten opsigte van strukture, befondsing en die voorsiening van hulpbronne. Dit is veral waar in die geval van die AU, aangesien die AU tans geweldige uitdagings in die gesig staar wat betref menslike sowel as materiële hulpbronne. Ten spyte van laasgenoemde uitdagings dui die aanvaarding van die Geïntegreerde Sendingbeplanningsproses as besluitnemings-meganisme deur beide die VN en die AU op die vordering wat gemaak word ten opsigte van die daarstelling van ‘n meer holistiese en geïntegreerde benadering vir volhoubare oplossings vir konflik. Die sukses van Ontwikkelingsvredesendings sal uiteindelik bepaal word deur die wil en toewyding van alle betrokkenes by die soeke na langdurige vrede – die begrip op sigself kan nie volhoubare vrede en ontwikkeling bewerkstellig nie.

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11

Van, Wyk Hesté. "Human security as an influence on Japan's contemporary Africa policy principles, patterns and implications /." Stellenbosch, South Africa : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/727.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.
Title from title screen (viewed on Sept. 22, 2009). "December 2007." "Master of Arts (International studies)" Includes bibliographical references (p. 83-89).

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Pugh, Michael C., and W. P. S. Sidhu. "The United Nations and Regional Security: Europe and Beyond." LYnne Rienner Publishers, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3592.

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Events in Europe over the past decade or so have created a dynamic requiring significant conceptual and practical adjustments on the part of the the United Nations and a range of regional actors, including the EU, NATO, and the OSCE. This volume explores the resulting collaborative relationships in the context of peace operations in the Balkans, considering past efforts and developing specific suggestions for effective future interactions between the UN and its regional partners. The authors also consider the implications of efforts in Europe for the regionalization of peace and security operations in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.

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Hjälm, Veronica. "The Evolution of a Responsibility to Protect in Africa : The African Unions Emerging Peace and Security Regime." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Statsvetenskap, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-5710.

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The thesis focuses on, and tries to evaluate, the role that the African Union (AU) plays in protecting the peace and security on the African continent. The thesis takes an interdisciplinary approach to the topic by both utilizing international relations and international law theories. The two disciplines are combined in an attempt to understand the evolution of the AU’s commitment to the pragmatist doctrine: responsibility to protect (R2P). The AU charter is considered to be the first international law document to cover R2P as it allows the AU to interfere in the internal affairs of its member states. The R2P doctrine was evolved around the notion of a need to arrive at a consensus in regard to the right to intervene in the face of humanitarian emergencies. A part of the post-Cold War shift in UN behaviour has been to support local solutions to local problems. Hereby the UN acts in collaboration with regional organizations, such as the AU, to achieve the shared aspirations to maintain international peace and security without getting directly involved on the ground. The R2P takes a more holistic and long-term approach to interventions by including an awareness of the need to address the root causes of the crisis in order to prevent future resurrections of conflicts. The doctrine also acknowledges the responsibility of the international community and the intervening parties to actively participate in the rebuilding of the post-conflict state. This requires sustained and well planned support to ensure the development of a stable society.While the AU is committed to implementing R2P, many of the AU’s members are struggling, both ideologically and practically, to uphold the foundations on which legitimate intervention rests, such as the protection of human rights and good governance. The fact that many members are also among the poorest countries in the world adds to the challenges facing the AU. A lack of human and material resources leads to a situation where few countries are willing, or able, to support a long-term commitment to humanitarian interventions. Bad planning and unclear mandates also limit the effectiveness of the interventions. This leaves the AU strongly dependent on regional powerbrokers such as Nigeria and South Africa, which in itself creates new problems in regard to the motivations behind interventions. The current AU charter does not provide sufficient checks and balances to ensure that national interests are not furthered through humanitarian interventions. The lack of resources within the AU also generates worries over what pressure foreign nations and other international actors apply through donor funding. It is impossible for the principle of “local solutions for local problems? to gain ground while this donor conditionality exists.The future of the AU peace and security regime is not established since it still is a work in progress. The direction that these developments will take depends on a wide verity of factors, many of which are beyond the immediate control of the AU.

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Nguena, Charles Beautrel. "The role of the Economic Community of Central African States in the maintenance of peace and security in Central Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/18626.

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This academic research is focusing on the role of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) in the maintenance of peace and security in Central Africa. It assesses the effectiveness of this Regional Economic Community in dealing with issues relating to peace and security. The study firstly discusses the legal framework that supports the mandate of the Central African subregional institution in the field of peace and security, and then it addresses its peace and security architecture. Secondly, this work stresses the achievements made by ECCAS in coping with security issues; it also stresses its shortcomings and examine the reasons behind them. Most importantly, although this research highlights the shortcomings of the ECCAS in maintaining stability and peace in the Central African subregion, it strongly advocates that the role played by ECCAS should not be underestimated and therefore, it makes some recommendations which can contribute to its rationalisation and make it more effective.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
nf2012
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

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15

Tchoumavi, Messelo Boris-Ephrem. "A critical assessment of the possible role of the African Union in achieving the right to national and international peace and security in Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1163.

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"Despite the above obligation enshrined in the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR), to protect, promote and fulfil the right to peace and security that is binding on them, African states are facing numerous armed conflicts. The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights (the African Commission) has already found a violation of the right to peace. In that case, the Commission has stated that 'the responsibility for protection is incumbent on the State', which has therefore the obligation to make sure that people's right to peace is not infringed, either by its own forces or by uncontrolled ones. The right to peace has therefore been recognised and interpreted by the relevant and authoritative monitoring body, the African Commission. The African Union (AU), composed of all African states except Morocco, has also committed itself to work towards peace and security in the continent. Most importantly, it has endorsed the ACHPR by committing itself to 'promote and protect human and peoples' rights in accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and other relevant human rights instruments'. These provisions are binding not only on the states parties to the Constitutive Act of the African Union (the AU Act), but also upon the African Union itself, as an international organisation that enjoys international capacity. Indeed, the Constitutive Act of the African Union stands as the constitution of the organisation. There should therefore be no doubt that the provisions of the AU Act bind the AU. However, no effective mechanism designed to ensure the fulfilment of the aims and accountability of international organisations exists. The reality on the ground is that Africa is facing a significant number of situations in which there is no peace. These situations violate the people's right to peace and security as protected under article 23 of the ACHPR. In 2000, it was estimated that 20 percent of Africa south of the Sahara's population lived in countries that were facing war and low intensity conflict. There is therefore a need for assessing the AU institutional capacity to fulfil its constitutional obligation of protecting the people's right to peace and security. ... Chapter one of this paper introduces the matter and defines the context in which it will proceed. It is a general presentation of the study. Chapter two will be devoted to human rights within the African Union. The first part of the chapter will deal with the right to peace and security in particular. The legal position of the AU towards human rights in Africa will then be discussed. Chapter three will be dealing with examples of the involvement of the AU in peace building on the continent. Chapter four will present and assess the AU's framework intended to realise peace and security in Africa. Chapter five will be focussed on the specific programmes of the AU that have a peace and security component. Chapter six will draw conclusions and make recommendations." -- Introduction.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2005.
Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Enid Hill at the Political Science Department, American University in Cairo
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

