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1
Nawrot, Katarzyna A., and Ewa Cieślik. "Potencjał gospodarczy Afryki Zachodniej: wybrane implikacje z analizy taksonomicznej dla ekspansji gospodarczej." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 4 (December 26, 2017): 153–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2017.4.8.
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The article attempts to assess the economic potential of West Africa, using the taxonomic methods, formulate policy recommendations, and identify potential geographic directions of cooperation with the West African countries. It consists of four sections. The first part of the article characterizes the economies of West Africa in terms of their economic potential. The second section presents research methods and data applied in taxonomic analysis. Part three of the article discusses the results of taxonomic analysis. In the last part of the article we attempted to formulate recommendations for the economic policy of European countries and the strategies of European enterprises in stimulating expansion in the West African countries.
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Nwapi, Chilenye. "Mineral Resource Policy Harmonisation in West Africa." Global Journal of Comparative Law 7, no. 1 (February 2, 2018): 134–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2211906x-00701007.
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This article critiques the mineral resource policy harmonisation strategies adopted by supranational institutions in West Africa, focusing on local content/procurement and fiscal policy/taxation. Although minerals are sometimes defined to cover both mining and oil and gas, the article focuses on policies related to mining. It views West Africa’s mineral resource policy harmonisation strategies relating to local content and taxation as an attempt to standardise the rules and practices among individual States. Standardisation is particularly strong within the West African Economic and Monetary Union, which requires its member States to domesticate its harmonisation texts without modification. The article argues for a shift from enacting binding supranational rules governing substantive issues (such as the type of local content requirements to be adopted and the fixing of tax and royalty rates) towards rules that promote inter-State cooperation and sharing of information. This would give States sufficient latitude to tailor supranational initiatives to local needs.
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Dauda, Rasaki Stephen. "HIV/AIDS and economic growth: Evidence from West Africa." International Journal of Health Planning and Management 34, no. 1 (August 26, 2018): 324–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/hpm.2633.
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Enaifoghe, Andrew Osehi, and Harris Maduku. "African Big Economies on the Continental Trade Liberalisation and Migration Policy Development." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 11, no. 3(J) (July 18, 2019): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v11i3(j).2867.
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African countries are faced with a broad spectrum of political and economic challenges that have shadowed hugely in an anticipated socio-economic prosperity. The continent overtime has resolved to come up with a single currency as well as opening borders for trade but none of that has been realised. Polarisation of economic development has caused brain drain within the continent with educated people from poorly governed countries moving across borders (Europe and America), and the same happens with gifted entrepreneurs who search for a country with a better business enabling environment than their own home countries. There is uneven development in Africa with very poor, fragile and better performing countries constituting the continent. This has caused a huge burden on those economies that are doing well as those economies have to create jobs for immigrants as well and for their own people. However, the founding principles of the African Union were basically to bring African countries together and help each other to see through economic and political prosperity across the continent in as much as there are laid out guiding rules.Africa has continued to be a highly protective continent especially amongst itself as most countries still require visas from citizens of other African countries, while countries still impose import duties and all forms of control on imports and practices that are against the foresights of the founding principles of the African Union. This paper acknowledges the efforts that have been done in the West and South of Africa for the formation of regional blocks that desire to achieve socio-economic progress in those regions. The formation of ECOWAS in the WEST and SADC in the South are good strides towards integration efforts in Africa but if the founding objectives of the African Union are to be achieved, member countries still have to do more. This paper recommends the two biggest countries in Africa to make use of their economic power to influence smaller member states to also envision possible socio-economic benefits that can emanate from total integration of the continent. They could make use of the African parliament, African Union summits and other several platforms to lobby for this important goal.
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Akanbi, Sa'ad Babatunde, Ridwan Olamilekan Dauda, Hammed Agboola Yusuf, and Abdulganiyu Idris Abdulrahman. "Financial Inclusion and Monetary Policy in West Africa." Journal of Emerging Economies and Islamic Research 8, no. 2 (May 31, 2020): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/jeeir.v8i2.8161.
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The study investigated the impact of financial inclusion on the effectiveness of monetary policy in West Africa for the period 2005 to 2018. The study employed Granger panel non-causality test developed by Dumitrescu and Hurlin to determine the direction of causality between inflation (a proxy for monetary policy) and indicators of financial inclusion. The system GMM was also employed to investigate the impact of each indicator of financial inclusion on monetary policy. The results show that financial inclusion is a major determinant of monetary policy. The study concludes that financial inclusion should be broaden to include large number of economic agents in the rural areas and in informal sector because large volume of financial transactions take place within this sector.
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Issahaku, Paul Alhassan. "Policy suggestions for combating domestic violence in West Africa." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 36, no. 1/2 (March 14, 2016): 66–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-03-2015-0033.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to assess West African countries’ approach to address the issue of domestic violence (DV) in order to identify limitations and suggest policy measures. The paper situates DV in West Africa in the context of international literature and examines the question: what are the limitations of approaches to combating DV in West Africa and what is the way forward? The paper focusses on Ghana as a case example of efforts at addressing DV in West Africa. This is because Ghana is a pioneer among the very few West African countries that have developed a legislative cum policy framework to combat DV. A critical review of Ghana’s approach provides useful lessons for the way forward on policy against DV in the West Africa subregion. Design/methodology/approach – The methodology adopted consists of a survey of existing literature – theoretical and empirical – on DV in the international and Ghanaian contexts, a critical reflection on Ghana’s DV law, and synthesis of the emerging knowledge combined with familiarity with the context to make policy suggestions. A general review of literature on DV provides background understanding of the phenomenon globally and in the context of West Africa. Then an examination of Ghana’s law against DV helps to identify the limitations of the legislative approach. Finally, the paper makes suggestions on how to combat DV in West Africa at large. Findings – There is a high prevalence of DV in West Africa, particularly violence against women, although men also experience it. Some countries in the subregion, Ghana being an example, have adopted a legislative approach to deal with the problem. This approach criminalizes DV and requires victims or witnesses to report to the police. Perpetrators may be arrested and arraigned before a court and, if found culpable, fined or imprisoned while victims are promised protection and subsistence. The legislative approach is reactionary and cold, requiring reporting of violence even though this is not culturally expedient. The approach also frustrates victims who are willing to report by being cumbersome and costly. Finally, the approach is not built on any notable theory of DV. Research limitations/implications – The findings reported in this paper are based on secondary information. As a result, the analysis and conclusions are limited to what could be drawn from the documents reviewed and the experience of the author. Practical implications – The paper suggests specific measures for combating DV in West Africa. These include setting up a national taskforce on DV to coordinate actions and activities toward ending violence, using traditional, and religious leadership structures to campaign against DV, designing mentoring groups for men and women who are preparing to get into marriage, using social workers instead of the police to support victims of violence, institutionalizing assessment and care for DV victims at the hospital, and setting up funding for DV research. These measures could go a long way in combating DV in West Africa. Originality/value – This critical assessment of the legislative approach to combating DV in West Africa is about the first of its kind and therefore makes an original contribution to the literature. Also, the specific measures suggested in the paper are rare in reviews of its kind and therefore offers something of great value to policy makers and professionals in West Africa.
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Aidoo, Richard, and Steve Hess. "Non-Interference 2.0: China's Evolving Foreign Policy towards a Changing Africa." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 44, no. 1 (March 2015): 107–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261504400105.
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China's non-interference policy has come under scrutiny in regards to its growing and deepening relations in Africa. The policy has come to represent an about-face from conditional assistance and investment associated with the Washington Consensus. Although often well received in much of the global South, this policy has drawn a lot of criticism from the West and others. These commentators have perceived non-interference as an opportunistic and often inconsistent instrument for enabling China's increasing access to African resources and markets. This article suggests that despite some consistent support for the rhetoric of non-interference, China's implementation of the policy has become increasingly varied and contextualized in reaction to Africa's ever-more diversified political and economic landscape since the early 2000s.
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Madeira, João Paulo, and Nataniel Andrade Monteiro. "Cape Verde in West Africa region: towards a new paradigm for regional integration." Brazilian Journal of International Relations 5, no. 3 (January 5, 2017): 545–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2016.v5n3.05.p545.
