To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Africa, West – Foreign relations.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Africa, West – Foreign relations'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Africa, West – Foreign relations.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Marong, Alhagi. "Economic integration and foreign direct investment in West Africa." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=20540.
Full textAbstract:
Economic integration and foreign direct investment were adopted by developing countries particularly in Africa, as strategies for economic development. For these countries, economic integration became not only a tariff issue, but a strategy for development; hence the term "developmental regionalism". This thesis is a study of the concept of developmental regionalism in West Africa. It concentrates on the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), which was formed in 1975.It is argued that as a strategy for development, the ECOWAS integration effort was inadequate because of undue reliance on tariff reductions--- so called "negative integration" measures. It is suggested that to facilitate a more cohesive integration program, countries in the region ought to adopt positive integration measures in the form of common policies on money and payments, industrialization and most significantly, a common policy on investments.
With respect to investment regulation, it is my argument that because liberalization of investment laws at the national level failed to attract the desired flow of foreign investment to the region, ECOWAS Member States ought to harmonize their regulatory framework with a view to ultimately adopting a single legal regime for international investment.
As a framework for analysis, I adopt the criteria of economic efficiency. This is a cost/benefit analysis of the transformations that occur as the result of contractual transactions. Where the costs to the parties exceed or are likely to exceed the benefits of the transaction, it is said to be inefficient. Using these criteria, I argue that in order to inject a level of fairness in investor/host state relations, and to avoid the costs of FDI to host societies exceeding the gains therefrom, international law ought to make binding prescriptions to govern corporate conduct. Based on this reasoning, I suggest a framework for improving the investment climate in West Africa.
2
Lopez, Lucia Elisa. "Discourses and practices of the regionalisation of foreign and security policies : the cases of West Africa and South America." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/67174/.
Full textAbstract:
The process of the regionalisation of foreign and security policies, its conditions of emergence and evolution, is the core object of study of this doctoral thesis. This research has two aims, first it seeks to construct a new framework to understand and conceptualise regionalisation processes and second, applying this framework to draw conclusions on the paths these processes take in West Africa and South America. In this research I take issue with the way in which IR approaches present regional projects as the ‘natural’ or ‘rational’ response of nation states to a combination of objective and ideational factors. A more thorough explanation requires an account of the ways in which these factors are themselves constituted, maintained and shaped by discourses and power relations between the relevant actors, as well as through the concrete practices the actors deploy. I thus conceptualise regionalisation as an interplay between discourses and practices of actors ‘inside’ and ‘outside’ the region. Methodologically, the analysis uses a poststructuralist discourse analysis and an interpretative process tracing that relies mainly on ethnographic work. The key empirical findings of this thesis are twofold. First, historically constituted discourses are crucial in determining the form and extent of the regionalisation process – in particular the key articulations linking the concepts of state/nation and region. Second, the comparison allowed me to demonstrate that regions are not independent units: they are part of an international system where actors (re)produce discourses carrying certain norms, concepts and meanings such as ‘security’, ‘development’, ‘regional integration’, etc. It is precisely the encounter between the regional and ‘external’ actors discourses which constitutes the process of regionalisation. The meaning given to security, in particular, which emerges at the intersection of these discourses, decisively frames the process towards either cooperation between sovereign states or the building of a regional political community.
3
Lindsay, Albert Domson. "The idea of regionalism in West and Southern Africa : a critical social enquiry." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1006118.
Full textAbstract:
Traditional views on International Relations dominate regional analyses. These invariably emphasize the dominance of state and market forces in inter-state relations. Experiences and expectations of people are less prominent in these discourses, and the practices they foster. This thesis critically analyses the regional processes in West and southern Africa within the framework of Critical Theory. It argues that these processes are constrained by instability and the increasing legitimacy crises of the State. The thesis demonstrates that the State, through exclusive nationalist practices, hinder the growth of a cosmopolitan order, and it argues that neo-liberal regionalism is a contested phenomenon because of its exclusive nature. Finally, the thesis suggests steps needed to resolve the legitimacy crises and to build an inclusive regional order, based on cosmopolitan values.
4
Durr, Samantha J. "A Brief History of United States Foreign Development Assistance to Benin, the Gambia, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia and Senegal Since 2000." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1493389407692537.
Full text
5
Uchehara, K. "Africa's foreign policy and political borders : Nigeria and her neighbours." Thesis, Coventry University, 2004. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/c150b040-f148-4a35-92d1-419b637b30ce/1.
Full textAbstract:
International boundaries inherited from colonialism have given room to territorial disputes and the existing boundary conflicts in the West African Region, and are an endemic feature of Nigeria's relations with her immediate neighbours. The thesis examines the 18 border disputes that Nigeria has been involved in since independence. The thesis begins by setting the scene in terms understanding Nigeria's foreign policy principles and objectives since independence and, in particular, its policy towards border disputes across the continent of Africa such as the Congo/Katanga, Uganda/Tanzania, Ethiopia/Somalia and Morocco/Algeria (chapter 2). The thesis then moves on to consider the underlying problems that have faced Nigeria as regards its borders as a result of colonisation (chapter 3). As the history is traced of the stages in the definition of Nigeria's boundaries, it becomes apparent that many border issues were unresolved or that decisions were made that were likely to be contested in the future. In chapter 4 the thesis turns to a detailed examination of the border disputes that have arisen in the last 43 years of independence between Nigeria and her close neighbours, Benin, Chad, Equatorial Guinea, Cameroon and Niger. Chapter 5 analyses the data provided. It finds that the way the dispute was handled was closely related to the regime type. Under the liberal democratic regimes of Balewa, Shagari, Obasanjo II, disputes were largely dealt with by diplomacy and negotiation. Whereas under the autocratic regimes of military leaders such as Generals Ironsi, Gowen, Muhammed, Obasanjo, Buhari, Babangida, Abacha's and Abubaker's the disputes brought a response of a threat of force or aggressive use of force. It concludes that liberal democracy profoundly affects how border disputes are handled and is a force for peace and stability.