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Holager, Emma. "The impact of the private security industry on peace-building efforts in Africa : an assessment of Executive Outcomes, MPRI and DynCorp." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6866.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence and rapid growth of the private security industry in the 1990s followed from the downsizing of the armed forces in the aftermath of the Cold War and the development of new security threats which increased demand for military manpower and expertise. This has led to a redefinition of security strategies and the restructuring of armed forces by Western governments, which has resulted in the elimination of non-core activities from the functions of many armed forces. Recently it has been argued that the private security industry can challenge what previously was believed to be a primary responsibility of states, namely to take on peacebuilding initiatives and support to other peace operations. This study seeks to assess the impact of the private security industry in peacebuilding efforts in African conflicts. The study suggests that the private security industry have taken on a much stronger role in conflicts world wide since the 1990s, and that its activities have significantly changed. Companies such as MPRI and DynCorp have managed to keep close contact with their home governments, which arguably has been a crucial factor to their growing business. Furthermore, the private security industry have sought to distance itself from the negative connotations associated with mercenaries and the activities of companies such as Executive Outcomes in the 1990s, by avoiding operations involving elements of direct combat. This has been illustrated through the extensive case study of the activities of three private military and security companies: Executive Outcomes, MPRI and DynCorp. Furthermore, this thesis has confirmed an increased presence of the United States on the African continent post-9/11, illustrated by the presence of American-based private military and security companies which arguably are being used as proxies for US foreign policy purposes. Furthermore, this study has discussed the various implications the private security industry has on the traditional notion of the state’s monopoly on the legitimate use of force. This thesis has argued that the legitimate use to exercise violence is in the process of devolution from governments to other actors, which the extensive growth of the private security industry illustrates. Additionally, it has been argued that the privatisation of military and security services can harm the reliable delivery of essential services in conflict. Furthermore, the findings of this thesis has highlighted the dilemma that many countries do not want stricter regulation or elimination of the private security industry for the reason that these companies are viewed as valuable assets in fulfilling foreign policy objectives that for various reasons cannot be fulfilled by national armies.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die opkoms en vinnige groei van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf in die 1990s was die gevolg van die afskaling van gewapende magte in die nasleep van die Koue Oorlog en die ontwikkeling van nuwe sekuriteitsbedreigings, wat die aanvraag na militêre arbeidskragte en kundigheid verhoog het. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot ’n herdefiniëring van sekuriteitstrategieë en die herstrukturering van gewapende magte deur Westerse regerings, met die gevolg dat niekernaktiwiteite van die funksies van talle gewapende magte uitgesluit is. Daar is onlangs aangevoer dat die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf aanspraak kan maak op ’n funksie wat voorheen as die primêre verantwoordelikheid van regerings beskou is, naamlik om vredesinisiatiewe en steun aan ander vredesverrigtinge te onderneem. Die doel van hierdie studie was om die impak van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf in vredesinisiatiewe in Afrika-konflikte te assesseer. Daar word aan die hand gedoen dat die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf sedert die 1990’s ’n baie groter rol in wêreldwye konflikte gespeel het, en dat die aktiwiteite van hierdie bedryf aanmerklik verander het. Maatskappye soos MPRI en DynCorp was suksesvol daarin om nabye kontak met hul tuisregerings te behou, wat stellig ’n deurslaggewende faktor in hul groeiende besighede was. Voorts het die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf gepoog om hom te distansieer van die negatiewe konnotasies wat met huursoldate en die aktiwiteite van maatskappye soos Executive Outcomes in die 1990’s geassosieer is deur bedrywighede wat elemente van direkte stryd inhou, te vermy. Hierdie poging is geïllustreer deur die omvattende gevallestudie van die aktiwiteite van drie privaat militêre en sekuriteitsmaatskappye: EO, MPRI en DynCorp. Die bevindinge van die studie bevestig voorts die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) se toenemende teenwoordigheid op die Afrika-vasteland ná 9/11, wat duidelik blyk uit die teenwoordigheid van Amerikaansgebaseerde privaat militêre en sekuriteitsmaatskappye wat stellig as volmag gebruik word vir die VSA se buitelandsebeleidsdoelstellings. Die verskeie implikasies van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf vir die tradisionele siening van die regerings se monopolie ten opsigte van die wettige gebruik van magte word ook in die studie bespreek. Daar word aangevoer dat die wettige gebruik van geweld in die proses van devolusie is vanaf regerings na ander rolspelers, wat deur die omvattende groei van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf bevestig word. Daar word verder ook beweer dat die privatisering van militêre en sekuriteitsdienste die betroubare lewering van noodsaaklike dienste tydens konflik kan benadeel. Die studie se bevindinge werp ook lig op die dilemma dat talle lande strenger regulering of uitskakeling van die privaatsekuriteitsbedryf teëstaan omdat hierdie maatskappye beskou word as waardevolle bates in die bereiking van buitelandsebeleidsdoelwitte, wat vir verskeie redes nie deur nasionale leërs bereik kan word nie.

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17

De, Montfort Pierre Juan. "A model of co-operative education on peace support operations in Africa." Thesis, [Bloemfontein?] : Central University of Technology, Free State, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11462/67.

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Thesis (D. Tech.) - Central University of Technology, Free State, 2007
The focus of this study is on a Model of Co-operative Education on Peace Support Operations (PSO) in Africa. PSO are multi-functional operations involving military forces and diplomatic humanitarian agencies. They are designed to achieve humanitarian goals or a long-term political settlement, and are conducted impartially in support of a UN mandate. These include peacekeeping (PK), peace enforcement (PE), conflict prevention, peacemaking, peace building, and humanitarian operations. Since the advent of democracy in 1994, domestic and international expectations have steadily grown regarding a new South African role as a responsible and respected member of the international community. These expectations have included a hope that South Africa will play a leading role in a variety of international, regional and sub-regional forums, and that the country will become an active participant in attempts to resolve various regional and international conflicts. Peacekeeping is becoming more and more important as South Africa plays a vital role in African missions, mandates, deployment and restructuring. The core of peacekeeping operations in Africa is no longer about the deployment of armed forces, but the focus is shifting towards a more integrated approach including reconstruction, development, stability, civilian involvement and humanitarian aspects. While skills required for peace operations overlap with those required for war, there is increasing recognition that additional peace operations training is needed to successfully conduct these missions. The demand, advancement and application of peacekeeping evolve worldwide, especially in Africa, where enormous funding is being poured into local research and development, testing and training. The market for Education, Training and Development (ETD) in the field of PSO is growing, as South Africa is becoming increasingly involved in peacekeeping missions on the African continent. At present, there is no Co-operative Education programme on generic PSO on the operational/strategic level presented by any of the major universities in South Africa in order to enhance other PSO training. The objectives of this research project are in phase one: • To determine the need for and feasibility of a Co-operative Education Program on PSO. • To write a instructional design (ISD) report for a Co-operative Education Model on PSO and, • To draft possible curriculum content. • The second phase of the project could involve the development of learning material, and the evaluation of the proposed Co-operative Education Model on PSO by running a pilot programme. The principal product (output) of this research will consist out of an ISD report on a Model for Co-operative Education on PSO in Africa, presented by means of Correspondence Instruction with contact sessions. The key factors in production of the learning program include geo-political and security studies in order to create an understanding of the African battle space, PSO as presented by UNITAR POCI, the assessment of international practice with regards to PSO in order to relate the information to operations in Africa, PSO on the African continent, and Civil-Military Cooperation.

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De, Vos Johannes Nicolaas. "A security community in Africa : a critical assessment of the African Union’s contribution towards the construction of a potential security community since 2002." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/20159.

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis seeks to provide a critical discussion of the contributions of the African Union towards the potential development of an African security community since its inception in 2002. Utilising Security Community Theory, and the framework for the study of security communities developed by Adler & Barnett (1998) it commences with an interrogation of the AU. This interrogation is arranged along the three tiers of the framework. The first tier is the precipitating conditions, which cause states to orient themselves in each other’s direction and desire to coordinate their relations. The second tier investigates the factors conducive to the development of mutual trust and collective identity. The third, and final, tier identifies the necessary conditions of dependable expectations of peaceful change. The study goes on and introduces three African case studies, which illustrate the contributions of the African Union towards the potential development of an African security community. The case studies are the African Union mission in Burundi, the African Union mission in Sudan, and the recent intervention of the African Union in the post-election crisis in Côte d'Ivoire. All three case studies were able to provide ample evidence to illustrate the AU’s contributions. The study concludes with two major findings. Firstly, this study is able to illustrate that the AU has made significant contributions towards the development of peace and security in Africa. Secondly, that the AU has made significant contributions at all three tiers of the framework, and therefore major contributions to the potential development of an African security community. However, the AU is still in its embryonic phase, and any prediction concerning the existence, or potential existence of an African security community would be premature. Even though there are ostensibly, positive developments in the area of continental peace and security this study is able to illustrate several remaining challenges to further contributions by the AU. The first is a lack of resources. The AU is heavily dependent on the contributions of its member states, and a number of members persistently fail to meet their contributions to the organization. A second challenge is the loosely defined relationship with the UN (and other external partners). It is crucial that a constructive relationship be established, if not, differences might antagonise the two organisations and negatively affect any future contributions of the AU towards the development of an African security community. Finally, the role of core states, most notably regional hegemons such as South Africa and Nigeria will remain important for stabilizing and encouraging the further development of an African security community.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis poog om n kritiese bespreking te bied van die bydra wat die Afrika Unie na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap gemaak het sedert sy intrede in 2002. Deur gebruik te maak van Sekuriteits Gemeeenskap Teorie, en die raamwerk vir die studie van sekuriteits gemeenskappe deur Adler & Barnett (1998) begin die studie met n direkte ondersoek van die AU. Hierdie ondersoek vind plaas volgens die drie vlakke van die raamwerk. Die eerste vlak is die kondisies wat veroorsaak dat state hulself na mekaar orienteer, en n wil ontwikkel om hulle sake te koordineer. Die tweede vlak ondersoek die faktore vir die ontwikkeling van wedersydse vertroue en gesamentlike identiteit. Die derde, en finale, vlak identifiseer die nodige kondisies van afhanklike verwagtinge vir vreedsame verandering. Die studie gaan voort met drie Afrika geval studies, wat die bydra van die AU na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap illustreer. Die geval studies sluit in die Afrika missie in Burundi, die Afrika missie in Sudan, en die onlangse intervensie deur die AU in die na-eleksie krisis in Côte d'Ivoire. Al drie geval studies verskaf wye getuienis wat die bydra van die AU illustreer. Die studie sluit af met twee hoof bevindings. Eerstens, kon hierdie studie illustreer dat die AU betekenisvolle bydraes na die ontwikkeling van vrede en sekuriteit in Afrika gemaak het. Tweedens, dat die AU betekenisvolle bydraes op al drie vlakke van die raamwerk gemaak het, en daarom ook mondige bydraes tot die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap gemaak het. Nogtans, is die AU self nog in n onvolwasse stadium, en enige voorspelling in verband met die bestaan, of oor die potensiele bestaan van n Afrika sekuriteits gemeenskap is voortydig. Al is daar opmerkilike positiewe ontwikkelinge in die area van kontinentale vrede en sekuriteit, kan hierdie studie steeds verskeie uitdagings identifiseer wat verdere bydraes deur die AU kan hinder. Die eerste uitdaging is n tekort aan bevondsing. Die AU is hoogs afhanklik op die bydrae van sy lidmaat state, maar n paar lede mis aanhoudend hulle bydraes tot die orginasasie. n Tweede uitdaging is die ongedefineerde verhouding tussen die AU en die VN (en ander eksterne vennote). Dit is belangrik dat n konstruktiewe verhouding in werk gestel word, indien nie, kan verskille die twee organisasies van mekaar dryf en enige toekomstige bydraes van die AU na die potensiele ontwikkeling van n Afrika sekuriteits kompleks negatief beinvloed. Laastens, sal die rol van kern state, mees aanmerklik streek leiers soos Suid Afrika en Nigerie, belangrik bly om die sekuriteits kompleks te stabiliseer en verdere ontwikkeling in die toekoms te bevorder.