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The West African region has immeasurable natural resources and a market of more than 300 million consumers, contributing directly to the dynamics of the global economy. This article aims to identify the importance of this region in the development of Cape Verde, an economically dependent country that has given primacy to its foreign policy to bet on political and economic diplomacy. This investigation was a literature review, complemented through an interpretative analysis, in which the results obtained may allow to consider that the archipelago of Cape Verde needs to delineate a new paradigm of regional integration, vying for the West African geo-economics’ space and using as a platform to provide services to other ECOWAS countries, so that the gains may also revert to the strengthening of cooperation with the African continent.Keywords: Cape Verde; West Africa; ECOWAS; Regional Integration; Development.
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Martin, Guy. "The Historical, Economic, and Political Bases of France's African Policy." Journal of Modern African Studies 23, no. 2 (June 1985): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00000148.
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A Quarter of a century has elapsed since France granted independence to her former colonies in West and Central Africa. Yet to this day, France continues to wield considerable power and influence in these countries politically, economically, socially, and culturally, thanks to a tightly-knit network of formal and informal relations. France's African policy has been remarkably constant and stable through the various successive governments of the Fifth Republic. How can this persistent situation of dominance/dependency and this continuity in foreign policy be accounted for? More specifically, the present study tries to analyse the main characteristics and essential mechanisms of France/s post-colonial policy in Africa, all too often shrouded under a veil of secrecy, albeit premised on a number of historical factors for its ideological foundation. On this basis, a variety of economic and political interests have been developed which constitute the main elements of this policy and its principal explanatory variables. Eventually, it is concluded that a neo-colonial strategy has been adopted in order to preserve a status quo that is clearly favourable to the conservative interests of the western world in general, and to France in particular.
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Arthur, John A. "Interregional Migration of Labor in Ghana, West Africa: Determinants, Consequences and Policy Intervention." Review of Black Political Economy 20, no. 2 (December 1991): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02689928.
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This article examines the determinants, consequences and policy intervention measures of the movement of labor within Ghana's administrative regions. The study concludes that the economic inequalities brought about by the uneven distribution of development projects in favor of urban areas causes depressed rural economic conditions, thus spurring rural to urban migration. Migration to the urban places of Ghana is therefore caused by individuals and families seeking better economic opportunities to improve the quality of their lives. Secondary determinants are varied, ranging from family obligations to the quest for adventure. The benefits of migration for the rural areas lie mainly in returned migrants’ contributions to the economic development of those areas. Migrants also contribute to the urban areas’ economic development, but their presence in large numbers has caused problems in the housing and in the delivery of social services. Rural development policies and land settlement schemes have been unsuccessful, due mainly to the lack of a comprehensive national development effort.
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Asiedu, Michael, Ebenezer Nana Yeboah, and David Owusu Boakye. "Natural Resources and the Economic Growth of West Africa Economies." Applied Economics and Finance 8, no. 2 (February 8, 2021): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/aef.v8i2.5157.
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In this study, we employed the pooled mean group (PMG) regression to examine the effect of natural resources economic rent (coal rent, gas rent, oil rent, forest rent, minerals rent) and foreign direct investment (FDI) on economic growth in West Africa for the period 1996 to 2017. We found strong evidence of a positive relationship between FDI, total natural resources (TNR), total natural gas (TNG), and economic growth in the long-run. However, the study recorded a negative relationship between mineral resources rent, oil rent and gas rent, and economic growth in the long run. The rent from coal also exhibited neutrality on economic growth. While all the short-run coefficients are not statistically significant, the error correction term (ECT) is significant and a negative value of -0.889, signifying cointegration at a 1% significance level. This also implies that the short-run estimates converge towards the long-run estimates to achieve equilibrium at the speed of 89% per annum. Our findings highlight the significance of FDI and total rent from natural resources in stimulating West African economies' growth in the industrialization drive and general welfare. In contrast, this study also highlights the need for policy direction to redesign and realign ownership in the oil and gas sector from multinational co-operations (MNCs) to the locals and the domestic economy to benefit directly from the prevailing environment.
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Nahoussé, Diabaté. "The Determinants of Inflation in West Africa." International Journal of Economics and Financial Research, no. 55 (May 15, 2019): 100–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.32861/ijefr.55.100.105.
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The objective of this study is to identify the determinants of inflation in West Africa, mainly in the WAEMU zone, in order to contribute to improving the conduct of monetary policy. The equation of the exchange of the Quantitative Theory of the Currency and the generalized method of moments (MMG) in dynamic panel is used. Annual data concerning six countries in West Africa and range from 1991 to 2015. The results of the estimation show that in addition to the economic growth rate and the money supply, the devaluation has a significant effect on inflation. As we can see, inflation is not systematically a monetary phenomenon in West Africa. The authorities must therefore seek to determine the optimal threshold for the rate of increase of the money supply.
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Iheonu, Chimere Okechukwu, Ozoemena Nwodo, Uchechi Anaduaka, and Ugochinyere Ekpo. "Inequality and female labour force participation in West Africa." European Journal of Government and Economics 9, no. 3 (December 18, 2020): 252–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17979/ejge.2020.9.3.6717.
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This study examined the impact of income inequality on female labour force participation in West Africa for the period 2004 to 2016. The study employed the Gini coefficient, the Atkinson index and the Palma ratio as measures of income inequality. For robustness, the study also utilises female employment and female unemployment as measures of female labour force participation. The study employed the instrumental variable fixed effects model with Driscoll and Kraay standard errors to account for simultaneity/reverse causality, serial correlation, groupwise heteroskedasticity and cross-sectional dependence. The empirical results reveal that the three measures of income inequality significantly reduce the participation of women in the labour force in West Africa. The study also revealed that domestic credit, remittances and female education are positively associated with female labour force participation in the sub-region. Further findings reveal that economic development reduces the participation of women in the labour force in West Africa with the U-shaped feminisation theory not valid for the West African region. The study, however, revealed an inverted U-shaped relationship between inequality and female unemployment. Policy recommendations based on these findings are discussed.
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Neethling, Theo. "South Africa’s Foreign Policy and the BRICS Formation: Reflections on the Quest for the ‘Right’ Economic-diplomatic Strategy." Insight on Africa 9, no. 1 (January 2017): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087816674580.
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South Africa’s foreign policy has recently been gravitating away from an appeal to Western powers towards the establishment of new friendships in the Global South, especially with Asia and Latin America. Moreover, the favouring of the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) partnership and a rising tone of anti-Western sentiments have increasingly been evidenced in South Africa’s contemporary foreign policy, which are of major significance to the nature and direction of its economic-diplomatic strategy. Three broad perspectives or main arguments from this article are of special importance: First, most members of BRICS are troubled by slower economic growth, which should be of concern to South Africa’s current foreign policy stand. Second, anti-Western ideological concerns and related presumptions on the part of the South African government that the BRICS formation could potentially assume a counter-hegemonic character vis-à-vis the West are questionable and dubious. Third, South Africa stands to benefit from many networks and opportunities provided by BRICS membership. At the same time, because of its low economic growth, high levels of poverty and lack of employment opportunities, South Africa cannot afford to follow an approach of narrow interest concerning the BRICS formation and to constrain itself in its economic diplomacy. This article argues that the South African government will therefore have to consider the opportunities offered by a more nuanced and pragmatic foreign policy designed on multiple identities.
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Wainscott, Ann Marie. "Religious Regulation as Foreign Policy: Morocco's Islamic Diplomacy in West Africa." Politics and Religion 11, no. 1 (November 10, 2017): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000591.
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AbstractStudies of religious regulation tend to examine how states manage the domestic religious market. This article extends this research program by analyzing a state that regulates the religious markets of foreign countries. The Moroccan case demonstrates the circumstances under which a religious bureaucracy designed to manage domestic religion can be turned outward, and employed to achieve foreign policy goals. Unlike other cases of foreign religious regulation, however, Morocco's efforts have been welcomed at the same time that the policy advanced Morocco's interests. What explains the success of Morocco's religious foreign policy? Building on interviews with religious elites from a recipient country, this article argues that Moroccan religious foreign policy has been successful because it was perceived as having historical and cultural legitimacy, it built on pre-existing institutions, and it was paired with renewed economic collaboration, three factors that have broader theoretical relevance to the study of religious foreign policies.