6
Shai, Kgothatso Brucely. "An afrocentric critique of the United States of America's foreign policy towards Africa : the case of Ghana and Tanzania, 1990-2014." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2610.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D. (International Politics)) -- University of Limpopo, 2016The United States of America’s (US) foreign policy towards Africa has been the subject for debate. This is partly because the country’s relationship with African countries is not consistent. By and large, such relations are shaped by a number of factors which include political orientation and material resources. Within this context, the present study uses case studies from two different parts of Africa to tease out US foreign policy towards Africa. This explorative study uses Ghana and the United Republic of Tanzania (hereafter referred to as Tanzania) as test cases to compare and critique the post-Cold War foreign policy of the US towards Africa. It does this by first analysing and constructing the theoretical material on the three pillars of the US Africa policy (oil, democracy and security) and subsequently, contemporaneously locating the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania. Largely, the study carries a historical sensibility as it traces the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania from as far as the colonial era. History is crucial in this regard because the past provides a sound basis for understanding the present and future. To add, in International Politics theory holds sway and history is used as a laboratory. In this thesis, the researcher proposes Afrocentricity as an alternative theoretical paradigm crucial in understanding US foreign policy towards Africa. As it shall be seen, such a paradigm (theoretical lens) remains critical in highlighting the peculiarity of the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania. It is envisaged that a deeper understanding of the US foreign policy towards Ghana and Tanzania is achievable when its analysis and interpretation is located within a broader continental context of Africa. To realise the purpose of this study, the researcher relies methodologically on interdisciplinary critical discourse and conversations in their widest forms. With reference to the test cases for this study, the agenda for democratic consolidation features prominently on both of them while oil is only applicable to Ghana in this regard. In contrast, Tanzania distinguishes itself both as a victim of terrorism and equally so as a strategic partner on the US anti-terrorism efforts in East Africa. Yet, oil in West Africa’s Ghana is important for the US both as an economic resource and a strategic energy source during wartime periods. Overall the ‘differential’ foreign policy towards individual African states is also a significant observation which dispels the myth of a universal US foreign policy framework. Keywords: Africa, Afrocentricity, democracy, East Africa, foreign policy, Ghana, oil, security, Tanzania, United States of America, West Africa.
7
Westerlund, Olivia Banks. "The Effectiveness of Foreign Aid on Corruption Eradication in Developing Countries’ Institutions. : A Qualitative Case Study Related to International Relations Studies with A Focus on A West African Country: Nigeria." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Institutionen för samhälls- och kulturvetenskap (from 2013), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-82554.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract. Foreign aid's effectiveness on eradicating corruption is a fragile yet complex topic to research in International Relations. Some scholars argue that economic aid should not be given without specific conditions, while some argue that aid should be given with strict or specific rules to recipient countries. Par contra my research is aimed at examining one recipient country: Nigeria, as a case study which is considered amongst the most corrupt countries in the world yet are highly enriched in natural resources, such as being the major oil-producing country in Africa that boosts the country's GDP per capita through the export trade with foreign countries. And most foreign donor countries allocate economic aid to Nigeria because they are dependent on the country's trade on natural resources. In this research, I used two conceptualised variables of corruption; bribery and facilitate payment, which is considered the most common corruption trends in the Nigerian society, with the aim of analysing the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime's (UNODC) twelve-month survey report conducted in December 2019 in Nigeria. Alongside with the London 2016 Anti-Corruption Summit report, the current agenda agreed by forty countries with over six hundred commitments, which Nigeria participated in—hence creating the national anti-corruption programmes that the current President of Nigeria, Muhammadu Buhari implemented as a commitment to the Summit. Consequently using legitimacy and governance perspectives to analyse the efficacy of aid in Nigeria's institution, and evaluating the country's alliance of economic aid in combating corruption, whilst identifying the state's level of governance towards anti-corruption policies to eradicate corruption. The findings show that the level of corruption in Nigeria is still very much high within the public sectors and shows that three in four citizens encounter a form of corruption such as bribery, daily with a civilian who demands a bribe in exchange for their services. And facilitation payment is considered a common activity of Nigerian citizens to speed up legal procedures with the governmental institutions. Even though the Nigerian government claims that the national anti-corruption policies are effective, the survey still shows that there less amount of reported official persons in the conduct of corruption and also the policies doesn't show a trend that the official persons do abide by the policies because the rate of transparency within the institutions is very much low. Yet these official persons intend to be in denial of collecting bribes or participating in any form of corruption.
8
Chmelová, Lenka. "Zahraničná politika Nigérie." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-77399.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis deals with main principles and goals of Nigerian foreign policy, their evolution - success and failures, during the 50 year's existence of independent Nigeria. First chapter determinates the principles and goals, which more or less apply for each and every Nigerian government, militaristic and civil as well. Remaining three chapters describe and analyze the development of Nigeria's external relations in the three contexts of Nigeria's international interaction: domestic, regional and external.
9
Gabrielli, Lorenzo. "La construction de la politique d’immigration espagnole : ambiguïtés et ambivalences à travers le cas des migrations ouest-africaines." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011BOR40014/document.
Full textAbstract:
Ce travail analyse la construction de la politique d’immigration en Espagne à travers le cas desmigrations ouest-africaines, un révélateur privilégié des ambiguïtés et ambivalences qui latraversent. Dans le contexte du retournement des flux migratoires qui transforme l’Espagne en unedestination de plus en plus importante, nous abordons la mise en place compliquée d’une politiquenationale qui, dès sa naissance en 1985, doit conjuguer les obligations européennes et les intérêtsinternes. Nous étudions comment la virulente politisation de la question migratoire, en 2000,constitue un moment clé dans le développement de la politique espagnole, en modifiant d’abord leprocessus d’européanisation. L’Espagne, qui initialement est un récepteur passif de normes etpratiques européennes, se transforme ainsi en une actrice clé dans l’UE en matière d’immigration,tant par son adhésion à la sécurisation de l’immigration, que par son rôle dans le processusd’internationalisation des enjeux, où son action vis-à-vis du continent africain devient unarchétype. Nous analysons ainsi le développement du volet extérieur de la politique espagnole qui,par une focalisation exacerbée sur les flux subsahariens, impulse une diffusion poussée des enjeuxmigratoires dans les rapports avec l’Afrique. La réévaluation et revalorisation des relations del’Espagne avec le Maroc, en tant qu’espace de transit des flux, et le réengagement conséquent enAfrique de l’Ouest, à la suite du Plan Afrique, témoignent du rôle du continent africain commeterrain d’expression privilégié de l’externalisation du contrôle des flux. Le décryptage de cerégime euro-africain des migrations en essor, ainsi que de sa négociation, permet de saisir enprofondeur les conséquences et les effets collatéraux de cette politiqueThis project aims to analyse the development of Spanish immigration policy through the caseof West African migrations which significantly reveals the ambiguous and ambivalent nature ofthe policy. In the context of migratory flows reversal, Spain has become an increasingly importantdestination for immigrants, so I wish to address the complicated implementation of a nationalpolicy which, from its birth in 1985, has had to reconcile EU obligations with internal interests. Ishall look at how the virulent politicisation of immigration issues in 2000 not only represents akey moment in the development of Spanish policy, but Europeanization process as well. Thesignificance of this is that Spain, a country which was at first a passive recipient of Europeannorms and practices, steadily became a central actor in the key debates and issues surroundingimmigration in the EU. These include the Spanish alignment to the securitisation process ofimmigration as well as becoming a model in the internationalisation of immigration policythrough its action towards the African continent. I will also analyse the development of theexternal dimension of Spanish policy, which through an exacerbated focus on sub-Saharanimmigration leads to a widespread effect of the migratory issues in its dealings with Africa. Thereassessment and consequent improvement of Spanish relations with Morocco was a crucialmoment due to the country’s strategic importance as a “transit zone” to Europe. This trendcontinued with the consequent re-engagement in West Africa following the Africa Plan which Ibelieve reflects the role of the African continent as a privileged field of expression towards theexternalisation of migratory flows control. The deciphering of this emerging Euro-Africanframework of migration governance and its negotiation help us to fully comprehend theconsequences and collateral effects of this policy
10
Marong, Alhagi. "Economic integration and foreign direct investment in West Africa." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0005/MQ44066.pdf.