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Van, Wyk Heste. "Human security as an influence on Japan’s contemporary Africa policy: principles, patterns and implications." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2054.

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Thesis MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007.
The end of the Cold War, marked by the shift from a bipolar to multipolar security order, prompted a significant change in Japan’s relations with Africa. New political and economic challenges, which are accelerated by the process of globalisation, have forced Japan to adjust its foreign policies accordingly- especially in the African context. The primary goal of this study is to analyse how the concept of human security has influenced Japan’s foreign policy towards Africa since 1998. This research question focuses on Official Development Assistance (ODA) and peacekeeping through the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations in Africa. The methodological nature of this study is qualitative. Secondary sources are mainly used. This study makes use of the two contending theoretical perspectives in the security paradigm, namely Neo- Realism and the Human Security Approach. An important part of the analysis is Japan’s middlepowership and why it has chosen human security as its niche diplomacy in the new security order. The findings of this study suggest that the reasons for this are, firstly that Japan has had to justify its continuing ODA cuts to Africa over the last decade, as well as its pacifist stance on peacekeeping, which sees it refraining from directly intervening in conflict situations. Other key findings of this study are that Japan’s motives for providing ODA to Africa prior to 1989 were mainly economic in nature and that diplomatic relations were limited. What also emerged from this study is that Japan’s most prominent foreign policy goals include a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council, establishing itself as a prominent global player both in political and economic realms, and securing favourable relations with states whose resources are vital to its expanding economy. Japan’s more recent relations with Africa can also be characterised by its multilateral approach, particularly through organisations such as the United Nations and the African Union. Important initiatives such as the Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) have also played an important role in promoting African development. However, its future success will depend on coordinating TICAD and The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) policies, with human security as a common goal. The implications of the findings of this study are that Japan will have to formulate a more coherent foreign policy on security, especially towards Africa. Secondly, since Japan is no longer the ODA giant that it used to be, it will have to find new ways of defining its relationship with Africa, particularly in terms of TICAD and the G8. Future research could expand the analysis to an investigation of Japan’s ODA disbursements to all Africa countries. Additional attention should also be given to Japan’s foreign policy in terms of peacebuilding, and how the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) is formulating these policies. Lastly, more research can be conducted on human security in general, and other aspects of it that are promoted through Japan’s foreign policy.

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Minja, Rasul Ahmed [Verfasser]. "Security architecture in Sub-Saharan Africa and Collective Security Challenges : The EAC and SADC in Comparative Perspective / Rasul Ahmed Minja." Duisburg, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1031380248/34.

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21

Oraka, Obiageli. "Assessing the AU/ICC relationship towards greater collaborations in promoting peace and security in Africa : a case study of Sudan." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/64123.

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22

Theron, Jenny. "The commodification and commercialisation of peace operations and security co-operations : a case study of Operation Rachel /." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2505.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2005.
Peace operations and security co-operations are expensive. Even though there are a variety of factors that influences peace agents when they consider approving a new, expanding an existing, or closing down a peace operation or security co-operation, one of these factors is the cost factor. If we were to isolate the cost factor it would follow that a reduction in the cost of peace operations and security co-operations, are likely to contribute to peace agents being more willing to approve new, expand existing or to give existing missions more time to consolidate before closing them down. There are a variety of ways how the cost of peace operations or security co-operations can be lowered. This thesis suggests an alliance with the private sector in the form of corporate sponsorships. In short, that peace operations and security co-operations be commodified and commercialised. This would entail introducing corporate sponsorship of some of the commodities that are used in peace operations and security co-operations, followed by the corporate sponsor using their involvement in the peace operation or security co-operation to their commercial advantage. The commodification and commercialisation of peace operations and security co-operations should result in the relevant operations and co-operations benefiting in a cost-effective as well as practical effectiveness sense, whereas the private sponsor should benefit in either or both a financial (profit) or an image-making sense. The psychological theory supporting such an argument is that of social identity theory. This theory explains how positive connotations made with peacemaking in warlike conditions will motivate industries to use this opportunity to show that their products can succeed in such demanding circumstances. Accordingly, social identity theory provides us with evidence as to how the commercialisation and commodification of peace operations and security co-operations can succeed. We also support our argument by providing a case study, Operation Rachel, which serves as a successful example of an operation that was (partially) commodified and commercialised. Operation Rachel, which can be seen as either or both a peace operation and security co-operation, shows that in the case of security co-operations, these operations should be presented as peace operations during the commodification and commercialisation processes.

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23

Döring, Stephan. "The European Union's policy regarding peace and security in sub-Saharan Africa since the end of the Cold War concepts and implementation /." Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Jun%5FDoring.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2007.
Thesis Advisor(s): habil. Rafael Biermann. "June 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on August 14, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 135-175). Also available in print.

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DoÌ, ring Stephan. "The European Union's policy regarding peace and security in sub-Saharan Africa since the end of the Cold War concepts and implementation." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/3375.

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This thesis analyzes the policy of the European Union towards sub-Saharan Africa since the end of the Cold War. The main research question is: Has EU policy toward Africa changed fundamentally, and, if so, what are the motivating factors? This thesis argues that there indeed is a paradigmatic change in the Africa policy. Especially since the formation of the European Security and Defense Policy in 1999, the EU has become more active and capable in implementing its missions in the region. The author looks first at basic guiding documents, especially the European Security Strategy and the EU Strategy for Africa, in order to trace the evolution of the EU's concepts. Then he investigates institutional, military, and civilian crisis management capacities available today to operate in that region. A case study on EU intervention in the Democratic Republic of Congo 2003-06 analyzes the scope and effectiveness of the EU's actions. It is shown that the EU has a unique variety of instruments available which enable it to operate in a broad mission spectrum. Military and civil operations complement one another. The EU's policy is guided by its norms, by a new threat perception and by France's national interests in that region.

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25

Mokoena, Benjamin P. O. "Conflict and peace in Burundi : exploring the cause(s) and nature of the conflict and prospects for peace." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2394.

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Thesis (MMil (Security and Africa Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.
The purpose of this study is to investigate the cause(s), the nature, and characteristics of the conflict in Burundi, and 10 explore the conditions for sustainable peace and prospects for peace. The study is intended as a descriptive analysis of conflict and peace in a case study of Burundi. Since independence in 1962, intermittent conflict has characterised the state of Burundi. There are various accounts of the conflict, of which a popular, but superficial, relates an 'ethnic' conflict between Hutus and Tutsis. Equally disparate, is the prescription of solutions, the most dominant of which is power sharing based on ethnic quotas. The conflict is played out in the context of a failing state with sharp structural weaknesses. In addition, Burundi is mired in the wider instabilities of the Great Lakes region and the communicable effects thereof. The study breaks away from the tendency to analyse only the current (since 1993) bout of conflict. It is proposed that the various incidences of conflict mark different phases in the life cycle of a single conflict. The study also breaks away from the tendency to view the conflict as only opposing Hutus and Tutsis. These two tendencies in analysis generate serious distortions and omissions and may account for the wrong conclusions regarding the conflict in Burundi. Another contribution of the study resides with the proposal of the necessary and sufficient conditions for peace in Burundi. The contention brought forward by this study is that exclusion would appear to be the strongest theoretical approach to understand and describe the conflict in Burundi. In this regard, one particular contentious issue has remained constant throughout all the incidences of conflict involving different groups. The central issue has been about the political economy of Burundi that has systematically denied social mobility for the 'other'. The Burundian state is a repository of political, economic and social security where the 'other', defined in ethnic, intra-ethnic, clanic, regional, elitist (and historically dynastic) terms, is excluded and subordinated. Exclusion (and the consequent inequalities and injustices) is a source of acute grievance and motivation for collective violence. The resultant conflict has manifested in a struggle for the control of the state. Inter alia, the conflict has been pemicious, genocidal, protracted and intractable. The notion of institutionalised power sharing, based on ethnic quotas, has been put forward by the actors in the peace process as the fundamental principle guiding the search for a solution to the conflict in Burundi. The study concludes that power sharing may be necessary, as a confidence building measure, however, power Sharing in itself is not a sufficient condition for sustainable peace, and may well in fulure prove to be Ihe weakest link in the peace process. Inter alia, the conditions in Burundi are not amenable to institutionalised power sharing as such, e.g. the presence of an overwhelming majority, and deep socio-economic inequality along ethnic lines. Further, the current power sharing structure in Burundi tilts the democratic framework in favour of Tutsi participation and security, awards the Tutsi with a de facto veto power, fixes the ethnic balance of power, and thus perpetuates conflict generating Tutsi domination of the political economy of Burundi. This study proposes the reconstruction of the state (state building) as a necessary precondition for peace. II is concluded that political representation, economic opportunity and social mobility, must transcend social categories in Burundi. The continuing instabilities in the Great Lakes region are also a point of concem. Thus, peace in Burundi is also contingent upon greater efforts to curb the communicable conflicts in this region.