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Emmanuel, Osabiyi, Kolawole, Aiyegbusi Oluwole Oladipo, and OLOFIN, Olabode Philip. "Corruption, Institutional Quality and Economic Growth in West African Countries (1995-2017)." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 9, no. 2 (June 12, 2019): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v9i2.14915.
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This study examines the relationship among corruption, institutional quality and economic growth; and analyses the interaction effects of corruption and institutional qualities such as political stability and absence of violence (pv), government effectiveness (ge), regulatory quality (rq), control of corruption (cc), voice and accountability (va), and rule of law (rl) on economic growth (gdp) in West African Countries. Time series data covering the period between 1995 and 2017 were employed with Panel VAR method. Our results showed that corruption (cp) and economic growth are negatively related at lag one, and positively related at lag two, but the results were statistically insignificant. All institutional quality indicators, except ge are negatively related to economic growth at lag one, but at lag 2, positively related except rq, cc, and pv. These results were also statistically insignificant, except that of pv which is statistically significant.Our results also showed that interaction of control of corruption with corruption (cccp); regulatory quality with corruption (rqcp); and political stability and absence of violence with corruption (pvcp) negatively affect economic growth in West Africa both at lag one and two and were statistically insignificant. These results are expected in countries that are poorly rated both in terms of corruption and institutional quality. The study suggests reasonable policy interventions aimed at reducing the incidence of corruption as well as improving institutional quality in West Africa Countries.
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Gamawa, Yusuf Ibrahim. "Turkey-Africa Relations: Opportunities and Challenges." Australian Finance & Banking Review 1, no. 1 (October 15, 2017): 66–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.46281/afbr.v1i1.74.
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The Continent of Africa had been of great importance to many Countries outside Africa, Since the begining of the slave trade when European slave merchants invaded Africa and estalished the trade in human beings, which forced the migration of millions of Africans to America and the West Indies. Since then, the Continent had faced a continued influx of people for different purposes even after the abolution of slavery. The main attraction to Africa, has been its human and rich mineral resources scattered across the continent, as well as its vast market for foreign goods.This paper examines the relations between the republic of Turkey and countries of the African Continent, especially in 1990’s and 2000’s when the republic of Turkey began to develop interest to have relation with African countries. There were so many reasons that motivated and ignited the interest of Turkey in Africa all of a sudden, and this paper tried to present such reasons and also show how the republic of Turkey tried to establish such relations, the manner in which Turkey went about realising this objective of having deep economic, political and social relation with countries of the African Continent. The paper also tried to look at relations between Ottoman Turkey and Africa, though as a background to the present relations.It tried also to see what challenges there are in this relations, in the future or now, and also tried as much as possible to look at some policy suggestions regarding this symbiotic relations between Turkey and African countries. The paper argues that Pan Africanism poses a challenge to relations between Turkey and Africa and offered some policy suggestions that will deepen integration between Turkey and African States.
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Griffiths, Claire H. "Colonial subjects: race and gender in French West Africa." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 26, no. 11/12 (November 1, 2006): 449–594. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01443330610710278.
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PurposeThe purpose of this monograph is to present the first English translation of a unique French colonial report on women living under colonial rule in West Africa.Design/methodology/approachThe issue begins with a discussion of the contribution this report makes to the history of social development policy in Africa, and how it serves the on‐going critique of colonisation. This is followed by the English translation of the original report held in the National Archives of Senegal. The translation is accompanied by explanatory notes, translator’s comments, a glossary of African and technical terms, and a bibliography.FindingsThe discussion highlights contemporary social development policies and practices which featured in identical or similar forms in French colonial social policy.Practical implicationsAs the report demonstrates, access to basic education and improving maternal/infant health care have dominated the social development agenda for women in sub‐Saharan Africa for over a century, and will continue to do so in the foreseeable future in the Millennium Development Goals which define the international community’s agenda for social development to 2015. The parallels between colonial and post‐colonial social policies in Africa raise questions about the philosophical and cultural foundations of contemporary social development policy in Africa and the direction policy is following in the 21st century.Originality/valueThough the discussion adopts a consciously postcolonial perspective, the report that follows presents a consciously colonial view of the “Other”. Given the parallels identified here between contemporary and colonial policy‐making, this can only add to the value of the document in exploring the values that underpin contemporary social development practice.
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Saville, Adrian David, and Lyall White. "Bringing Pankaj Ghemawat to Africa: Measuring African economic integration." South African Journal of Economic and Management Sciences 19, no. 1 (March 2, 2016): 82–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajems.v19i1.1251.
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A wealth of literature dealing with trade liberalisation, capital market liberalisation, labour mobility and related issues concerning globalisation asserts that economies that are more integrated with the global economy and, more specifically with their neighbours, tend to enjoy higher sustained levels of growth. Empirical evidence with solid quantitative findings recently conducted by Pankaj Ghemawat has confirmed that more ‘open and connected’ economies display higher rates of economic growth, higher per capita income levels and greater levels of human welfare. Against this backdrop, it is notable that the available evidence – whilst incomplete – suggests that African economies are amongst the least integrated in the world. Given that integration and connectedness matter, and that there are material gaps in the evaluation of integration for African economies, it is important to develop better measures of African economies’ connectedness with their neighbours and with the world, how this connectedness is evolving and establish more comprehensive and robust means of economic integration compared to those historically available. Using Ghemawat’s framework, which measures flows of trade, capital, information and people (TCIP) to determine connectedness, we develop the Visa Africa integration index to provide a more comprehensive and detailed gauge of economic integration for 11 African countries in three clusters: East Africa, West Africa and Southern Africa. The index results suggest that African economies are emerging off a modest base, with some economies demonstrating progressive structural improvements toward higher levels of integration with their respective regions and the world. East Africa, in particular, shows signs of rising connectedness over the survey period. The index also illustrates that some countries are more integrated globally than regionally and vice versa, which is important information for policy makers toward improving deeper and broader integration in their respective regions. The index builds on previous research in the broad area of integration and helps us better understand the challenges and opportunities presented by Africa’s economic changes and some of the implications for economic growth.
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Ali, Essossinam. "Climate change and agricultural development in West Africa: Role of renewable energy and trade openness." Environmental Economics 12, no. 1 (February 8, 2021): 14–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ee.12(1).2021.02.
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The design, implementation, and evaluation of energy policies in combating climate change are becoming increasingly evident to strengthen economic growth driven by the agricultural sector in most developing countries. The study analyzes the direct and indirect effects of renewable energy consumption (REC) on agriculture value-added (AgVA), CO2 emissions, and trade openness in the short- and long-run in the West African countries. The second-generation panel unit root tests, the panel cointegration methods, and Panel Vector Error Correction Model are used with World Bank data from 1990 to 2015. A panel Granger causality test was also used to determine the direction of causality between variables. Findings show a unidirectional relationship between AgVA, CO2 emissions, and REC; between REC, gross fixe capital formation (GFCF) and trade openness. Moreover, the bidirectional hypothesis is verified between agricultural development and trade openness. However, the null hypothesis is found between AgVA and GFCF, on the one hand, and GFCF and CO2 emissions, on the other hand. These results suggest that fostering renewable energy policy and revisiting trade policy toward reducing environmental pollution will enable agricultural development and boost the regional economy. AcknowledgmentThe author wants to thank Dr. Moukpè GNINIGUE for his technical supports and Prof. Jean Marcelin Bosson BROU from the University of Houphouet Boigny (Cote d’Ivoire), Dr. Odzadifo K. WONYRA and Dr. Hodabalo BATAKA from the University of Kara, Dr. Koffi Massesso ADJI from the West African Sciences Services Centre on Climate Change and Land Use (University of Cheikh Anta Diop, Dakar) and Essotanam MAMBA from the University of Lomé for their constructive comments on the earlier version of this manuscripts. Finally, the author is grateful to the anonymous reviewers and Editor-in-Chief of Environmental Economics, whose comments have improved this paper. However, the opinions expressed in this paper are solely those of the author.