Full text
11
Peters, Joel. "Israel's relations with black Africa, 1973-1985." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670348.
Full text
12
Akinwande, F. O. "US foreign policy towards West Africa after September 11 attacks." Thesis, Nottingham Trent University, 2014. http://irep.ntu.ac.uk/id/eprint/30238/.
Full textAbstract:
The United States foreign policy towards West Africa experienced a significant shift after the terrorist attacks of US strategic institutions in September 11, 2001. This was marked by the securitization of US foreign policy beyond the military-security context of security into other aspects of US security strategy after the Cold War. In that context, political, economic and environmental sectors became part of US security agenda, as reflected in the post-9/11 US War on Terror in global regions. The United States therefore securitized West African states through the policies of aid, trade and military assistance. Within West Africa, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) had restructured the security pattern of West Africa since the end of the Cold War. The United States policy therefore coincided with ECOWAS’ regional security efforts. Among other things, ECOWAS’ policy of regional integration was revived with pragmatic approaches to securing West Africa from threats of terrorists, smuggling, poverty, corruption and state collapse. The challenge for ECOWAS had been how to securitize successfully against these threats within the context of a sustainable regional security planning without the need for external assistance. Whether the United States and ECOWAS could cooperate to maintain security and stability in West Africa depended on US agenda and ECOWAS capacity as a regional security complex. The question is, why and how did the US securitize in West Africa if indeed the region had a security complex such as ECOWAS that had the capability to do so? Secondly, were the security issues resolved in the process of US securitization? The methodology adopted in this research is wide-ranging, including the use of qualitative content analysis for exploring theoretical texts of scholars and empirical cases of speeches, official pronouncements and policy documents. An analysis of the philosophy of Jurgen Habermas was undertaken to appraise the influence of his critical theory on explanations of social inclusion, community, security; his ideal speech act theory, which suggests approaches to resolving crises through inclusive dialogues, was considered. Although Habermas based his philosophy on communication, justice, and ethics, his speech act resonates with the idea of securitization and the interactions between a powerful state and Third World regions. But it was not found to be as helpful in explanation as initially proposed. Using qualitative content analysis, it was possible to combine elements of regional security complex theory (RSCT) of the Copenhagen School with a pragmatic approach to the reconceptualization of the audience in the process of securitization. The result of the research shows that, first, the United States policies had success in a few areas, whereas in majority of the cases, the security situation in the region had been largely the same or worsened. The US Congress was willing to legitimate the securitizing claims of the core executive without challenging it. Secondly, ECOWAS Member States depended on external powers for survival and this hindered their capacities to integrate at the regional level. ECOWAS elite considered the organization to be instruments for maintaining personal political control in their states. Thirdly, in terms of US West African cooperation, the lack of sufficient security interaction rendered ECOWAS a weak security complex thereby making it vulnerable to external intervention. The intervention of the US and other external powers in the region challenged the reality of the sovereignty of ECOWAS Member States and further constrained ECOWAS ability to construct regional security architecture for West Africa. The complexity of the nexus of issues and institutions addressing security agendas including human and developmental security also undermined many of the goals: at least to a significant measure, the way security was pursued by key actors were self-defeating, although other factors also always influenced outcomes too.
13
Albers, Martin. "The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.
Full text
14
James, William Andrew Philip Justin. "Trust and the transformation of the German question, 1960-1970." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609881.
Full text
15
Bachleitner, Kathrin. "Diplomacy with memory : West German and Austrian relations with Israel." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8e9b772b-704c-4db0-af96-2fe7c65bf4ee.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis analyses international state behaviour by countries that share a historic legacy, and examines the delicate relations between West Germany, Austria and Israel in the wake of the Second World War as a case study. In it I propose a model - 'diplomacy of memory' - for this currently untheorized form of diplomatic conduct in order to explain how countries use official memories of their past on the international stage. Linking the interdisciplinary concept of collective memory with International Relations, my study characterizes the practice of 'diplomacy with memory' as a distinct policy undertaking that shapes and broadcasts historical narratives internationally for strategic foreign policy objectives. To empirically test the diplomacy of memory model, this thesis investigates the two cases of West German-Israeli and Austrian-Israeli relations in the aftermath of World War II. Within these selected pairs, four core bilateral debates are analysed: first, reparation payments to Israel in 1951/52; second, the trial of Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann in Jerusalem in 1960/61; third, the Six-Day War in 1967 and fourth, the Yom Kippur War and oil crisis of 1973. While the first two cases explore how the memory of the Nazi past is leveraged as part of later diplomatic strategies, the latter two, which concern West Germany's and Austria's reaction to the Middle East conflict, reveal a more subtle connection between national memories and foreign policy choices around key international conflicts. This study engages in historical inquiry, based on archival documents and other primary sources in all three countries, to demonstrate how a country's collective memory is invented and deployed on the international stage. Combining the theoretical aim of specifying the link between national narratives and diplomacy with the qualitative analysis of two historic cases, this thesis rests at the intersection of International Relations and History.
16
Pfister, Roger. "Apartheid South Africa's foreign relations with African states, 1961-1994." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007632.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines South Africa's foreign relations, viewed from a South African perspective, with the black African countries beyond southern Africa from 1961 to 1994. These relations were determined by the conflict between Pretoria's apartheid ideology on the one hand, and African continental rejection of South Africa's race discrimination policies and its exclusion from the community of African states on the other. The documentary material used primarily stems from the Department of Foreign Affairs archive in Pretoria, supplemented by research conducted in other archives. Furthermore, we conducted interviews and correspondence, and consulted the relevant primary and secondary literature. Given the main source of information, we chose to make this work a case study in Diplomatic History. In consequence, and constituting the core of the study, Chapters 3 to 6 explore the interaction between South Africa and the black African states in a chronological order. At the same time, we draw on the analytical concepts from the academic disciplines of Political Science and its derivative, International Relations, to comprehend developments more fully. We discuss the significance of the approaches from these two disciplines in both the Introduction and Chapter 2. In particular, we emphasise that this study is about Pretoria's foreign policy, involving state and non-state actors, and we suggest that the unequal status between South Africa and the other African states constitutes an inherent factor in the relationship between them. The Conclusion examines the role of the state and non-state actors in determining Pretoria's foreign relations and the relevance of the structural imbalance between South Africa and the black African states in this context.