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Tanoh, Yao Armand. "The role of the Peace and Security Council and the Assembly of Head of States and Government of the African Union in pursuit of democratisation in Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/5761.

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This paper discusses the involvement of the African Union in addressing the issues of democratisation. Focuses on the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Union and the Peace and Security Council. Gives an overview of all treaties and declarations adopted by the African Union.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2007.
A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Patrice VAHARD of the Faculty of Law, Addis Ababa University, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

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Khanyile, Moses Bongani. "South Africa's security relations with the Mercosur countries." Thesis, Pretoria : [s.n.], 2003. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-03242004-150754.

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28

Amponsem-Boateng, Richard. "Prospects of the Economic Community of West African States standby force." Fort Leavenworth, KS : US Army Command and General Staff College, 2006. http://cgsc.cdmhost.com/u?/p4013coll2,705.

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Sow, Fatou Kine. "Conflits et résolution des conflits en Afrique subsaharienne : l'élaboration de la gestion des conflits." Thesis, Paris 11, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA111005.

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Le continent africain a connu une grande période de conflictualité dans les années 1990 ; cettepériode coïncide avec l’essoufflement des politiques purement altruistes des pays occidentauxqui, hésitent de plus en plus à engager leurs troupes dans des conflits qui ne sont pas les leurs.En Afrique, le maintien de la paix est un défi de tous les temps ; l’Union africaine doit réagiraux menaces contre la paix et la sécurité par des réponses collectives fondées et soutenues pardes mécanismes cohérents.D’une résolution des conflits centralisée et contrôlée par le Conseil de sécurité des Nationsunies, s’est progressivement mis en place une alliance entre le système des Nations unies etl’Union africaine ; l’affirmation des interdépendances dans la recherche de la stabilitéimplique la coordination des stratégies et des programmes de sécurité et de défense entre lesdifférents acteurs de la paix sur le continent.Les mécanismes d’action sont repensés et les stratégies bouleversées. Et pour éviter lajuxtaposition des acteurs et l’évitement du chaos, la cohésion et la coordination entre desinstitutions prend son élan.La CEDEAO a prouvé sa capacité à mener une force d’interposition jusqu’au cessez-le-feu etle retour de la paix dans le conflit du Libéria ; elle s’est dotée de mécanismes d’interventionreconnus et structurés qui vont servir de levier à l’UA dans l’élaboration de ses propres outilsde maintien de la paix et de la sécurité sous régionales et régionales.La gestion des conflits va être rénovée avec une vraie architecture de paix et de sécurité del’Union africaine qui, désormais, s’est dotée de mécanismes fonctionnels et de forcesafricaines formées, opérationnelles et surtout interopérables avec les forces des organisationsinternationales.La question de la sécurité et de la stabilité en Afrique et les enjeux de reconstruction qu’ellepose, a nécessité la redéfinition des relations internationales en Afrique subsaharienne.Ces problématiques vont permettre à l’Union africaine d’élaborer et d’instituer la gestion desconflits sur le contient
The African continent has experienced a long period of conflict in the 1990s, this periodcoincides with the exhaustion of purely altruistic policies of Western countries, increasinglyreluctant to commit troops in conflicts that are not theirs.In Africa, peacekeeping is a challenge of all time, the African Union must respond to threatsagainst peace and security through collective responses based and supported by coherentmechanisms.In a conflict resolution controlled and centralized by the United nations Security Council, hasgradually established an alliance between the UN system and the African Union. Theassertion of the interdependencies in the search for stability involves the coordination ofstrategies and programs of security and defense between the different actors of peace on thecontinent.The mechanisms of action are reconsidered and the strategies changed. And to avoid thejuxtaposition of actors and avoiding chaos, cohesion and coordination among institutions isgaining momentum, its dash.ECOWAS has a proven ability to lead a peacekeeping force until the cease-fire and the returnof peace in the conflict in Liberia. It has mechanisms recognized and structured interventionthat will serve lever to the African Union in developing its own tools for peacekeeping andsecurity sub-regional and regional.Conflict management will be renovated with a real architecture of peace and security of theAfrican Union, which now has functional mechanisms and African forces trained, operationaland especially interoperable with the forces of international organizations.The issue of security and stability in Africa and the challenges of reconstruction it poses,necessitated the redefinition of international relations in sub-Saharan Africa.These issues will enable the African Union to work out for developing and establishingconflict management on the continent

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Nyirabikali, Gaudence. "Promoting Socio-Economic Development through Regional Integration - The Politics of Regional Economic Communities in Africa." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-206.

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Regional integration has gained momentum since the 1980s and throughout the world. The new regionalism process prevailing since differs from the old one by its multidimensionality covering economic, political, social, and cultural issues within a regional setting. While the old regionalism focused on market protection using a range of tariff and non tariff barriers, the New Regionalism is reinforced by the globalisation effects and strives for efficiency in production, and market access. Using the New Regionalisms Approach, the aim of this thesis is to appreciate the actual levels of regional integration in Africa and explore plausible ways of deepening the integration process with the view that regional integration can promote socio-economic development, provided a pro-development approach is privileged in the conception and implementation of the regional integration process. Focusing on SADC as a representative regional economic community, a qualitative content analysis is used for data collection while policy analysis is carried out using the Institutional Analysis and Development framework. The results of this study reveal discrepancies between policy formulation and policy implementation when it comes to enhancing the pro-developmental aspects in the unfolding regional integration process. In spite that shortcomings in past experiences triggered dramatic structural reforms ranging from the reorganisation of the Organisation of African Unity into the African Union, the creation of NEPAD, to structural reforms within regional economic communities with the example of the 2001 restructuring of SADC, empirical evidence shows that little change has occurred at the operational level. Moreover, even policy formulation at the collective-action level still lacks concrete strategies and plans for harmonisation and implementation of regional initiatives. Some of the strategies for deepening the regional integration process would include prioritising regional commitments to external ones and improving policy formulation as well as establishing linkages between different regional policies and strategies.

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Calvo, Thomas. "Governance, Peace and Security in Sub-Saharan Africa : Microeconomic interaction and impacts Fear of the state in governance surveys? Empirical evidence from African countries Fear Not For Man? Armed conflict and social capital in Mali." Thesis, Université Paris sciences et lettres, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020UPSLD009.

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Cette thèse en micro-économie du développement s'articule autour de l'objectif de développement durable numéro 16 visant à «promouvoir l'avènement de sociétés pacifiques et inclusives aux fins du développement durable, assurer l'accès de tous à la justice et mettre en place, à tous les niveaux, des institutions efficaces, responsables et ouvertes à tous ». Elle propose d'étudier, à partir de données d'enquêtes originales et de première main, les interactions et les effets de la Gouvernance, la Paix et la Sécurité pour les ménages et les entreprises des pays d'Afrique subsaharienne. Ce projet s'articule autour de deux axes de recherche. Le premier, transversal et méthodologique, interroge la fiabilité des données utilisées. En effet, ces données portent, d'une part, sur des sujets sensibles (respect des droits fondamentaux, démocratie, corruption…) et d'autre part, elles ont été recueillies par des opérateurs publics : les instituts nationaux de la statistique. Les résultats de ce premier chapitre montrent que les instituts publics sont totalement légitimes pour collecter des données de gouvernance : aucun biais de réponse systématique en faveur (ou en défaveur) des pouvoirs publics n'existe quand les enquêtés sont interrogés par des agents d'organisation publique. Le second axe étudie les conséquences micro-économiques de la violence au travers de deux études de cas. Le deuxième chapitre porte sur la violence d'ordre politique et ses effets sur le capital social au Mali depuis le début du conflit en 2012. L'exposition aux violences renforce les liens forts, exclusifs entre individus d'une même communauté, aux détriments des liens inter-groupe dits faibles, inclusifs qui déterminent le développement économique et social individuel et local. Ce repli sur soi est probablement un facteur de l'enracinement des tensions inter-ethniques qui ont explosé après 2016. Enfin, le dernier chapitre analyse les effets de la violence criminelle sur le marché du travail informel à Madagascar. Alors que les victimes de criminalité ajustent relativement peu les conditions de leur travail, la peur de la violence criminelle, largement partagée dans la société malgache, impacte négativement la productivité des ménages agricoles. Ces derniers adoptent des comportements plus risqués sur le marché du travail. Cette inquiétude a deseffets sur les plus jeunes dont le temps de travail augmente
This dissertation in applied development microeconomics centres on Sustainable Development Goal 16 which “promote[s] just, peaceful and inclusive societies”. This work aims at studying the interactions and effects of Governance, Peace and Security through the analysis of first-hand and high-quality household survey data in SubSaharan Africa. It is built around two lines of research. The first line of research is cross-cutting and methodological: it questions the reliability of the data used. Indeed, public organisations, namely National Statistics Offices, administer the surveys and collect information of sensitive nature (dealing with respect of fundamental rights, democracy, corruption among other things). Results show no systematic self-censorship or attenuation bias from adults surveyed by NSOs compared with adults surveyed by independent organisations. We provide evidence of the capacity and legitimacy of government-related organisations to collect data on governance, at much higher levels of precision than other existing data sources. The second line of research focuses on the impacts of violence in two African countries. On the one hand, we study the impacts of political violence on social capital since 2012 in the case of the Malian conflict. The increased association participation in areas exposed to violent events cannot be considered as positive. Indeed, it is observed solely for family and political associations, which are comparatively inward-looking and act as interest groups. We interpret this finding as a form of withdrawal behind group or community boundaries which may exacerbate ethnic divisions and deepen the conflict. On the other hand, I study how workers of the informal labour market cope with criminal violence in Madagascar. Although victims of criminality seem not to adopt different behaviours on the labour market, the fear of crime impact productivity negatively, particularly in the agricultural sector. Fearful workers become more vulnerable to shock occurrence. Adults’ fear of criminal violence also channels to under 15 household members whose participation on the labour market increases

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Correia, João. "Portugal, a arquitetura de segurança da África Austral e a Guerra Fria (1945-1975)." Master's thesis, IUM, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.26/11397.