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Deyassa, Kassaye. "Does China’s Aid in Africa Affect Traditional Donors?" International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 23, no. 1 (July 15, 2019): 199–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.23.13.
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China’s role as an emerging aid provider and the concept of a social plan in Africa has led to polarised responses in the West. Several say that this “productivist” strategy is much less determined by the concepts of citizenship, legal, social rights, and much more regarding building functions. The purpose of this study is to examine whether the welfare and social policy ideas that characterize Chinese aid in Africa are influencing traditional donors and becoming global. The article utilised a qualitative study that has two main components. First, a comprehensive content analysis of over 50 key Sino-African, Chinese and Western policy documents from 2000 (since cooperation between Beijing and African countries first became institutionalised). Second, there were semi-structured interviews with Chinese, African and Western stakeholders in Addis Ababa, (Ethiopia), who was directly involved in the relationship between China and Africa and related development issues. The result of documentation and interview analyses show that there are currently significant differences between Chinese and Western approaches. China has made much stronger and more explicit links between development aid and economic activity than most Western donors. The aid is usually implemented through specific projects rather than broader programs or policies.
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Heinisch, Elinor Lynn. "West Africa versus the United States on cotton subsidies: how, why and what next?" Journal of Modern African Studies 44, no. 2 (June 2006): 251–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x06001625.
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Developing countries face considerable disadvantages in trade disputes with their more powerful and wealthier counterparts. Nonetheless, Benin, Burkina Faso and Mali successfully challenged US cotton subsidies, a watershed event in international trade relations. This article explores how the West African governments and cotton farmers confronted US policy, why they succeeded, and the campaign's likely implications. Drawing on interviews with representatives in West Africa and Geneva, public statements, documents filed with the World Trade Organisation (WTO), media coverage, and materials from non-governmental organisations, I analyse the behaviour of four key actors behind this initiative: cotton farmers, producers' unions, governments and the international financial institutions. Tactics included using the WTO's trade-dispute mechanisms, deploying many spokespeople with common messages, enlisting powerful allies, and using the media. The West African campaign is an example of politically weak countries effectively exploiting the liberal economic principles of multilateral institutions to challenge protectionist policies in the industrialised world.
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Elmahdawy, Mahmoud, Gihan H. Elsisi, Joao Carapinha, Mohamed Lamorde, Abdulrazaq Habib, Peter Agyie-Baffour, Redouane Soualmi, et al. "Ebola Virus Epidemic in West Africa: Global Health Economic Challenges, Lessons Learned, and Policy Recommendations." Value in Health Regional Issues 13 (September 2017): 67–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.vhri.2017.08.003.
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Kokou Charlemagne, N’djibio, and Sylla Doucouré Karima. "Eco 2020: Monetary Policy for the Future Central Bank and Economic Development in West Africa." International Journal of Business and Economics Research 10, no. 1 (2021): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.ijber.20211001.17.
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Easterly, William. "Can the West Save Africa?" Journal of Economic Literature 47, no. 2 (May 1, 2009): 373–447. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.47.2.373.
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In the new millennium, the Western aid effort toward Africa has surged due to writings by well-known economists, a celebrity mass advocacy campaign, and decisions by Western leaders to make Africa a major foreign policy priority. This survey contrasts the predominant “transformational” approach (West comprehensively saves Africa) to occasional swings to a “marginal” approach (West takes one small step at a time to help individual Africans). Evaluation of “one step at a time” initiatives is generally easier than that of transformational ones either through controlled experiments (although these have been oversold) or simple case studies where it is easier to attribute outcomes to actions. We see two themes emerge from the literature survey: (1) escalation—as each successive Western transformational effort has yielded disappointing results (as judged at least by stylized facts, since again the econometrics are shaky), the response has been to try an even more ambitious effort and (2) the cycle of ideas—rather than a progressive testing and discarding of failed ideas, we see a cycle in aid ideas in many areas in Africa, with ideas going out of fashion only to come back again later after some lapse long enough to forget the previous disappointing experience. Both escalation and cyclicality of ideas are symptomatic of the lack of learning that seems to be characteristic of the “transformational” approach. In contrast, the “marginal” approach has had some successes in improving the well-being of individual Africans, such as the dramatic fall in mortality.
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Denters, Erik, and Tarcisio Gazzini. "The Role of African Regional Organizations in the Promotion and Protection of Foreign Investment." Journal of World Investment & Trade 18, no. 3 (December 26, 2017): 449–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22119000-12340048.
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A complex, fragmented and heterogeneous network of domestic and international legal instruments promotes and protects foreign investment in Africa. While bilateral treaties seem to be increasingly unpopular, regionalism is clearly on the rise in the continent. The article examines how regional treaties have contributed to upgrade the current regulation of foreign investment. From this perspective, Africa can be seen as a normative laboratory. Regional treaties, most prominently those concluded within the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), contain several important novelties meant to rebalance the rights and obligations of the various stakeholders as well as to safeguard host State policy space. The content of these treaties has been brought more in line with the evolution of international law, especially with regard to the protection of the environment, social and human rights, transparency, corruption, public scrutiny, economic development, and corporate responsibility.
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Yusuf, Hammed Agboola, Waliu Olawale Shittu, Saad Babatunde Akanbi, Habiba MohammedBello Umar, and Idris Abdulganiyu Abdulrahman. "The role of foreign direct investment, financial development, democracy and political (in)stability on economic growth in West Africa." International Trade, Politics and Development 4, no. 1 (January 6, 2020): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/itpd-01-2020-0002.
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PurposeIn this research, we examine the role of financial development, FDI, democracy and political instability on economic growth in West Africa.Design/methodology/approachThe study uses the dynamic fixed effects technique on the secondary data obtained from 1996 to 2016.FindingsOur empirical findings suggest that even though no significant relationship is established in the short run, the long-run coefficient of FDI is found to be significant and positive; a 1% increase in FDI inflow into the West African sub-region results in a 0.26% increase in economic growth. The coefficient of democracy is significant neither in the short run nor in the long run, but political instability is found to significantly and negatively impact the growth of the countries. Finally, the estimate of financial development–growth nexus follows the supply-leading hypothesis.Research limitations/implicationsThis research affirms the proposition that FDI is a relevant means of technology and knowledge transfers, thus resulting in increasing returns to production as a result of productive spillovers, which drives the growth of the economy. Consequently, an efficient institution – where the rule of law, political stability and economic freedom are top priorities – is a key to accelerate the growth of the West African economy. Similarly, we confirm the validity of the supply-leading hypothesis in West Africa. As such, by deepening the financial system, the growth of the subregion is propelled because an efficient financial system is a basis for sustainable development.Practical implicationThe applicable policies are those that promote growth through FDI, financial development, democracy and political instability. The governments of West African countries are enjoined to promote policies that attract FDI into the subregion and promote financial sector credits so that economic performances may be enhanced. In addition, the governments of West African subregion should fully entrench democratic practices and enhance a stable and sustainable political environment. This will not only restore investor confidence but will also facilitate the inflow of FDI into the West African economy.Originality/valueOur study is the first to jointly examine these important growth determinants, especially in the context of West Africa. This becomes necessary in order to open the eyes of policy makers to the need for entrenched full democracy and to proffer sustainable cures to the frequent unrests in the subregion. The use of Pesaran (2007) technique of unit root is also a deviation from several existing studies. One advantage of this technique over others is that being a second-generation test, it tests variable unit root in the presence of cross-sectional dependence.
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Ogbuabor, Jonathan E., Onyinye I. Anthony-Orji, Oliver E. Ogbonna, and Anthony Orji. "Regional integration and growth: New empirical evidence from WAEMU." Progress in Development Studies 19, no. 2 (January 31, 2019): 123–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464993418822883.