17
Botha, Ilana. "China in Africa : friend or foe? : China’s contemporary political and economic relations with Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3405.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006.Since the end of the Cold War, China has displayed a reinvigorated interest in the African continent. There are differing viewpoints as to whether China’s increasing involvement in Africa is beneficial to the African continent, or whether there are negative consequences. This assignment attempts to answer this question by exploring the nature of China’s political, economic, and aid relationships with the African continent, by highlighting examples from four countries: South Africa, Zimbabwe, Uganda and Sudan. China’s interests in Africa are motivated primarily by economics and diplomacy. In other words, Africa is important to China as a vast source of resources to feed its growing manufacturing base, as well as a source of energy security. In addition, China sees Africa as an important destination for its affordable manufactured goods. China’s interests in Africa, however, are not only confined to economics, but extend to diplomacy as well. China is attempting to position itself as an important power in the international system and, in so doing, promote its own views and policies within international multilateral organisations. Africa plays an important role in this regard, particularly in institutions with ‘one-country, one vote’ arrangements. Thus, China attempts to court African governments in order to secure access to Africa’s vast resources, as well as to garner support for its policies in the international arena. After an in-depth examination of the evidence, it is concluded that China’s engagement with Africa is based on strategic political and economic considerations and fits within a Realist explanatory framework. It is therefore contended that China’s presence on the African continent presents both opportunities as well as threats, although African governments need to be pro-active in order to exploit the potential opportunities. Furthermore, it is concluded that the negative consequences of China’s involvement in Africa are not only attributable to China’s behaviour in Africa, but some of the blame should also be shifted to corrupt African governments and elites who operate within a framework of neo-patrimonial politics which exacerbates corruption and mal-governance on the continent. Such behaviour stalls efforts emanating from ‘responsible’ African leaders to promote good governance and democracy on the continent, for example through institutions such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (Nepad) and the African Union (AU).
18
Van, der Heyden Ulrich Klaus Helmut. "GDR development policy with special reference to Africa, c. 1960-1990." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001860.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the political, economic and theoretical underpinnings of the German Democratic Republic’s (GDR’s) development policies towards the Third World between c.1960 and 1990. Particular attention is paid to Africa. Case studies of assistance to SWAPO and the ANC further focus the attention of the reader on southern Africa in particular. Aspects of both military and civilian aid are considered, including both development initiatives overseas in Africa, and development training for Africans within the GDR itself. Since German “reunification”, the GDR’s history has been explored largely from a West German perspective. The present work attempts to provide a more balanced view of successes and shortcomings of the GDR’s policies towards, and interaction with, African countries and liberation movements. It also aims to bring to the attention of English-speaking readers German archival sources, other primary sources and published works which they would otherwise have been unlikely to encounter. From its formation, the GDR made strenuous efforts to develop relations with countries which were either free from colonial dependency or were struggling for freedom. Over the course of thirty years, it followed a number of different approaches, and developed diverse objectives. These were shaped in the wider context of the cold war, the Hallstein doctrine (which established that the FRG – and, in effect, its allies - would not establish or maintain diplomatic relations with any state that recognised the GDR), the relationships between the GDR and partner socialist states, and the economic difficulties faced by the GDR. Arising from this complex situation, from time to time, both internally in the GDR and in terms of its foreign affairs, tensions and discrepancies arose between theoretical objectives and political and economic reality. Despite these severe constraints, during the period under review, the volume and range of the GDR’s relationships with developing countries increased dramatically. For example, between 1970 and 1987, the number of developing countries with which the GDR had foreign economic relations on the basis of international agreements grew from 23 to 64. Viewed within its economic context, the state was arguably far more committed to development aid than the Federal Republic of Germany. In addition, there is a great deal of evidence that “solidarity” with developing nations and the oppressed enjoyed a considerable degree of popular support.
19
Miller, Mark James. "The official East German response to Willy Brandt and Neue Ostpolitik, 1969-1972." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610841.
Full text
20
Setlaba, Mosa. "Foreign aid in Africa : an analysis of its costs and benefits." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10944.
Full textAbstract:
It is a common assumption that foreign aid has to benefit recipient countries, by, among other things, stimulating growth, reducing poverty and improving governance. While Africa has received massive inflows of aid since the 1960s, the Continent is still saddled with a number of challenges. These include, poor economic performance, growing poverty, a high level of corruption, poor governance and a general deterioration in the quality of life of its people. The contradiction between the assumption and reality has led, in recent years, to a raging debate over the effectiveness of foreign aid in mitigating Africa’s underdevelopment. This dissertation examines some of the dominant arguments in this debate, and shows that while foreign aid has been beneficial to Africa in some respects, its negative impact on the Continent’s economic growth and general development should not be discounted. For this reason, Africa should reconsider its heavy dependence on aid.
21
Ng, Hei Lin. "China foreign aid to Africa : features and implications." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2012. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1465.
Full text
22
Lobo, Daniel Furahini Østerhus. "Perceptions of South African foreign policy in the African Union." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2014.
Find full textAbstract:
South Africa plays a very important role on the African continent, both politically and economically. She is often the main protagonist behind various peace-making efforts both regionally and continentally, and now she plays an even more important part in the African Union. In July 2012 South African candidate Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma was elected as chairperson of the African Union Commission, in an election which highlighted a need to investigate the perception of South Africa in the African Union. South African foreign policy has gone through various stages, from being internationally isolated during the apartheid era to being on the forefront continentally during the successive post-apartheid presidents. The electoral discourse in 2012 however, highlighted some divergent opinions on South African foreign policy which this study investigates. What was identified during the election campaign was a possible negative perception of South African foreign policy, both politically and in terms of the private sector. The study sought to investigate how South Africa is perceived on the African continent, and in order to reach a conclusion it performed a policy analysis as well as a qualitative discourse analysis of the statements given during the election. The policy analysis contextualises and explains South African foreign policy agendas and choices, and the discourse analysis sought to reveal any negative perceptions of South African foreign policy. The findings of the study are that there is a general negative perception of South Africa and her foreign policy in Africa, due to several reasons, which will be discussed in the following study. The negative perceptions stem from the Eastern region, the Western region, as well as from South Africa itself, through political analysts and experts.
23
Gale, Caitlin Maria. "Beyond Corsairs : the British-Barbary relationship during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1cdea6da-7ca9-4728-bef5-59e6850dbb73.