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Esta investigação tem como objetivo sintetizar o estado do conhecimento e gerar novas perspetivas orientadas para o papel de Portugal na arquitetura de segurança da África Austral no período compreendido entre 1945 e 1975, no qual acreditamos que, ao resistir à descolonização e ao adotar uma estratégia de aproximação à África do Sul e à Rodésia no início da década de 1960, Portugal foi determinante para a globalização da Guerra Fria. Recorrendo a uma abordagem dedutiva, concluímos que existiu uma arquitetura de segurança na forma de complexo, com dois períodos distintos (1945-1960 e 1960-1975), e que a estratégia portuguesa uniu o Atlântico-Norte ao Atlântico-Sul ao cooptar os EUA para a defesa do “reduto branco”. A investigação gerou novas questões centradas nas consequências securitárias resultantes do fim da presença portuguesa na África Austral, e também na clarificação do papel securitário de outros atores no período 1945-1975. Abstract: This research aims to synthesize the state of knowledge and generate new perspectives towards the role of Portugal in the Southern African security architecture between 1945 and 1975, in which we believe that, by resisting to decolonization and adopting an approaching strategy to South Africa and Rhodesia at the beginning of 1960 decade, Portugal was decisive for the globalization of the Cold War. By using a deductive approach one concludes that there was a security architecture in the form of complex with two distinguished periods (1945-1960 and 1960-1975), and that portuguese strategy joined the South and North-Atlantic by co-opting the USA to the defense of the "white redoubt". The research generated new questions centered on the security consequences resulting from the portuguese exit from Southern Africa, and also on clarification of other actors’ security role on 1945-1975 period.

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Mvé, ebang Bruno. "Politique étrangère et sécurité nationale d'un petit État : analyse de l'action du Gabon pour la paix et la sécurité en Afrique Centrale, une politique extérieure au service de la construction et de la préservation de l'intérieur." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO30018.

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L’Afrique est la région du monde, dans laquelle, existe le plus grand nombre de crises armées sanglantes. Depuis les indépendances, cette région n’a jamais véritablement connu de paix et de sécurité dans toutes ses entités régionales. Dans ce sombre tableau africain, l’Afrique centrale occupe une place peu enviable. Abandonnée à son triste sort à la fin de la Guerre Froide, des pays, tel que le Gabon, décidèrent de particulièrement orienter leur politique étrangère dans le but d’aider les États en crises, de son environnement immédiat, à recouvrir une certaine stabilité mais surtout dans une logique de sécurisation nationale. Petit pays d’Afrique centrale, le Gabon ressent les effets de l’instabilité régionale persistante. Cet engagement gabonais pour la paix n’est pas né avec son accession à la souveraineté. Il s’est construit au fil des années. Son action pour sa construction et sa sécurité nationale n’a jamais eu pour but de reproduire, exactement, le même modèle de stabilité qu’il connait mais, uniquement, d’arriver aux silences des armes. Il est évident que comme tout engagement politique, l’action r gabonaise présente certaines limites et l’État devrait prendre des mesures pour que l’objectif de sécurité nationale soit atteint sans ambages. Néanmoins, l’action de tel pays est importante car en priorisant le dialogue, ils fournissent un travail de fourmis qui arrive, tout de même, à mettre un terme aux effusions de sang et à leur tendance au débordement
Africa is the region of the world, in which, exists the largest number of bloody armed crises. Since the independences, this region has never really known peace and security in all its regional entities. In this somber african board, Central Africa occupies an unenviable place. Abandoned in its sad fate at the end of the Cold War, countries, such as the Gabon, decided to direct particularly their foreign policy with the aim of helping states in crises, of its immediate environment, to cover a certain stability But especially in a logic of national reassurance. Small country of Central Africa, the Gabon feels the effects of the persistent regional instability. This Gabonese commitment for the peace was not born with its entry in the sovereignty. It built itself over the years. Its action for its building and national security has never aimed at reproducing exactly the same model of stability which it can but only arrive at the silence of weapons. It is obvious that as any political commitment, the gabonese regional action presents certain limits and the state should take measures aiming at a better international assertion. Nevertheless, the action of such country is important because by prioritizing the dialogue, they supply a painstaking job which manages, all the same, to put an end to the bloodsheds and to their tendency to the overflowing

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Ntwari, Guy-Fleury. "L'Union africaine et la promotion de la paix, de la sécurité et de la stabilité en Afrique." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO30082.

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La promotion de la paix, de la sécurité et de la stabilité est un objectif fondamental de l’Union africaine, l’Organisation continentale panafricaine. Cet objectif constitue désormais une fonction juridique essentielle pour laquelle a été mise en place au sein de l’Organisation un mécanisme approprié : l’architecture de paix et de sécurité (APSA). Bâtie sur une articulation juridique actualisée, au cœur de laquelle se trouve le Conseil de paix et de sécurité, cette fonction se trouve placée dans des conditions juridiques, devant permettre à l’Union africaine d’agir efficacement dans les situations d’atteinte à la paix, à la sécurité et à la stabilité. Plus d’une décennie après la mise en place de la nouvelle Organisation, le caractère fondamental de cette fonction pousse dès lors à s’interroger sur sa place exacte, à la lumière des capacités de l’Organisation à l’assurer à l’épreuve des faits. Cette interrogation éclaire les conditions d’émergence de la fonction mais place sa dynamique de mise en oeuvre dans un contexte ambivalent marqué tout à la fois par le caractère extensif des compétences de l’Organisation dans ce domaine mais également par la portée limitée de celle-ci face à la multiplication des conflits
The Promotion of Peace, security and stability is a fundamental objective of the African Union, the Pan African continental organization. This aim is a now a core legal function for which has been established an appropriate scheme within the Organization: the Architecture of Peace and Security in Africa (APSA). Within an updated legal articulation, at the heart of which is the Peace and Security Council, this function is placed in legal conditions that must allow the African Union to act effectively in the cases of breach of peace, security and stability. More than a decade after the establishment of the new organization, the fundamental nature of this function, pushes therefore to question its proper place, in light of the capacity of the Organization to ensure it, at the facts test. This question illuminates emergence conditions of this function but identifies also an ambivalent dynamic in its implementation, marked at once by the extensive nature of the competences of the Organization in this area but its limited scope when facing increasing conflicts

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Langeveldt, Veleska. "(De)legitimizing rape as a weapon of war: patriarchy, narratives and the African Union." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4068.

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Magister Administrationis - MAdmin
The African continent has over the past 40 years witnessed a continued scourge of violent conflict and human rights abuses. These conflicts have significantly undermined the social, political, and economic prosperity of African citizens. Additionally, women and children are particularly affected by these conflicts. Women and children are regarded as ‘the most vulnerable’ as they often become the targets of sexual abuse by the enemy. The African Union (AU) is primarily responsible for the resolution of conflicts on the continent. It professes to be committed to the prevention of human rights abuses and the protection of African women (and children) during armed conflicts. It has thus developed an array of mechanisms, protocols, and instruments to address the exploitation and sexual abuse of women during conflict periods. These instruments include: The Constitutive Act of the AU (2000); The Solemn Declaration of Gender Equality in Africa (2003); the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa- ACHPRWA (2004); and the Protocol relating to the Peace and Security Council. In this research project, I consider whether the narratives used in these AU documents sufficiently and explicitly address the use of rape as a strategic weapon during armed conflicts; or whether these narratives inadvertently contribute to a culture that perpetuates war-time rape. My analysis shows that these AU documents deal with war-time rape in very vague and euphemistic terms. Although gender discrimination, sexual violence, exploitation, discrimination, and harmful practices against women are condemned, the delegitimization of rape as a weapon of war is not specifically discussed. This allows for varying interpretations of AU protocols, including interpretations which may diminish the severity of strategic rape. This has lead me to propose that the narratives used in these AU protocols and related documents draw on patriarchy, perpetuate patriarchy, and thus inadvertently perpetuates a culture that perpetuates the use of rape as a weapon of war

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Aronsson, Patrik. "EU:s och Sveriges säkerhetsstrategier : studier av EU-ledda svenska insatser i Afrika 2006-2009." Thesis, Swedish National Defence College, Swedish National Defence College, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-177.

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Det som undersökningen beskriver är hur EU:s säkerhetsstrategi påverkade de utrikespolitiska målen inför militära insatser i Demokratiska Republiken Kongo 2006, Tchad/Centralafrikanska republiken 2008 och Somalia 2009.

Vår utrikespolitiska vilja och dess utrikespolitiska mål motiverar vårt deltagande i militära insatser utomlands. Dessa mål skall vara vägledande och skall genomsyra insatsens genomförande. Detta generade en problemställning i denna uppsats som lyder:

På vilket sätt har bakomliggande säkerhetspolitiska resonemang till EUs säkerhetsstrategi påverkat utformandet av de nationella svenska motiven till internationella insatser i de EU-ledda militära insatserna i Afrika 2006-2009? Kan incitament och motiv identifieras som inflytelser i propositioner från samma period?