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This study provides a pioneer analysis of the growth effect of WAEMU integration at the econometric level, unlike the extant literature that relied on descriptive analysis of the sub-region’s trade statistics. The study used robust instrumental variables system GMM regression in the framework of a cross-country growth model and annual panel data for the period 2000 to 2015. Contrary to the widely held view that regional economic integration fosters economic growth of the participating countries, we did not find any empirical support for a positive growth impact of WAEMU integration in West Africa, which may be due to a variety of factors that mainly point to the characteristics of the WAEMU economies. However, the results indicate that foreign direct investment (FDI), institutional quality, capital, labour and the initial real per capita GDP are important drivers of growth in the sub-region. Interestingly, the results further indicate that FDI and institutional quality are the channels through which WAEMU integration may impact on growth in West Africa. The study therefore concludes that policy reforms towards improved institutions and increased FDIs will enhance economic growth in West Africa.
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Bragina, E. A. "India – Africa: Trade and Investments in the XXI Century." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 5 (December 3, 2018): 182–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-5-182-199.
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In article commercial relations and investment streams between India and the countries of Africa in the conditions of globalization of the XXI century are considered. Scales and filling of their economic interaction are significantly differ, determined by the level of development of national economy and features of external demand for the made production. High need of the countries of Africa for inflow of foreign investments, especially taking into account strong lag of most of them in development of own research and development remains. In intercontinental communications o f Africa the high activity is characteristic of India which government in 2002 has adopted the program “In focus Africa”, aimed at continuous development of economic contacts with the countries of the continent. The considerable share in their GDP of the shadow sector remains essential negative feature of economic structures of the countries of Africa and India. It not only complicates adequate assessment of the economic processes happening in these countries, but also has an adverse effect on efficiency of the state institutes. It was designated, though uneven on scales, formation of the middle class and, as a result, new types of consumption, demand and their proliferation. Respectively, their domestic markets increase and differentiated that increases interest in access to them for foreign exporters and investors. Special importance is represented by economic policy of India in the relations with the countries of Africa, including with use of “soft power” for further expansion of the positions. The main forms of economic relations of India and the countries of Africa, the growing activity of large business structures, the top-level annual economic summits are considered. In export of the African countries to India the high share of raw materials, first of all agricultural and also hydrocarbons steadily remains. The share of the African oil in the general import of India in 2016 has made 15%. Along with traditional presence in the African and South Asian markets of the leading countries of the West, economic influence of China as exporter and investor amplifies. Influence of the Japanese and South Korean capitals grows in competition for the African markets. In February, 2018 the countries of Africa have agreed about creation of the common market. Such prospect will significantly aggravate the competition for economic positions in trade and investments with the countries of African continent.
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Sorgho, Raissa, Carlos A. Montenegro Quiñonez, Valérie R. Louis, Volker Winkler, Peter Dambach, Rainer Sauerborn, and Olaf Horstick. "Climate Change Policies in 16 West African Countries: A Systematic Review of Adaptation with a Focus on Agriculture, Food Security, and Nutrition." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 17, no. 23 (November 30, 2020): 8897. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph17238897.
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Climate change strongly impacts the agricultural sector in West Africa, threatening food security and nutrition, particularly for populations with the least adaptive capacity. Little is known about national climate change policies in the region. This systematic review identifies and analyses climate change policy documents in all 16 West African countries: (1) What are the existing climate change adaptation policies publicly available? (2) Which topics are addressed? (3) How are agriculture and food security framed and addressed? Following PRISMA guidelines, PubMed and Google scholar as key databases were searched with an extensive grey literature search. Keywords for searches were combinations of “Africa”, “Climate Change”, and “National Policy/Plan/Strategy/Guideline”. Fifteen countries have at least one national policy document on climate change in the frame of our study. Nineteen policy documents covered seven key sectors (energy, agriculture, water resources, health, forestry, infrastructure, and education), and eight thematic areas (community resilience, disaster risk management, institutional development, industry development, research and development, policy making, economic investment, and partnerships/collaboration). At the intersection of these sectors/areas, effects of changing climate on countries/populations were evaluated and described. Climate change adaptation strategies emerged including development of local risk/disaster plans, micro-financing and insurance schemes (public or private), green energy, and development of community groups/farmers organizations. No clear trend emerged when analysing the adaptation options, however, climate change adaptation in the agriculture sector was almost always included. Analysing agriculture, nutrition, and food security, seven agricultural challenges were identified: The small scale of West African farming, information gaps, missing infrastructure, poor financing, weak farmer/community organizations, a shifting agricultural calendar, and deteriorating environmental ecology. They reflect barriers to adaptation especially for small-scale subsistence farmers with increased climate change vulnerabilities. The study has shown that most West African countries have climate change policies. Nevertheless, key questions remain unanswered, and demand for further research, e.g., on evaluating the implementation in the respective countries, persists.
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Momodu, Abiodun Suleiman, and Ahmad Addo. "Global CO2 emission reduction policies and West African electricity system: Case for transformational access." AAS Open Research 2 (February 20, 2019): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/aasopenres.12915.1.
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Based on the UN Human Development Index, the West African sub-region holds one of lowest indices in development around the world. There is a glaring need for the sub-region to increase its electricity capacity; however, stringent global CO2 policies have ‘choking’ effects on the growth of the electricity sector in energy deprived countries, like the West African Member States. This study examines the West Africa electric power sector under a range of technological, economic, and policy-related uncertainties, positing that there is the need to frame policies from the premise of ‘need’ rather than a ‘circumstantial’ perspective, which, in this study, relates to the global policies on CO2 emission reduction. Though CO2 is the inevitable by-product of combusting fossil fuels to generate electricity, it should also be viewed from the perspective of its significant benefits as regards provision of social welfare of individuals. This study evaluated the broad strategies in policy formulation and implementation (top-down versus bottom-up analysis) and applied these strategies to examine investment decision versus pricing regime and electricity system value chain (upstream versus downstream analysis). System dynamics principles were used to forecast what future consumption will look like, which shows that there would be marked increase in demand followed by increased emission without intervention. This study concludes that global CO2 policy would need to be re-considered such that energy deprived countries, like those in West Africa, would be able to implement a sustainable development agenda through growth strategy of bottom-up approach to ‘free’ their electricity system for improved living standard, irrespective of climate change issues.
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DUFRÉNOT, Gilles. "CREDIT POLICY STRESS IN THE WEST AFRICAN ECONOMIC AND MONETARY UNION." Developing Economies 47, no. 4 (December 2009): 410–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1746-1049.2009.00092.x.
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Brobbey, Priscilla. "The Empirical Examination of the Socio-Economic Effects of Convicts in Ghana." TEXILA INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT 7, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21522/tijmg.2015.07.01.art004.
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The study examines in-depth knowledge relating to the socio-economic effects of incarceration in Ghana. And further conduct a careful examination of the impact on convicts, their immediate family and working environments, as well as the government expenditure burden through the tax-payer on inmates. The study adopted the approach of qualitative and phenomenological methods to ascertain empirical findings to guide policy formulation and adjudication in Ghana and West Africa as a whole.
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van Criekinge, Jan. "Historisch Overzicht van de Spoorwegen in West-Afrika." Afrika Focus 5, no. 3-4 (January 15, 1989): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0050304003.