Full textAbstract:
The North African Barbary States are usually dismissed as an unimportant, though bothersome, pirate base of little consequence in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This thesis challenges that idea by providing qualitative and quantitative evidence of Barbary's role in trade and diplomacy during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, especially as it affected Britain and how the British were able to carry out their military and political goals in the Mediterranean. The study is based on the correspondence between the British government and its military leaders in the region, the correspondence and reports generated by British consuls working in Barbary, import/export records, and a database tracking British shipping to and from North Africa during the conflict. To the British, Barbary was not an irritation but an asset. Britain was able to manage Barbary's trade and foreign policy over the course of the twenty-three-year conflict. This was accomplished in two key ways: as a source of supplies for British forces and through the diplomatic role provided by Britain's extensive consul network. Though the North African states were neutral for the majority of both wars, Britain worked strenuously to maintain and increase its trade and diplomacy with Barbary for the benefit of the British armed forces. British trade with Barbary, supported by the British-Barbary diplomatic relationship, directly contributed to British successes in the Mediterranean and Iberian Peninsula.
24
Moeletsi, Motheba Gwendoline. "Grassroots diplomacy between Lesotho and South Africa: the district liaison committees." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003015.
Full textAbstract:
Cross-border conflicts on the African continent have increased tremendously in the post-colonial years. The widespread border conflicts on the African continent have been attributed to the arbitrariness with which Africa’s national boundaries were drawn during the colonial period. The colonial boundaries have left the doors open for perpetual conflicts among African states. This thesis proposes to investigate the prospects of grassroots diplomacy as an option of dealing with border conflicts with specific reference to the case of Lesotho/South Africa border relations. This is done by critically evaluating the role the District Liaison Committees (DLCs) have played in border relations between Lesotho and South Africa. The Lesotho and South African governments have institutionalised the resolution of border conflicts at grassroots level through the establishment of the DLCs. The DLCs consists of representatives of border communities in Lesotho and South Africa. The paper introduces a not so familiar concept of involving people at grassroots levels in the conducting of diplomacy between the two neighbouring countries. The central issue implicit in this paper is that grassroots diplomacy is succeeding in the case of Lesotho and South Africa. The DLCs have managed to reduce tension between the two countries along the borders which had existed over a long period of time, thereby, relieving the central governments of some of their duties. The thesis contents that high level conventional diplomacy is not always the answer to cross-border conflicts. The example of Lesotho and South Africa could be followed by other African countries in similar situations.
25
Jia, Meng Qi. "Promoting stability and sustainability of China's natural resource investments in Africa through BIT approach." Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3959453.
Full text
26
Smith, Hevina N. "Economic dependence and Malawi's foreign policy posture toward South Africa." Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=65917.
Full text
27
Kent-Brown, Duke. "The relationship between the Republic of South Africa and the People's Republic of China : a model for public policy analysis." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/23225.
Full textAbstract:
Please read the abstract (Summary) in the section 00front of this documentThesis (D Admin (Public Administration))--University of Pretoria, 2008.
School of Public Management and Administration (SPMA)
unrestricted
28
Zhang, Jia Xuan. "China in Africa : another neocolonial power or a new type of strategic partner?" Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595543.
Full text
29
Lake, Britt Ashley. "Foreign donor involvement in civil society development : a case study of South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3731.
Full text
30
Strickrodt, Silke. "Afro-European trade relations on the western slave coast, 16th to 19th centuries." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2616.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis deals with the Afro-European trade on the Western Slave Coast from about 1600 to the 1880s, mainly the slave trade but also the trade in ivory and agricultural produce. The Western Slave Coast comprises the coastal areas of modem Togo and parts of the coastal areas of Ghana and Benin. For much of the period under discussion, this region was dominated by two kingdoms, the kingdom of the Hula (or Pla), known to European traders as Great or Grand Popo, after its coastal port (in modern Benin), and the kingdom of the Ge (Gen/Guin/Genyi), known to European traders as Little Popo, after its main coastal port (in modern Togo). In the nineteenth century, two more ports of trade appeared in the region, Agoud (in modem Benin) and Porto Seguro (in modern Togo). In terms of the Afro-European trade, this was an intermediate area between regions of greater importance to slave traders, the Gold Coast to the west and the eastern Slave Coast (mainly the kingdom of Dahomey) to the east. This thesis gives a detailed reconstruction of the political and commercial developments in the region, especially for the period from the 1780s and the 1860s. The discussion is based mainly on archival material from British, French and African archives, but also makes use of a wide range of published accounts, mainly in English, French and German, and information from oral traditions. Beyond its immediate local interest, the thesis contributes to our understanding of the operation of the Afro-European trade and its impact on African middleman societies. The intermittent commercial success of 'the Popos' illustrates the dynamics of the trade especially clearly. The Western Slave Coast is placed into the wider transatlantic trade network and its role in the trade re-evaluated. The link between the local and overseas economy is illustrated by the centrality of the lagoon, which is discussed in detail. Other important issues that are addressed include the role of the canoemen in the trade, the transition from the slave trade to the palm oil trade and the Afro-Brazilian settlement at Agoue.
31
Rammutle, Radithebe. "Foreign aid and NGO-state relations in South Africa : post-1994 developments." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53429.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the impact of foreign aid on the relations between Non- Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and the state in South Africa since 1994. There are three different ways in which NGOs can interact with the state and public policy: viz. they can support and help to implement policies, attempt to reform policies, or oppose them. During apartheid, the nature of NGO-state relations was characterised by political confrontation and distrust. NGOs primarily served as organisations of opposition to the state's exclusivist and dehumanising policies. Many NGOs, however, also provided developmental and social services to communities who were neglected by the apartheid state. After the first democratic election in 1994, the role of NGOs underwent a significant process of change. Various factors contributed to this change. This study, however, primarily focuses on the role of foreign aid and its effect on NGO activities in South Africa, post-1994. This study relied on secondary data sources (both qualitative and quantitative) available in the area of NGO state relations. The study also focused on two major donor agencies in South Africa: European Union (EU) and United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Analysis of data reveals that, since 1994 much of the funding that was previously directly channeled to civil society now goes to the state, which distributes it to targetted NGOs. As a result many NOOs have collapsed because of a shortage of financial resources to sustain their work. Secondly, since 1994 the rationale and purpose behind international donor policies has been to advance the New Policy Agenda (NPA), which is aimed at promoting free market-orientated reforms and the consolidation of liberal democracy. As a result, foreign aid donors have endorsed the liberal economic policies, which are set out in the government's macroeconomic strategy, viz. Growth, Employment, and Redistribution (GEAR). Thus, both government and donors have prioritised NGOs who are involved in service delivery rather than those that are likely to challenge and oppose liberal market policies. They have also shown preference