Syftet var att undersöka målsättningarna i dokumentet Ett säkert Europa i en bättre värld, en Europeisk säkerhetsstrategi (ESS), för att se hur dessa målsättningar påverkat de svenska propositionerna inför de EU-ledda insatserna.

Som metod användes en kvalitativ textanalys deduktivt, genom att analysera de utrikespolitiska målen med ett analysverktyg indelat i säkerhets-, välfärds- och idémål.

Resultatet visade att EU:s övergripande säkerhetsstrategi genomsyrade våra motiv i propositionerna men att det fanns sammantaget en avsaknad av EU:s tydlighet med att vara aktiv, preventiv och handlingskraftig i propositionerna. För att få effekt i välfärdsmålsättningar anser EU att detta skall integreras med olika resurser och där även med civil och militär integrering. Denna integrering var inte fullt tydlig i undersökningens studerade propositioner.

Den främsta och prioriterade effekten var att tillgodose de mänskliga rättigheterna vilket gör att signaleffekten var hög både för EU och Sverige i insatserna, både regionalt och strategiskt.

This essay examines how The EU Security Strategy affected the objectives of Swedish foreign politics before launching military operations in The Democratic Republic of Congo 2006, Chad/Central African Republic 2008 and in Somalia 2009. The intentions and goals of foreign politics determine Governmental bills and the objectives for the military operations that are sent overseas. These objectives are to serve as guidelines for the realization of the operations.

This was the basis of the overall problem for my study which asks: How have security policies based on EU reasoning of Security Strategies affected the Swedish national motives for military operations commanded by the EU in Africa 2006-2009? Can they be identified and explained in the Governmental bills from the same era?

The document, A secure Europe in a better world European Security Strategy, (2003) is used in the case study to identify the objectives and to compare how these have been implemented in the Swedish governmental bills before the initiation of the EU commanded military operations. This was achieved by using qualitative text analysis and a deductive method to analyse foreign policies with an analysis tool, divided into security, welfare of the state and ideological objectives.

The outcome of the study identified that the motives for the Governmental bills were permeated by EU’s overall objectives. In the Governmental bills, it was identified that there was generally a lack of the sharpness that the EU policy stands for, regarding being active, preventive and resolute. In order to achieve more effectiveness in the welfare of the state objectives, the EU considers this objective ought to be integrated into all resources as well as into civil and military integration. Additionally, this integration was not emphasized in explicit terms in the examined bills. The main and most prioritised outcome was to consider Human Rights, which resulted in high ranking publicity for the EU and Sweden in the outcome of the operations, both regionally and strategically.

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Frasson-Quenoz, Florent. "La construction de la communauté de sécurité africaine : une perspective africaine." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO30015.

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Les difficultés rencontrées pour assurer le maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationale sur le continent africain constituent un réel obstacle au développement économique, un danger pour les populations et une menace sérieuse pour la survie des Etats.Les outils théoriques classiques de la sécurité internationale s’étant révélés insuffisants pour apporter une réponse à cette problématique, notre objectif est ici, en recourant à l’approche constructiviste, de déterminer si les États africains manifestent une réelle volonté et/ou capacité à construire une communauté de sécurité (CS) à même de palier ces difficultés.Pour ce faire nous nous interrogeons sur l’existence d’un lien entre la production d’actes de parole, la promotion et l’adoption de normes de régulation pacifiques des conflits et la manière qu’ont les États africains d’appréhender leurs relations avec les autres membres de la CS supposée.L’utilisation additionnelle du concept de région et l’adoption d’une perspective africaine nous permettent en outre de diviser l’objet d’étude « Afrique » en plusieurs sous-Ensembles plus propices à la réalisation d’une étude scientifique et d’évaluer d’une part la pertinence et d’autre part le sens même du concept de CS lorsqu’il est appliqué au terrain africain
The difficulties met to insure the preservation of the peace and the international security on the African continent constitute a real obstacle to the economic development, a danger for the populations and a serious threat for the survival of States.The classic theoretical tools of the international security having proved insufficient to provide an answer to this issue, our objective is to determine, on the basis of the constructivist approach, whether African States show a real willingness and\or a capacity to build a Security Community (SC) that would be able to overcome these difficulties.In order to do so we question whether a link exists between the production of “speech acts” on the one hand and the promotion and the adoption of pacific regulation norms for conflicts on the other, and we examine the way African States apprehend their relations with other members of the supposed SC.The additional use of the concept of “region” and the adoption of an African perspective allow us to divide the object of study "Africa" into several subsets more propitious to the achievement of a scientific study, and to evaluate the relevance and the meaning of the SC concept when applied to the African field of study

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Ndayisaba, Edison. "Le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda face à sa mission : Contribution à l'étude des limites des juridctions internationales répressives." Thesis, Antilles, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017ANTI0161/document.

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Suite à la reprise des hostilités consécutive à l’attentat contre l’avion du président Habyarimana, il y eut violation du cessez-le feu signé à Arusha le 04 aout 1993 entre le gouvernement rwandais et la rébellion du front patriotique rwandais, et une guerre civile éclata au Rwanda. Au cours de cette guerre civile, beaucoup de graves violations du droit international furent commises. Les différentes enquêtes des nations unies ayant constaté que ces violations pouvaient être qualifiées de génocide, crimes contre l’humanité et crimes de guerre, recommandèrent la création d’un tribunal pénal international pour en réprimer les auteurs. C’est ainsi que le conseil de sécurité des nations unies, ayant constaté que ces crimes ainsi que la crise humanitaire au Rwanda constituaient une menace à la paix, créa, lors de sa séance du 8 novembre 1994, le tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR). Il lui assigna la mission de réprimer toutes les personnes impliquées dans ces crimes au Rwanda et dans les pays voisins en 1994, en vue de contribuer au maintien de la paix dans la région des grands lacs africains ainsi qu’à la réconciliation nationale au Rwanda.La légalité, pour le conseil de sécurité, organe politique des nations unies, de créer une juridiction pénale dans le cadre du chapitre vii de la charte a été analysée. Quant à l’adéquation de cette mesure au contexte, la répression des auteurs des crimes devait contribuer au maintien de la paix et à la réconciliation nationale, par la dissuasion et l’aspect pédagogique des jugements.Cependant, à la clôture des travaux du TPIR en 2014, le bureau du procureur n’avait poursuivi aucun membre du FPR malgré les rapports bien documentés l’impliquant dans les crimes commis. Aussi, aucune enquête n’a été organisée pour élucider les circonstances de l’attentat contre l’avion du président rwandais, reconnu par l’ONU comme le facteur déclencheur du génocide.Les travaux du TPIR ont connu des limites d’ordre juridique, basées d’une part, sur les textes fondamentaux ainsi que la stratégie des poursuites inappropriée de la part du bureau du procureur, et que d’autre part, sur l’ingérence des facteurs politiques qui a limité l’action du bureau du procureur. Ces facteurs ont rendu l’action du TPIR critiquable et considérée par certains observateurs comme une justice du vainqueur.Suite à cette répression partielle et sélective, le TPIR n’a assuré aucune contribution au maintien de la paix dans la région des grands lacs. L’impunité accordée aux membres d’une partie au conflit rwandais a favorisé l’exportation de la violence armée en république démocratique du Congo, où les crimes graves ont été commis depuis 1996. Quant à la contribution à la réconciliation nationale, la répression partielle a plutôt servi à cristalliser les frustrations qui pourraient, à l’avenir, générer une autre crise politique plus importante que celle de 1994. En vue de réparer les erreurs du TPIR, il a été recommandé que la communauté internationale, à défaut d’étendre la compétence ratione temporis du TPIR, puisse créer un autre tribunal pénal international ad hoc pour réprimer les auteurs des crimes commis au Rwanda et au Congo, et dont l’impunité risque de pérenniser l’instabilité et la violence dans la région
Following the resumption of hostilities after the air Strike on President Habyarimana's plane, there was a violation of the ceasefire signed in Arusha (Tanzania) on 4 August 1993 between the Rwandan government and the rebellion of the Rwandan Patriotic Front , and a war Civil war broke out in Rwanda. During this civil war, many serious violations of international law were committed. As the various United Nations investigations found that these violations could be characterized as genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, they recommended the establishment of an international criminal court to punish the perpetrators. Thus, the United Nations Security Council, having found that these crimes and the humanitarian crisis in Rwanda constituted a threat to the peace, created, at its meeting on 8 November 1994, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). He assigned him the task of prosecute all those involved in these crimes in Rwanda and in neighboring countries in 1994, with a view to contribute to the maintenance of peace in the African Great Lakes region and to national reconciliation in Rwanda.The legality of the creation of a criminal jurisdiction under Chapter VII of the Charter for the United Nations Security Council was analyzed. As to the adequacy of this measure to the context, the punishment of perpetrators should contribute to the maintenance of peace and national reconciliation through deterrence and the pedagogical aspect of judgments.However, at the close of the ICTR's work in 2014, the Office of the Prosecutor had not prosecuted any member of the RPF despite well-documented reports involving the crimes committed. Accordingly, no investigation has been carried out to elucidate the circumstances of the attack on the Rwandan president's plane, which the UN recognized as the trigger for the genocide.The ICTR's work has had legal limitations, based on both basic texts and the inappropriate prosecution strategy of the Office of the Prosecutor, and on the interference of Political factors that limited the work of the Office of the Prosecutor. These factors have made the action of the ICTR criticized and regarded by some observers as a justice of the victor.As a result of this partial and selective repression, the ICTR has not made any contribution to the maintenance of peace in the Great Lakes region. Impunity granted to members of a party to the Rwandan conflict has favored the export of armed violence to the Democratic Republic of Congo, where serious crimes have been committed since 1996. As for the contribution to national reconciliation, partial repression Has served rather to crystallize the frustrations that could, in the future, generate another political crisis more important than that of 1994.In order to remedy the errors of the ICTR, it was recommended that the international community, without extending the jurisdiction of the ICTR ratione temporis, could create another ad hoc international criminal tribunal to punish the perpetrators of crimes committed in Rwanda and Congo, and whose impunity risks perpetuating instability and violence in the region

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Agbobly-Atayi, Amevi. "L’organisation internationale de la francophonie en matière de prévention, de gestion et de règlement des crises et conflits en Afrique subsaharienne francophone : cas de la république démocratique du Congo, du Tchad, de la Côte d'Ivoire et du Togo." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO30059.