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Historical Survey of the Railway Development in West Africa The present day railway system in West Africa is the result of the transport-policy developed by the colonial powers (France, Great Britain and Germany) at the end of the 19th century. It is remarkable that no network of railways, like in Southern Africa, was brought about. The colonial railways in West Africa were built by the State or by a joint-stock company within the borders of one colony to export the raw materials from the production centres to the harbours. Nevertheless railways were built for more than economical grounds only, in West Africa they had to accomplish a strategic and military role by “opening Africa for the European civilization”. Hargreaves calls railways the “heralds of new imperialism” and Baumgart speaks of the own dynamics of the railways, to push the European colonial powers further into Africa ... The construction of a railway needed a very high capital investment and the European capitalists wouldn’t like to take risks in areas that were not yet “pacified”. It is remarkable how many projects to build a Transcontinental railway right across the Sahara desert largely remained on paper. Precisely because such plans did not materialize, however, the motive force they provided to such imperialist actions as political-territorial annexations can be traced all the more clearly. The French built the first railway in West Africa, the Dakar - St-Louis line (Senegal), between 1879 and 1885. This line stimulated the production of ground-nuts, although the French colonial-military lobby has had other motives. The real motivation became very clear at the construction of the Kayes-Bamako railway. Great difficulties needed the military occupation of the region and the violent recruitment of thousands of black labourers, all over the region. The same problems transformed the building of the Kayes-Dakar line into a real hell. Afterwards the Siné Saloum region has been through a “agricultural revolution”, when the local ground-nuts-producers have been able to produce for foreign markets. The first British railways were built in Sierra Leone and the Gold Coast-colony (Ghana). Jn Nigeria railway construction stimulated the growth of Lagos as an harbour and administrative centre. Lugard had plans for the unification of Nigeria by railways. The old Hausa town of Kano flourished after the opening of the Northern Railway, for other towns a period of decline had begun. Harbour cities and interior railwayheads caused an influx of population from periphery regions, the phenomenon is called “port concentration”. Also the imperial Germany built a few railwaylines in their former colony Togo, to avoid the traffic flow off to the British railways. ifs quite remarkable that the harbours at the Gulf of Guinea-coast developed much later than the harbours of Senegal and Sierra Leone. After the First World War only a few new railways were constructed, the revenues remained very low, so the (colonial) state had to take over many lines. The competition between railways and roadtransport demonstrated the first time in Nigeria, it was the beginning of the decline of railways as the most important transportsystems in West Africa. Only multinational companies built specific railways for the export of minerals (iron, ore and bauxite) after the Second World War, and the French completed the Abidjan - Ouagadougou railway (1956). The consequences of railway construction in West Africa on economic, demographic and social sphere were not so far-reaching as in Southern Africa, but the labour migration and the first labour unions of railwaymen who organized strikes in Senegal and the Ivory Coast mentioned the changing social situation. The bibliography of the West African railways contains very useful studies about the financial policy of the railway companies and the governments, but only a few railways were already studied by economic historians.
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Bokpin, Godfred A., Lord Mensah, and Michael E. Asamoah. "Legal source, institutional quality and FDI flows in Africa." International Journal of Law and Management 59, no. 5 (September 11, 2017): 687–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijlma-03-2016-0028.
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Purpose This paper aims to find out how the legal system interacts with other institutions in attracting Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into Africa. Design/methodology/approach The authors use annual panel data of 49 African countries over the period 1980 to 2011, and use the system generalized method of moments (GMM) estimation technique and pooled panel data regression. Findings The authors find that the source of a country’s legal system deters FDI inflow as institutions alone cannot bring in the needed quantum of FDI. In terms of trading blocs, it was found that there is negative significant relationship between institutional quality and FDI for South African Development Community (SADC) as well as Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS) countries. Practical implications For policy implications, the results suggest that reliance on institutions alone cannot project the continent to attract the needed FDI. Originality/value Empiricists have devoted considerable effort to estimating the relationship between institutions and FDI on the African continent, but this paper seeks to ascertain the effect of legal systems and institutional quality within African specific trade and regional blocks.
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Afriyie, Frederick Appiah, and Jisong Jian. "An Investigation of Economic Sanctions and Its Implications for Africa." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 3 (August 30, 2018): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n3p74.
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Economic sanctions are not only applied to countries in Africa by the United Nations (UN), the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) but also by the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) as well. The African continent is considered to be the most affected in terms of the influences of more economic sanctions from the UN, EU, and the U.S than any other continent across the globe and these sanctions normally comes into force as a result of conflicts, civil wars and also unconstitutional overthrow of a constitutionally elected government. Also these sanctions come to serve as a punishment and a deterrent to those who deviate from or go against internationally agreed laws.Undeniably, in recent years economic sanctions have become more effective and an efficient known foreign policy tool used as the number one alternative to halt wars or military takeovers.Despite economic sanctions being widely accepted by the international community as the most effective panacea and also a preferred choice, when it is imposed on a state, it has serious repercussions on the innocent citizens while the initiators or the main officials in various positions for whom these sanctions were intended for are always left off the hook.This paper therefore investigates the merits and the demerits that are associated with economic sanctions both within some countries on the African continent and the non-African continent. In addition, we will elaborate on the implications of such sanctions relative to the Africa Continent. The paper is divided into four sections. The first section of this paper elaborates on the introduction, the importance of economic sanctions and the types of sanctions. The second section deals with the definition of economic sanction, explains the sanction process at EU, AU, UN and the US and the final part looks at both the positive and negative effects of economic sanctions.
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Cline-Cole, Reginald A. "Wartime forest energy policy and practice in British West Africa: social and economic impact on the labouring classes 1939–45." Africa 63, no. 1 (January 1993): 56–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1161298.
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AbstractThe recent resurgence of interest in the impact of World War II on African populations has, to date, neglected the theme of forest energy (firewood and charcoal) production, consumption and exchange. This needs to be rectified, for several reasons: (1) wood fuel accounted for the lion's share of wartime forestry output by volume and value, prompting (2) an unprecedented degree of intensity in, and variety of, state emergency intervention in wood fuel ‘markets’ which had (3) important equity implications, which have gone largely unreported, with the risk that (4) current and future attempts at (emergency) wood fuel resource management may be deprived of the lessons of this experience. This article is thus an essay in the dynamics and consequences of crisis management in colonial forestry. It evaluates wartime forest energy policy and practice in British West Africa, with special reference to their ‘invisible’ social consequences. The regional political, economic and military context of forest energy activity is first summarised. This is followed by detailed case studies, which assess policy impacts on the labouring classes in the Sierra Leone colony peninsula and the Jos Plateau tin mines in northern Nigeria. The main aim of these studies is to show how war-induced demands on subsistence products like firewood and charcoal weighed inordinately heavily on the poor. Even those who belonged to sectors of society which benefited from preferential treatment in the allocation of scarce supplies of consumer products were not spared. Recently, concern has increased over the equity implications of current and proposed (peacetime) domestic energy policy and practice in Africa. This suggests that the issues of distributive justice raised by this study are of wider relevance than the specific historical context within which they have been discussed.
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Youkhana, Eva, and Wolfram Laube. "Virtual water trade: a realistic policy option for the countries of the Volta Basin in West Africa?" Water Policy 11, no. 5 (October 1, 2009): 569–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2009.087.
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Trade in virtual water, the substitution of the use of scarce water resources for agricultural production by importing food from water-rich countries has been said to be a potential solution to water crises and water conflicts throughout water-stressed regions worldwide. While trade in foodstuffs may have helped to alleviate water stress in parts of the Middle East and Northern Africa and provides an efficient response to the periodic drought occurrences, it has to be doubted whether virtual water trade is a water governance option that can be applied in many countries of the South. As examples from the West African Volta River Basin suggest, cultural values focussing on agricultural and livestock production, socio-economic factors such as a low level of education and a strong dependency of livelihoods on subsistence agriculture, weak governments that are unable to trigger and finance large-scale reform processes, as well as dysfunctional and unfair market systems, largely limit the widespread application of virtual water trade.
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Armel, Kaze. "Trilateral Cooperation." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 06, no. 03 (January 2020): 311–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740020500189.
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Over the years, China has forged and mastered its own distinctive foreign aid practices as an emerging aid donor. China’s approach to foreign assistance has become highly appreciated as the country’s stature as a provider of economic assistance has matured. In 2013, under President Xi Jinping, Beijing introduced the Belt and Road Initiative, which has become a leading component of China’s foreign policy and triggered a new round of policy reform in its foreign aid agenda. In Africa, China’s foreign assistance has kept in line with the policy of equal treatment. It has shared its development experience, helped many African countries to transition from “poor” to “developing”, from “aid recipients” to “wealth creators,” and many African countries are thus turning their interests from the West to the East. Certainly, the European Union as a traditional aid donor, remains the largest aid distributor in the world, especially in Africa. In other words, the EU’s foreign assistance has become an indispensable source of funding for many African countries. However, foreign aid effectiveness remains low on the African continent because of the absence of native African policymakers in aid programs designed and implemented by Beijing and Brussels. Some critics argue that Chinese and European assistance to Africa is not bringing about the best results as expected. This article argues that a new international architecture of foreign assistance through trilateral cooperation is needed to increase Chinese and European aid effectiveness in Africa. Trilateral cooperation will not only increase foreign assistance efficiency in Africa, but also give a chance to African countries to strengthen their own development capacity through assistance and guidance, reduce Africa’s aid dependence, and hopefully guarantee a smooth “graduation” of African countries from official development assistance.