to NGOs that are more concerned with the norms and practices of procedural democracy as opposed to those that are concerned with issues of participatory and social democracy. This has resulted in constraining the overtly political and advocacy role, which characterised NGOs during the apartheid era. International donors, via government disbursement institutions such as the National Development Agency (NDA), have also constrained the work of NGOs by insisting on numerous managerial related requirements that have been made conditional for the receiving of financial support. Many small, informal, rural community based organisation that lack the required administrative capacity have, as a result, been facing serious financial crises. Subsequently, NGO-state relations, since 1994, have become less adversarial and confrontational. Most NGOs, complement and support the state's social services delivery programmes and also serve as organisations which help shape the norms and practices of procedural democracy. The study concludes, that the persistent inequality, poverty and unemployment which is associated with the GEAR macroeconomic policy and endorsed by international donor agencies, will lead to the resurgence of advocacy NGOs. Furthermore, in order to resuscitate their role and to ensure their vitality as organisations, which promote participatory democracy, it is essential to focus on strategies, which can effectively challenge the current funding environment to NGOs. These include, building the administrative capacity of both the NDA and NGOs, ensuring NDA independence, and ensuring recognition by funding institutions of the importance of advocacy NGOs in the consolidation of economic democracy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die impak van buitelandse hulp op die verhoudinge tussen Nie-Regeringsorganisasies (NRO'S) en die staat sedert 1994. Daar is drie verskillende wyses waarop NRO's interaksie kan bewerkstellig met die staat en met openbare beleid, naamlik, hulle kan help om beleid te implementeer, hulle kan help om beleid te verander, of hulle kan beleid teenstaan. Tydens apartheid, is die aard van NRO - staat verhoudings gekenmerk deur konfrontasie en wantroue. Die NRO's het primêr gedien as organisasies van opposrsie teen die staat se eksklusiwistiese en onmenslikingsbeleid. Talle NRO's het egter ook ontwikkelings- en sosiale dienste voorsien aan gemeenskappe wat afgeskeep is deur die apartheidstaat. Na die eerste demokratiese verkiesing in 1994, het die rol van NRO's 'n beduidende proses van verandering ondergaan. 'n Verskeidenheid faktore het bygedra tot hierdie verandering. Hierdie studie fokus egter primêr op die rol van buitelandse hulp en die uitwerking daarvan op NRO's se aktiwiteite in Suid-Afrika na 1994. Hierdie studie het staatgemaak op sekondêre bronne (kwalitatief sowel as kwantitatief) in die gebied van NRO's - staat verhoudinge. Die studie fokus ook op twee belangrike donateur agentskappe in Suid-Afrika: die Europese Unie (EU) en die Verenigde State Agentskap vir Internasionale Ontwikkeling (VSAlO). 'n Analise van die data toon aan dat, sedert 1994, heelwat van die befondsing wat voorheen direk gekanaliseer is aan die openbare gemeenskap, nou na die staat gaan, wat dit versprei na geteikende NRO's. Gevolglik het talle NRO's ineengestort vanweë 'n tekort aan finansiële bronne om hulle werk vol te hou. Tweedens, sedert 1994 was dit die rasionaal en doelstelling van internasionale donateurskapsbeleid om die Nuwe Beleid Agenda (NBA) te bevorder, wat as doelstelling het die bevordering van vrye mark-georiënteerde hervormings en die konsolidasie van 'n liberale demokrasie. Gevolglik het buitelandse hulp donateurs liberale ekonomiese beleidvorming onderskryfwat uiteengesit word in die regering se makro-ekonomiese strategie, nl. Groei, Werkverskaffing en Herverdeling (GEAR). Dus het sowel die regering as donateurs prioriteit gegee aan NRO's wat betrokke is in dienslewering, eerder as dié wat geneig is om liberale markbeleid teen te staan. Hulle het ook voorkeur gegee aan NRO's wat meer besorg is oor die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurele demokrasie in teenstelling met dié wat besorgd is oor die vraagstukke van 'n deelnemende en sosiale demokrasie. Dit het die resultaat gehad dat die openlike politiese en kampvegtersrol wat kenmerkend van die NRO's was gedurende die apartheidsera, beperk is. Internasionale donateurs het, Vla regerings-instellings soos die Nasionale Ontwikkelingsagentskap (NOA), ook die werk van NRO's beperk deur die aandrang op talle bestuursverwante vereistes wat as voorwaarde gestel is vir die ontvangs van finansiële ondersteuning. Talle klein, informele landelike gemeenskaps-gebaseerde organisasies wat die vereiste administratiewe kapasiteit kort, het gevolglik ernstige finansiële krisisse begin ondervind. Daaropvolgend, het NRO-staat verhoudinge sedert 1994 minder konfronterend begin raak. Die meeste NRO's ondersteun die staat se diensleweringsprogramme en dien ook as organisasies wat help om die norme en praktyke van 'n prosedurale demokrasie te vorm. Die studie kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die voortdurende ongelykheid, armoede en werkloosheid wat geassosieer word met die makro-ekonomiese beleid van die regering se program vir Groei, Werkskepping en Herverdeling (GEAR) sal lei tot In nuwe opkoms van kampvegter NRO's. Voorts, ten einde hulle rol te stimuleer en hulle lewenskragtigheid as organisasies te verseker, kan ons die huidige befondsingsomgewing van NRO's doeltreffend uitdaag. Dit sluit in die bou van die administratiewe kapasiteit van beide die NOA en NRO's, die versekering van NOA onafhanklikheid, en die versekering van die erkenning deur befondsingsinstellings van die belangrikheid van kampvegter NRO's in die konsolidasie van 'n ekonomiese demokrasie.
32
Dreier, Tina, and Rhodes University. "China's African FDI safari : opportunistic exploitation or muturally beneficial to all participants." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001455.
Full textAbstract:
When implemented within a favourable legislative framework, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) can produce domestic growth-enhancing spillovers in host countries. Other potential positive effects include the provision of investment capital, the creation of local employment and the transfer of sophisticated technology or advanced knowledge. African nations in particular have been historically reliant on externally-provided funds. Prevailing low income levels, marginal savings rates and the absence of functioning financial markets necessary to provide local start-up capital continue to keep Africa reliant on foreign inflows. Considering China’s increasing financial commitments to Sub- Saharan Africa (SSA) over the last decade, this study examines the state of current Sino-African investment relationships. Specific attention is paid to the outcomes of this strategic bilateral alliance in order to determine whether or not a mutually beneficial investment relationship has evolved. The distinct nature and structure of, the motivation behind and the most significant determinants of Chinese FDI to SSA are all analysed in accordance with traditional FDI theories. A case study approach is used to establish whether China’s contemporary interest in SSA differs from historical investments and to also investigate country-specific commonalities and differences. Of particular relevance to SSA are resource-backed Chinese loans that finance major infrastructure projects in host nations. Interestingly, a lot of the Sino-African investment packages resemble similar deals struck between China and Japan in the 1970s. The results of this study indicate that China’s investment motives seem more diverse than initially expected. Resource-seeking, profit-seeking and market access-seeking reasons appear to be the most important motives. After establishing the Top- Ten recipients of Chinese FDI in SSA, these nations are then classified into three major categories: resource-, oil- or agricultural-rich nations. Undiversified resource- or oil-rich economies are found to have secured the largest shares of Chinese FDI. This study suggests that China’s contemporary “African Safari” is an unconventional way of providing financial assistance. Rather than solely supplying FDI, China finances a diverse mix of instruments, the most important being concessional loans, export credits, zero-interest loans and the establishment of Special Economic Zones. A profound difference to traditional Western investment packages is China’s non-interference approach. Accordingly, Beijing not only refrains from intervening in host countries’ domestic affairs but also refuses to attach formal conditionalties to its loans. China’s “financial safari” into Africa has produced many positive as well as negative effects in host countries. Nevertheless, it would seem that the positive effects outweigh the negative and China’s FDI could contribute to sustainable development in SSA
33
Martin, Jeremy A. "RUSSIA AND THE “WEST:” A USEFUL PARADIGM OR AN IMAGINED ACTOR?" Miami University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1178124728.