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En Afrique subsaharienne francophone, au cours de ces deux dernières décennies, le nombre et l’intensité des crises et conflits restent un sujet de vive préoccupation exigeant une réponse globale. Ces différends ont souvent pour cause profonde la violation des droits de l’homme et l’avènement du processus démocratique débouchant sur des transitions chaotiques, notamment en République démocratique du Congo, au Tchad, en Côte d’Ivoire et au Togo.L’OIF, un acteur à vocation culturelle doté dorénavant d’instruments et de mécanismes de prévention et de sortie de crises, s’impose à côté de l’ONU et autres organisations internationales et régionales comme une institution culturelle de démocratie et de sécurité.Outre son rôle prépondérant en matière de contribution au processus démocratique, les actions de la Francophonie se déroulent en complémentarité avec celles des autres organisations impliquées dans la prévention, la gestion et la résolution des conflits.A l’heure des enjeux sécuritaires entre Etats, et en dépit de ses moyens limités, il s’avère nécessaire de construire autour de cet espace géoculturel à dimension politique, une identité stratégique sécuritaire en vue de juguler les menaces et risques majeurs et jouer pleinement son rôle de puissance d’influence
In francophone Sub-Saharan Africa conflicts and crises have increased in number and intensity over the two last decades and remained a major issue demanding a global response. They are often mainly caused by the breach of human rights and the coming of democratic process leading chaotic transitions, such as in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Chad, Ivory Coast and Togo.The international organisation of “ francophonie” – whose role consists in promoting culture and whose new tools and mechanisms aim at preventing and solving crises – play a major part among the UN and other international and regional organisations as a cultural institution for democracy and security. Apart from its prevailing part played in terms of contribution to the democratic process, the actions of the organisation complement those of other organisations involved in preventing, managing, and solving conflicts.At this time of security challenge among countries and despite limited means, working out – within this geo cultural area that has a political dimension – a secure strategic identity, turns out to be necessary in order to curb major threats and risks and fully play the role of influential power

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Rabie, Osama Bassam J. "Developing a Cyberterrorism Policy: Incorporating Individual Values." VCU Scholars Compass, 2018. https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/5549.

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Preventing cyberterrorism is becoming a necessity for individuals, organizations, and governments. However, current policies focus on technical and managerial aspects without asking for experts and non-experts values and preferences for preventing cyberterrorism. This study employs value focused thinking and public value forum to bare strategic measures and alternatives for complex policy decisions for preventing cyberterrorism. The strategic measures and alternatives are per socio-technical process.

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Tawa, Netton Prince. "Les stratégies des anciennes puissances coloniales dans la résolution des conflits armés internes en Afrique après 1994 : Sierra Leone et Côte d’Ivoire." Thesis, Paris 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA020048.

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L’échec de l’opération des Nations Unies Restore Hope conduite en Somali sous le leadership des États-Unis d’Amérique et le génocide rwandais de 1994 ont modifié les rapports du monde occidental aux conflits armés internes en Afrique. D’une volonté initiale affichée en faveur du renforcement des capacités des acteurs africains dans la gestion de la conflictualité à l’intérieur des États africains, le monde occidental a adopté une posture de désengagement de la conflictualité interne en Afrique. La directive présidentielle américaine Presidential Decision Directive 25 du 3 mai 1994 et la recommandation du Sénat belge du 28 janvier 1998 resteront certainement les plus significatifs en matière de modification de l’attitude occidentale en faveur de l’Afrique en conflit. Cependant, et « ramant à contre courant », le Royaume-Uni de Grande Bretagne et d’Irlande du Nord d’une part et la France d’autre part ont décidé d’assumer leur part de responsabilité historique dans la vie, parfois mouvementée de leurs anciennes colonies en Afrique. Pour ces deux anciennes puissances coloniales, les difficultés internes auxquelles les États africains post-guerre froide étaient confrontés constituaient de véritables défis pour lesquels, ces États avaient besoin d’une assistance contre vents et marrées. Cette profession de foi partagée sur les deux rives de la Manche a permis de stabiliser et ramener la paix dans deux États africains dans l’ère post génocide rwandais. Ce sont la Sierra Leone et la Côte d’Ivoire. Comment le Royaume-Uni et la France ont-ils réussi à stabiliser la Sierra Leone et la Côte d’Ivoire et les sortir de leurs conflits en apparence insolubles eu égard à la profondeur des divergences qui en opposaient les acteurs ? Quels ajustements stratégiques le Royaume-Uni et la France ont-ils opéré dans leur politique interventionniste dans le cadre de la résolution des conflits armés internes en Sierra Leone et en Côte d’Ivoire et quelles actions entreprises par elles ont permis d’aboutir aux succès enregistrés dans ces deux États ? A travers une recherche bibliographique, du reste, bien disponible, des entretiens conduits auprès du monde diplomatique, des personnalités politiques, d’anciens acteurs en conflit et d’autorités militaires, cette thèse révèle comment par une synergie d’actions bien coordonnées, le Royaume-Uni et la France ont permis de ramener la paix et la quiétude en Sierra Leone et en Côte d’Ivoire. Ayant agi ainsi, ces deux puissances moyennes, membres permanents du Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies ont donné à l’Afrique et au monde des raisons de croire en l’intervention internationale
He failure of the United Nations Restore Hope operation in Somalia under the leadership of the United States of America and the 1994 Rwandan genocide altered the Western world's relationship to internal armed conflict in Africa. From an initial desire to strengthen the capacity of African actors to manage conflicts within African states, the Western world adopted a position of disengagement from internal conflict in Africa. The United States’ Presidential Decision Directive 25 of May 3, 1994 and the recommendation of the Belgian Senate of January 28, 1998 are particularly significant in terms of changing the Western world’s attitude in favor of Africa in conflict. However, and "going against the current," the United Kingdom on the one hand and France on the other hand have decided to shoulder their share of historical responsibility in the fate of their former colonies in Africa. For these two former colonial powers, the internal difficulties facing the post-Cold War African states were real challenges which these states needed assistance in dealing with. This commitment on both sides of the Channel helped to stabilize and restore peace in two African states in the Rwandan post-genocide era, namely Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast. How did the United Kingdom and France manage to stabilize Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast and extricate them from seemingly intractable conflicts, given the depth of the differences between the actors? What strategic adjustments did the United Kingdom and France make in their interventionist policies in the context of the resolution of internal armed conflicts in Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast, and what actions did they take to achieve success in both these countries? Through a review of the literature as well as through interviews of diplomats, politicians, military leaders and other actors, this thesis demonstrates how, through a synergy of well-coordinated actions, the United Kingdom and France brought peace and tranquility to Sierra Leone and Ivory Coast. Having done so, these two middle-ranking powers, permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, gave Africa and the world reason to believe in international interventions

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Christian, Patrick James. "Between Warrior and Helplessness in the Valley of Azawa - The struggle of the Kel Tamashek in the war of the Sahel." NSUWorks, 2015. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/22.

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This dissertation is an Investigation into the Tuareg involvement in violent conflict in the Sahara and the Sahel of North Africa from a sociological psychological perspective of unmet human needs. The research begins by establishing the structure and texture of the sociological, psychological, and emotional life patterns of their existence when not involved in violent conflict. This is followed by an examination of the pathology of Tuareg social structures that are engaged in intra and inter communal violence as perpetrators, victims, and bystanders. The first part of the research establishes normal conditions of the sociological life cycle and highlights natural areas of conflict that arise from exposure to rapid and/or external changes to their physical and social environment. The second part establishes parameters of expected damage from trauma, extended conflict, and failure to adapt to rapid environmental, social and political changes. The research methodology relies on a case study format that uses collaborative ethnography and phenomenological inquiry to answer the research questions and validate propositions made from existing literature and pre]existing research. The research questions focus on aspects of the sociological structure and failing psychological and emotional needs that are relevant to the subjectfs involvement in violent conflict. The research propositions are in part shaped from existing knowledge of tribal sociological structures that are related to the Tuareg by ethnicity, environment, and shared psycho]cultural attributes. The expected contribution of this research is the development of an alternative praxis for tribal engagement and village stability operations conducted by the United States Special Operations Command.

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Akuffo, Edward Ansah. "Canadas Non-Imperial Internationalism in Africa: Understanding Canadas Security Policy in the AU and ECOWAS." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10048/1071.