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Cleveland, David A. "Migration in West Africa: a savanna village prespective." Africa 61, no. 2 (April 1991): 222–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160616.
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AbstractLocal migration in response to population pressure is part of the history of northeast Ghana. First by physical coercion, then by economic coercion, colonialism drastically changed the pattern of migration to one of long-distance movement from north-east Ghana and the northern savannas in general to southern Ghana. Migration in turn affected social organisation, agriculture and population dynamics n i savanna communities. While colonial policy was not always consistent, one dominant and ultimately effective strategy seems evident: to break up locally self-sufficient economies and societies in order to stimulate the temporary migration of labour from largely subsistence agriculture to work in commercial agriculture, mining and public works in the south. These sectors were directly tied to the European economy for the benefit of Britain. Low wages and poor working conditions encouraged most migrants to return to their savanna villages when they were sick, injured or too old to work.When Ghana gained its political independence from Britain this new pattern of migration had become firmly established and was maintained by changes in the social, economic and transport systems. Data from Zorse and the Upper Region show that migration at any one time takes about 50 per cent of working-age males and 15 per cent of working-age females to southern Ghana for periods of a year or more. Significantly increased dependency ratios mean that as a result of this migration each four remaining working-age adults must support themselves plus four dependants, instead of supporting only three dependants, as would be the case without migration. Since remittances by Zorse migrants are equal to only a small fraction of the value of their lost productive labour, the net effect of migration on the food consumption level of those remaining in the village will be determined by the balance between the increased output required of each remaining working-age adult and the decreased yield required of the total area of arable land. While I do not have all the quantitative data needed to resolve this question, statements by Zorse residents, evidence of chronic undernutrition, a long-term decrease in land productivity due to erosion and lack of organic matter, and serious labour shortages during periods of critical farm activity, suggest that the net effect of migration on Zorse is negative. That is, neither labour productivity nor land productivity is likely to compensate for the higher dependency ratio.While it may be true that migrants vote with their feet, the choice of paths is often determined by forces in the larger system beyond their control. The good news is that indigenous agricultural and demographic knowledge and practices in Africa may provide the starting point for a sustainable future if the patterns established by colonialism and reinforced by ‘modern’ economic development can be changed.
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Onyiriuba, Leonard, E. U. Okoro Okoro, and Godwin Imo Ibe. "Strategic government policies on agricultural financing in African emerging markets." Agricultural Finance Review 80, no. 4 (April 25, 2020): 563–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/afr-01-2020-0013.
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PurposeThe purpose of this study is to identify and review strategic government policies on agricultural financing in Egypt, Morocco, Nigeria and South Africa. Four factors dictated the choice of these countries. In the first place, the study is set in African emerging markets – and the four countries are the widely acknowledged emerging markets in Africa (Onyiriuba, 2015). Secondly, the spread of the countries, to a large extent, mirrors Africa in general – Egypt and Morocco are in North Africa; Nigeria is a West African country; and, of course, South Africa. Thirdly, other countries in Africa tend to look up to the four countries, apparently as the largest economies in their respective regions. Needless to say, Nigeria alternates with South Africa as the largest economy in Africa. In this capacity, the two countries influence – indeed, mirror – continental Africa's emerging economic progress. Fourthly, lessons from agricultural policy and financing experiences of the four countries will certainly be useful to the other African countries. The specific objective of this paper is to determine how the government seeks to address the financing issues attendant on the risk-laden nature of agriculture through policy interventions. With this end in view, the paper analyses the strategic goals, objectives and beneficiaries of the agriculture financing policies of the government, as well as the constraints on access to finance by the farmers and the policy response.Design/methodology/approachThe study involves a review of empirical literature and government policies on agricultural financing in Egypt, Morocco, Nigeria and South Africa. The high risks in agriculture (Onyiriuba, 2015; Mordi, 1988), risk aversion behaviour of banks towards agricultural financing (Onyiriuba, 2015, 1990), and the reluctance of insurers to take on agricultural risks (World Bank, 2018; Federal Republic of Nigeria, 2016; Onyiriuba, 1990; Mordi, 1988) underpin this methodology. There are two other considerations: the needs to find out how government seeks to address the financing issues in agriculture through policy intervention, and to avoid unwieldy research, one that combines government and institutional policy perspectives on agriculture financing. Thus the study is not approached from the perspective of banks and other lending institutions; neither does it combine government and institutional policy perspectives. It rather focuses on government policy in order to properly situate implications of the findings.FindingsThe authorities seek to get rid of bottlenecks, ease participation and redress constraints on access to finance in agriculture through policy interventions as a means of sustainable economic growth. The findings are characteristic of emerging markets, rooted in the transitional challenge of opening economies, economic reforms and the March of progress. However, with agriculture and natural resources – rather than industrialisation – as the main stay of their economies, the African emerging markets face an uphill task in their development efforts. This is evident in the divergent and gloomy pictures in which the literature paints their agricultural economies.Practical implicationsGovernment should gear financing policies to boost output as a means of ensuring food security. It should address risk aversion tendencies among the lenders and feeble credit guarantee, subsidies and budgetary allocations to agriculture. This will ensure effective commitment of the lenders to agriculture and underpin agricultural insurance. However, it demands strengthening links in the chain of access to, and monitoring of, credit for agricultural production. A realistic policy response should target the rural economy – with youth, women and smallholder farmers as ultimate beneficiaries. These actions should be intensified as measures to boost farming and the rural economy.Originality/valueCurrent literature fails to situate the empirical findings in emerging markets context, reflecting economies in transition. Besides, in its current state, the literature does not explicitly clarify that agriculture, like most other sectors in such economies, is bound to experience the observed financing constraints. Neither does it clearly reflect how and why the findings should be seen as fleeting realities of the March of progress in transitional economies. This study will help to fill the gap.
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NHEMACHENA, CHARLES, RASHID HASSAN, and PRADEEP KURUKULASURIYA. "MEASURING THE ECONOMIC IMPACT OF CLIMATE CHANGE ON AFRICAN AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION SYSTEMS." Climate Change Economics 01, no. 01 (May 2010): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2010007810000066.
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This study measured the economic impacts of climate change on crop and livestock farming in Africa based on a cross-sectional survey of over 8000 farming households from 11 countries in east, west, north and southern Africa. The response of net revenue from crop and livestock agriculture across various farm types and systems in Africa to changes in climate normals (i.e. mean rainfall and temperature) is analysed. The analyses controlled for effects of key socioeconomic, technology, soil and hydrological factors influencing agricultural production. Results show that net farm revenues are in general negatively affected by warmer and drier climates. The small-scale mixed crop and livestock system predominantly typical in Africa is the most tolerant whereas specialized crop production is the most vulnerable to warming and lower rainfall. These results have important policy implications, especially for the suitability of the increasing tendency toward large-scale mono-cropping strategies for agricultural development in Africa and other parts of the developing world in light of expected climate changes. Mixed crop and livestock farming and irrigation offered better adaptation options for farmers against further warming and drying predicted under various future climate scenarios.
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Ingram, Verina, Fedes van Rijn, Yuca Waarts, and Henk Gilhuis. "The Impacts of Cocoa Sustainability Initiatives in West Africa." Sustainability 10, no. 11 (November 17, 2018): 4249. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su10114249.