Full text
34
Kinney, Mary. "The impact of foreign aid on the HIV/AIDS epidemic in sub-saharan Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3728.
Full text
35
Mkalipi, Zanethemba. "Promotion of liberal values in South African foreign policy : beyond the structural imperatives of the international system?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007662.
Full textAbstract:
The end of the Cold War in the early 1990s led to a multilateral international system no longer divided by contending forces of capitalism and communism. In the context of South Africa, the end of the Cold War occurred at a juncture where the apartheid government was being challenged by pro-democracy forces that have fought against it for decades. The developments in the international system and in the country led to South Africa adopting universal liberal values not only in its constitution, but also in its international relations. Foreign policy documents and statements by the ministry of Foreign Affairs also reflected the country's aspiration of becoming a mediator, a facilitator for democracy and a peacemaker especially in the context of Africa. International expectation mounted as South Africa was perceived as possessing the capacity to act in a manner that advances democratic values and which gives voice to the weak nations of the world. However, the aura of a post-apartheid South Africa that would act not only in its interest, but also in the interest of the world community never fully materialised. South Africa failed to act in a manner consistent with its stated commitment to democratic values when it recognised Peoples Republic of China, an undemocratic and repressive government. It also marched into Lesotho in 1998, resulting in the destabilisation of this tiny Southern African country. These events led to an increasing criticism of the South African government. Some argued that South Africa was still inexperienced given its recent emergence as a world player. Others blamed the inconsistency on a too broad and ambitious foreign policy that set itself for failure. This study seeks to contribute to the conceptual understanding of the debate regarding the ambiguous nature of South Africa's foreign policy behaviour. It situates the conceptualisation of South Africa's foreign policy within the predominant debates in international relations between realism, political structuralism and pluralism. Firstly, it holds that the end of the Cold War and ascendancy of globalist conceptions of international relations did not lead to the inadequacy of political structuralism as an organising framework. Secondly, it attempts to clarify the gap between South Africa's foreign policy and foreign policy behaviour by employing the assumptions advanced by political structuralism, Thirdly, a case study of South Africa's foreign policy towards China, Lesotho, the Great Lakes and Swaziland is carried out. Here it is demonstrated that the ambiguities of South Africa's foreign policy are a function of the constraints imposed by the political and economic structure of the international system, It draws its conclusion by providing methodological recommendations to South Africa's foreign policy makers and future researchers in the field of foreign policy analysis.
36
Amer, Rawya M. Tawfik. "State-society relations and regional role : comparing Egypt and South Africa." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c00e6d89-06a1-40b5-b760-33965d32bcef.
Full textAbstract:
The study explains the regional roles of Egypt and South Africa in the last two decades by reference to the state’s relationship with society, a variable that has long been underplayed in international relations and foreign policy literature. It suggests that the different character of this relationship in each country has shaped the opportunities and constraints affecting the foreign policy choices of both the state and societal institutions in the two countries. The study adopts a cross-disciplinary approach using debates on state capacity and its relationship with regime type in comparative politics and political economy to understand and evaluate the two countries' foreign policies in their respective regions. After analysing the impact of state-society relationships on the regional role conceptions of the state and societal actors, the study compares the performance of these actors in two case studies; the Palestinian-Israeli conflict in the case of Egypt and the Zimbabwean crisis in the case of South Africa. It concludes that although the role of each state in resolving its respective regional conflict has been less than effective, the post-apartheid democratic dispensation has provided opportunities for South African social forces to play roles that complemented, checked and balanced the role of the state, compared to their Egyptian counterparts. On the other hand, the soft authoritarian Egyptian state used its role in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict to maintain the international alliances that helped to sustain its domestic control. This constrained the state's foreign policy options. It made marketing peace as 'a strategic choice' and containing resistance movements the priorities of Egypt's intervention in the Palestinian issue. The co-optation of the Egyptian business community and the exclusion of Islamist forces by the state weakened their roles in conflict resolution, depriving the state of tools of effectiveness. In the case of South Africa, racial politics, the ANC's liberation movement psyche, and the domination of the presidency over foreign policy making have hindered the promotion of NEPAD's principles of democracy and respect for human rights in the case of Zimbabwe. However, South African civil society played a crucial role in supporting its Zimbabwean counterpart, holding the South African state accountable to its foreign policy principles and its democratic institutions, and intervening where the state's role was missing or insufficient.
37
Jordaan, Johannes Cornelius. "Foreign direct investment and neighbouring influences." Thesis, Pretoria : [s.n.], 2004. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-04182005-094319.