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This study is concerned with Canadas policy towards peace, security and development in Africa. It examines Canadas response to these issues in relation to the New Partnership for Africas Development (NEPAD), the African Union Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Security Mechanism. With the intensification of violent conflicts in parts of Africa and their impact on individuals, communities, and socioeconomic development, African leaders transformed the OAU into the AU and established APSA to promote regional and human security in Africa. At the sub-regional level, West African leaders established the ECOWAS Security Mechanism to address the (human) security deficit in the West Africa region. These institutional transformations coincided with the launching of the NEPAD, which became one of the central instruments of engagement between Africa and the international community to address the peace, security and development challenges on the African continent. Canadas response to the NEPAD under the Liberal government of Jean Chrtien came in the form of a $500 million Canada fund for Africa (CFA) that among other things supported the capacity building of APSA and the ECOWAS Security Mechanism. The promotion of human security played a key role in Canadas approach to the AU and ECOWAS peace and security capacity building. I use a non-imperial internationalist approach that draws on the theoretical insights of a constructivist approach to international relations to provide an understanding of the Canadian governments policy. I argue that the Canadian governments policy towards the AU and ECOWAS can be understood in terms of the moral identity that Canada has built or acquired over the years in Africa. While this moral identity provides the means through which Canadian interests are pursued in Africa, it appears that the interest in maintaining this image has overshadowed the need for the Canadian government to craft an overarching policy and put resources behind the rhetoric of promoting peace and security, particularly human security in Africa.

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Francis, David J. "Peace and Conflict in Africa." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6253.

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Nowhere in the world is the demand for peace more prominent and challenging than in Africa. From state collapse and anarchy in Somalia to protracted wars and rampant corruption in the Congo; from bloody civil wars and extreme poverty in Sierra Leone to humanitarian crisis and authoritarianism in Sudan, the continent is the focus of growing political and media attention. This book presents the first comprehensive overview of conflict and peace across the continent. Bringing together a range of leading academics from Africa and beyond, "Peace and Conflict in Africa" is an ideal introduction to key themes of conflict resolution, peacebuilding, security and development. The book's stress on the importance of indigenous Africa approaches to creating peace makes it an innovative and exciting intervention in the field.

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Wachira, George. "Linking Peace, Security and Regional Integration in Africa." 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/904.

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Gomes, Porto Joao, Nana K. Poku, and N. Renwick. "Human Security and Development in Africa." 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2737.

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There has been a recent rise in optimism about Africa's prospects: increased economic growth; renewed regional and national political commitments to good governance; and fewer conflicts. Yet, given current trends and with less than eight years until 2015, Africa is likely to fail to meet every single one of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Home to almost one-third of the world's poor, Africa's challenges remain as daunting as ever. Despite highly publicized increased growth in some economies, the combined economies of Africa have, on average, actually shrunk and are far from meeting the required 7 per cent growth needed to tackle extreme poverty. A similar picture emerges from the analysis of Africa's performance on the other MDGs. In a world where security and development are inextricably connected in complex and multifaceted ways, Africans are, as a result, among the most insecure. By reviewing a select number of political, security and socio-economic indicators for the continent, this analysis evaluates the reasons underlying Africa's continuing predicament. It identifies four critical issues: ensuring peace and security; fostering good governance; fighting HIV/ AIDS; and managing the debt crisis. In assessing these developmental security challenges, the article recalls that the MDGs are more than time bound, quantified targets for poverty alleviation¿they also represent a commitment by all members of the international community, underwritten by principles of co-responsibility and partnership, to an enlarged notion of development based on the recognition that human development is key to sustaining social and economic progress. In recent years, and often following failures, especially in Africa, to protect civilian populations from the violence and predation of civil wars, a series of high-level commissions and expert groups have conducted strategic reviews of the UN system and its function in global politics. The debate has also developed at the theoretical level involving both a recon-ceptualization of security, from state centred norms to what is referred to as the globalization of security around the human security norm. There has also been a reconceptualization of peacekeeping, where the peacekeeping force has enough robustness to use force not only to protect populations under the emergent responsibility to protect norm, but also enough conflict resolution capacity to facilitate operations across the conflict¿development¿peacebuilding continuum. This article opens up a discussion of how these ideas might be relevant to security regime building and conflict resolution in African contexts, and suggests how initiatives in Africa might begin to make a contribution to the theory and practice of cosmopolitan peacekeeping.

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Akenroye, Ayodele Olawale. "HIV/AIDS as a human security threat in West Africa." 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/4365.

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This thesis seeks to explore the human security threats that AIDS constitute to the West African people. West Africa has been badly hit by the AIDS epidemic and studies conducted have situated the discourse as a public health issue only. This thesis challenges that assertion by exploring the complex issues and linkages of HIV/AIDS, Conflict and Human Security in West Africa. Using peacekeepers, women and children as case studies, this thesis analyzed and identified a model for human security in West Africa with a particular emphasis on the right to health and access to anti-retroviral drugs in view of the astronomical rise in the growth of HIV/AIDS in the West African region.

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Yobo, Dorcas Adjeley. "The human security paradigm as a challenge for the African Union in promoting peace and security in Africa : a case study of the Sudan/Darfur conflict." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/942.

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Using the Sudan/Darfur Conflict as a case study, this work seeks to address how and why the human security paradigm is a challenge for the African Union in its effort to establish long-term peace and stability in Africa. The purpose of the study is to assess the extent to which the human security model provides a realistic option with regard to the AU’s efforts which are aimed at enhancing peace and security in Africa. The key issues to be appraised include the extent to which AU’s policy framework for intervention in crisis situations emphasizes the need to protect the most vulnerable population groups such as non-combatant women and children, IDPs, and refugees; the parameters of the AU’s intervention framework and how effective the organization has been in addressing human security issues in Darfur; the challenges faced by the regional military forces and key development stakeholders in carrying out initiatives that will alleviate human suffering and simultaneously create conditions conducive to conflict resolution and a long term peace building process in Darfur; and proffering new prospects of action to ensure human security in armed conflicts The emergence of deep ethnic conflicts, the rise of rebel groups, and new and ambitious security initiatives have made regional efforts at establishing peace more daunting than before. The AU has started putting human beings more and more at the centre of its management of peace and security issues, but it remains severely constrained by financial and logistical problems. As a result, its success has been dependent on foreign contributions, something its predecessor (Organization of African Unity) always fought against. This study highlights the fact that AU efforts to ensure peace in Africa continue to be constantly frustrated due to the failure of African leaders to address the root threats to human security. Their failure to do so has in fact worsened the human security situation on the continent. The paper focuses on challenges faced by the AU specifically in the Darfur region, and explores whether the AU can be an actor in the promotion of human security. The main argument here is that the AU’s ownership approach to peace and security in the African continent, which emphasizes that African problems need to be solved by Africans, is fundamentally correct. However, for this to be successful Africans need to stop asking for whatever they think they can get from the international community and focus on what they really need. This does not deny the importance of promoting a strong global political will to assist African peacekeeping efforts, especially in terms of logistics and finances. Rather, the challenge for the AU is to use donor support strategically and to continue to employ a conflict preventive approach, one which places great emphasis on the significance and need for African leaders to start addressing human security issues from their root causes –whether social, economic or political. With the collaborative efforts of nongovernmental organizations, subregional organizations and the civil society, the AU could establish ‘AU alert institutions’ which will aim at ensuring that minority groups have a political voice, thus not only reducing the chances of ethnically based conflicts but also ensuring that sustainable development projects are implemented by tackling the root causes of conflict.
Thesis (M. Sc.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2009.

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Centre, Africa. "The African Century: What Can the Rest of the International Community Do to Support Sustainable Peace and Security in Africa?" 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/907.

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Prinsloo, Barend Louwrens. "The AU/UN hybrid peace operation in Africa : a new approach to maintain international peace and security / Barend Louwrens Prinsloo." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/11076.

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The perpetual conflict in Darfur, Sudan, which started anew in 2003, had dire humanitarian consequences and threatened international peace and security. The UN Security Council, which has the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, adopted Resolution 1769 on 31 July 2007 and authorised a 26 000 person-strong joint African Union/United Nations hybrid operation in Darfur (UNAMID) to take over from AMIS (the African Union peace operation in Darfur). UNAMID was established with dual command and control linked to both the African Union and the United Nations and both organisations would have an equal say in its mandate and operations. Given this unique and unprecedented arrangement between a regional organisation and the United Nations in terms of maintaining international peace and security, the aim of this research was to: • Understand and describe the political motivations/reasons why the United Nations formed a hybrid peace operation with the African Union; • Establish in which way the aforementioned impacted on future efforts of the United Nations to maintain international peace and security, especially on the African continent; and, based on this, • To determine whether or not hybrid operations were a viable alternative for the United Nations to maintain international peace and security. By means of a thorough analysis of the theoretical underpinnings of international peace and security, an assessment of the peace and security architecture of the United Nations and the African Union, an investigation into the origins of the Darfur conflict, an examination of the structure and mandate of UNAMID, and through an empirical investigation, a new theoretical proposition is provided in the conclusion of the thesis. It is concluded that the UNAMID model, in practical terms, is not an optimal mechanism for the United Nations to use to maintain international peace and security because it suffers from numerous internal political inequities and operational inadequacies.
Thesis (Ph.D. (Political Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Africa Peace and Security Architecture'

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