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To tackle the multiple challenges facing the cocoa sector, voluntary sustainability standards and corporate initiatives, largely focusing on farm and farmer group scale, are often implemented by public–private–civil society partnerships of stakeholders further in the value chain. This paper looks at the social, economic, and environmental effects of such initiatives, based on empirical evidence from large-scale, mixed-method studies using a suite of socioeconomic, agronomic, and environmental indicators to compare the situation of UTZ certified with non-certified farmers in 2012 and 2015 in Ghana, and 2013 and 2017 in Ivory Coast. The results show that, on average, outcomes are mixed and generally modest. However, significant cocoa productivity and income increases were experienced by certified farmers receiving a full package of services. However, the type and intensity of services has changed over time, decreasing for half of the farmers, and productivity and income increases are levelling off. These findings suggest that whilst partnerships have created new governance arrangements with an increased focus on sustainable value chains, initiatives which result in a living income and optimise productivity, whilst limiting environmental impacts, require sectoral transformation, continued partnerships, plus a range of other policy instruments to address the persistent, wicked problems in cocoa production.
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Vlad M. Kaczynski, Stuart W. Looney. "Coastal Resources as an Engine of Economic Growth and Reduction of Poverty in West Africa: Policy Considerations." Coastal Management 28, no. 3 (July 2000): 235–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/089207500408647.
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SINGH, UDAY. "Looking West: India’s Energy Policy In West Asia." Think India 22, no. 3 (September 26, 2019): 471–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v22i3.8279.
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Energy security, of course, is a key ingredient of India’s interest in West Asia. It is dependent on imports for 80% of its oil needs, of which roughly 55% is sourced from the Persian Gulf region. The ratio could decline slowly as New Delhi diversifies with an increased focus on African producers. But the rate at which India’s energy demand is growing—it is currently the world’s fourth biggest oil consumer with import dependence projected to increase to 90% by 2031—offsets this in absolute terms. India’s increasingly multidimensional relations with Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states buttress these energy security efforts. The Indian diaspora in the Arab states is seven million strong—a valuable connection and responsible for some $40 billion in remittances annually. And the possibilities for investment go beyond the energy sector. The UAE has agreed to invest $75 billion in Indian infrastructure, Bahrain is looking to invest in financial services and high value-added manufacturing among other areas, and countries like Kuwait have sovereign funds ripe for targeting. Security and geopolitical considerations are, naturally, threaded through these economic engagements. Since Atal Bihari Vajpayee revitalized ties with GCC states, New Delhi has shown an admirable pragmatism, juggling its relationships with competing power centres like Riyadh and Tehran—even in light of the witches’ cauldron of proxy struggles and sectarian conflicts that is currently West Asia. This is the hallmark of mature diplomacy. The pay-off has been visible, from Saudi Arabia extraditing terror suspects to India to Qatari aid when Indian nationals have been endangered by the Islamic State and in Afghanistan. Factor in India’s potential role as a maritime net security provider for the Gulf States, reliant as they are on energy shipping through the Indian Ocean Region. According to the Indian Navy’s Maritime Security Strategy released last year, the Persian Gulf is a primary area of interest. The possibilities for cooperation are significant. In the period to 2040, India will overtake China as the largest source of rising demand for oil. The time to begin securing its interests in West Asia is now when it holds the advantage.
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Ikue, Nenubari John, Ifeanyichukwu Lucky Amabuike, Joseph Ade Ajaba, John Akin Sodipo, and Linus Bamekpari Enegesi. "Financial system, trade concentration and economic growth in West African Monetary Zone (WAMZ)." International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science (2147- 4478) 9, no. 4 (July 14, 2020): 426–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijrbs.v9i4.770.
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It is observed that despite the legislative endorsement of the West Africa Countries there is still a glaring divergence in economic structures, which impedes the performance to realize macroeconomic convergence and economic growth within the region. This paper investigated the effects of trade and financial indexes in WAMZ on economic growth. The paper uses three variables and a host of control measures to focus on six countries of WAMZ covering the periods of 2001-2018. Given the heterogeneous nature of the information gathered for the study, the models are cast in static and dynamic panel frameworks that provided micro-structure for the combined data analysis. The models were tested with various econometric and statistical instruments. Results from the analysis show that exported trade is highly concentrated to fewer goods, while imported trade is concentrated on more products and partners; that is, countries in WAMZ tend to shadow liberal import policy. The weak link was also noticed among financial and trade indexes and economic growth in the WAMZ economies. The implications call for short term economic plans and policies in the WAMZ economies so as to collectively monitor economic policies and growth. We equally observed that the structures of the economies in the region are heterogeneous making it rather difficult for regional trade and financial indicators to accelerate output growth in the region. Thus our basic postulations are an inter-policy approach on social, political and economic (trade and finance) arrangements that would neutralize the heterogeneity and foster institutional and attitudinal reforms, eliminate insecurity challenges, and spur political stability and responsible leadership within the regions.
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Lompo, Aicha. "ECONOMIC POLICY IMPACT ON TRADE: AN ANALYSIS OF THE ECONOMIC COMMUNITY OF WEST AFRICAN STATES (ECOWAS)." International Journal of Business Research 18, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.18374/ijbr-18-1.6.
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International Monetary Fund. "West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU): Recent Economic Developments and Regional Policy Issues in 2000." IMF Staff Country Reports 01, no. 193 (2001): i. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451840605.002.
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Moerland, Anke, and Clara Weinhardt. "Politicisation ‘Reversed’: EU Free Trade Negotiations with West Africa and the Caribbean." Politics and Governance 8, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 266–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i1.2680.
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The politicisation of recent European Union (EU) trade negotiations such as the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership or the Comprehensive and Economic Trade Agreement suggests that the more negotiations focus on deep integration issues, the higher the potential for polarization of values and interests. Yet, as we argue, this pattern does not necessarily hold true in EU trade negotiations with the developing world. In the case of the Economic Partnership Agreements with West Africa and the Caribbean region, the pattern of politicisation was ‘reversed’: Politicisation remained low in the Caribbean region, despite the inclusion of deep integration issues. To the contrary, negotiations became highly politicised in West Africa, where negotiations focussed on the traditional realm of trade in goods. Combining the insights from the literature on the role of non-state actors (NSAs) in trade policy-making in developing countries and on politicisation, we show that limited pre-existing mobilisation resources of NSAs, and few opportunities to engage with the political level of negotiations, imply that those affected by the inclusion of deep integration issues hardly mobilise. We also find that lack of technical expertise and the significance of traditional trade areas pre-empts NSAs from engaging in emotive framing on deep integration issues. This helps us to unpack the different patterns of politicisation across both regions: Politicisation in West Africa was facilitated by civil society actors who—in contrast to the Caribbean region—could draw on pre-existing networks, expertise, and direct access to the regional negotiation level.
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MASON, STEPHEN C., NOURI MAMAN, and SIÉBOU PALÉ. "PEARL MILLET PRODUCTION PRACTICES IN SEMI-ARID WEST AFRICA: A REVIEW." Experimental Agriculture 51, no. 4 (February 11, 2015): 501–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0014479714000441.
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SUMMARYPearl millet (Pennisetum glaucumL.) is an important grain crop for millions of poor farmers and consumers in the semi-arid region of West Africa. During the past 40 years, much research on pearl millet production practices and adoption in this region has been conducted, but an attempt to summarize these results has not been previously completed and these research results are not readily available to many West African scientists. This review was completed to address this need and integrate knowledge, and at the same time identify research needs for the future and extension priorities for semi-arid West African agro-ecological zones. Research has shown that selection of improved varieties and cropping systems, appropriate cultural practices, and recommended integrated soil, nutrient, residue and pest management can greatly increase grain and stover yields of pearl millet. However, adoption by farmers has been minimal due to limited profitability, high risk and labour demand, limited input supply, market availability and appropriate public policy. This review has 196 articles included as in-text citations (Table 1) compared to 149 articles in the reference list, indicating that only one in four articles integrated two or more topics in the research. The obvious conclusion is that most of the past research has not addressed the ‘system’ but rather one or two management practices. In addition, most studies have interpreted responses in terms of yield without addressing other important considerations for farmer adoption. Recent conservation agriculture research moves closer to addressing the larger integrative types of research needed. Such research is complex and requires sustained funding for field and laboratory activities, but also for computer simulation modelling and economic assessment.