Full text
38
Sithole, Abel Moffat. "The People’s Republic of China’s “strategic partnerships” with South Africa : 1998-2013." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97006.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The emergence of the People‘s Republic of China (PRC) as an economic superpower has become one of the most significant developments in world affairs in recent times. As the PRC has grown in economic significance, it seeks to translate this to all areas of its relationship with the rest of the world. Africa and African countries are a region where the PRC‘s involvement and engagement has elicits major consternation, especially from Western countries. However, this region, relative to its geographic and population size, natural endowments, and engagement with other regions andWestern countries in particular, remains insignificant in the PRC‘s external relations. South Africa enjoys very good diplomatic relations with the PRC, disproportionate to its significance with regard to the PRC‘s quest for resource that fuels its phenomenal economic resurgence. South Africa and the PRC‘s relationship has, within a decade, grown in depth and complexity that supersedes despite major asymmetries between them. South Africa is the first developing and African country with which the PRC established a comprehensive strategic partnership. While the concept of a ‗strategic partnership‘ remains unclear in international relations, it conveys a relationship of significance and stature that supplements ordinary bilateral relationships, although the latter are better defined and binding than the former. Clearly, the Chinese government attaches great importance to its relationship with South Africa. The advent of democracy and a thriving pluralistic socio-economic and cultural society that is admired despite the challenges it faces, makes South Africa an exemplar and desirable partner. South Africa‘s international stature and role in the international system, matches the PRC‘s objectives in this regard, making South Africa a good foil for PRC. However, this study contends that there are reasons that are beyond the well-worn natural resource extraction and diplomacy arguments that make South Africa attractive to the PRC. It uses asymmetry theory of international relations to explore and elucidate this. It explores what underpins, motivates and accounts for the rapid progression of this relationship and the implications this may have on their relationship in the future This thesis uses Womack‘s (2001, 2003, 2003a, 2006, 2006a, 2010) terminology and methodology to look at how South Africa and the PRC concentrate on areas of complementarity and cooperation and seek and foster mutual understanding and appreciation of each other‘s societies and histories. The thesis explore how they work to actively convert hostility to friendship and adroitly manage the relationship to prevent it drifting from friendship to hostility, as well as using what Womack calls routinization, neutralization and diplomatic ritual, in managing their partnership. From the perspective of asymmetry theory, the PRC and South Africa are complementary. South Africa is the largest; most sophisticated, developed and diversified economy in Africa and the developing world. It possesses or has access to technical and managerial knowhow that the PRC would have difficulty accessing elsewhere. South Africa remains a strategic maritime and naval route for the PRC‘s trade and accesses to key resources on the African continent and elsewhere. The study finds that asymmetry theory is useful in understanding how South Africa and the PRC manage their relationship. Asymmetry theory provides a framework to analyse the motivations and dynamic interactions that drive the progression of their diplomatic relations. The findings of the thesis imply a diplomatic relationship between South Africa and the PRC that is based on more than just the PRC‘s need for resources and diplomatic support in the international system.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die onlangse toetrede van die VolksRepubliek van China (VRC) tot die geledere van die ekonomiese supermoondhede het een van die mees beduidende verwikkelinge in wêreldaangeleenthede geword. Soos die VRC ekonomies belangriker geword het, is gepoog om hierdie sukses te herhaal op ander terreine van die land se buitelandse betrekkinge met die res van die wêreld. Afrika en Afrika lande is ‗n streek waar die VRC se betrokkenheid en verbindnisse groot konsternasie ontlok het, veral vanaf Westerse lande. Maar hierdie streek, relatief tot sy geografiese en demografiese grootte, natuurlike hulpbronne en betrokkenheid by ander streke en veral Westerse lande, bly onbeduidend in die VRC se buitelandse betrekkinge. Die aandag wat Suid Afrika van die VRC geniet is disproporsioneel in vergelyking met die belang van die VRC se soeke na hulpbronne om haar fenomenale ekonomiese groei te stook. Die verhoudinge tussen Suid-Afrika en die VRC het in die bestek van ‗n dekade gegroei in diepte en kompleksiteit wat als oorskadu ten spyte van groot ongelykhede tussen hulle. Suid- Afrika is die eerste ontwikkelende land met wie die VRC ‗n omvattende strategiese vennootskap gesluit het. Terwyl die konsep van ‗n ‗strategiese vennootskap‘ onduidelik bly in internasionale betrekkinge, vergestalt dit betrekinge van beduidenis en statuur wat gewone bilatirale betrekkinge aanvul, alhoewel laasgenoemde beter gedefinieer en bindend is as eersgenoemde. Dit is duidelik dat die Chinese regering groot belang heg aan betrekkinge met Suid-Afrika Die oorgang na demokrasie en ‗n florerende plurale sosio-ekonomiese kulturele samelewing wat bewonder word ten spyte van die uitdagings wat dit in die gesig staar, maak van Suid- Afrika ‗n navolgingswaardige en wenslike vennoot. Suid-Afrika se internasionale statuur en rol in die internasionale stelsel pas die VRC se doelwitte in hierdie opsig en maak van Suid- Afrika ‗n goeie skerm floret vir die VRC. Maar, hierdie tesis betoog dat daar ook ander redes is buiten die wel bekende natuurlike hulpbron onttrekking en diplomatieke argumente wat Suid-Afrika vir die VRC aantreklik sou maak. Womack se ongelykheidsteorie in internasionale betrekkinge word gebruik om dit te ondersoek en toe te lig. Ongelykheidsteorie is nog nie voorheen in studies oor hierdie betrekkinge gebruik nie. Hierdie tesis verskaf dus ‗n belangrike alternatiewe metode om hierdie betrekkinge te bestudeer. Die tesis ondersoek Suid-Afrika en die VRC se betrekkinge na aanleiding van Womack (2001, 2003, 2003a, 2006, 2006a, 2010) se terminologie en metodologie en fokus op gebiede waar die twee lande mekaar komplimenteer en kan saamwerk; wedersydse verstaan van, en waardering vir, mekaar se mense en geskiedenisse kan koester; om aktief vyandigheid te omskep in vriendskap en om verhoudings so bedrewe te bestuur dat vriendskap nie in vyhandigheid verander nie; en om ook wat Womack roetiene, neutraliteit en diplomatieke ritueel noem te gebruik in die bestuur van hul vennootskap. Deur die lens van ongelykheidsteorie kyk die tesis na wat die vinnige progressie wat hierdie betrekkinge onderskraag, motiveer en verklaar. Vanuit die perspektief van ongelykheidsteorie vind die VRC Suid-Afrika komplimenterend. Dit is die grootste, mees gesofistikeerde, ontwikkelde en gediversifiseerde ekonomie in Afrika en die ontwikkelende wêreld. Dit besit of het toegang tot tegniese en bestuurskennis wat die VRC moeilik elders toegang toe sou kon kry. Suid-Afrika bly ‗n strategiese maritime en vloot roete vir VRC handel en toegang tot sleutel hulpbronne op die Afrika kontinent en elders. Een van die bevindings van die studie is dat ongelykheidsteorie ‗n nuttige metode is om die bestuur van die verhouding tussen Suid-Afrika en die VRC te verstaan. Dit verskaf ‗n raamwerk vir die analise van die motiverings en dinamiese interaksies wat die vordering van hul diplomatieke betrekkinge bepaal. Die bevindings van die tesis impliseer dat die diplomatieke betrekkinge tussen Suid-Afrika en die VRC nie net op die VRC se behoefte aan bronne en diplomatieke steun in die internasionale stelsel gebaseer is nie.
39
Eyck, Tobias Albert Ten. "A Cross-national Study of Attitudes and Group Labeling: Multinational Corporation (MNC) Workers in Canada, Brazil, and West Germany." PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4840.
Full textAbstract:
Many studies concerning multinational corporations {MNCs) are replete with theoretical models and case studies that treat MNCs as stand-alone entities. Very little time and effort is given to understanding the context in which MNCs operate. This context includes not only the fact that MNCs transcend national boundaries (political as well as geographical), but also the meaning of work and being part of a multinational work force for those employed within MNCs. This thesis is an effort to elucidate how the political/societal/cultural contexts of different host countries affect the attitudes of those workers most directly involved with foreign-owned MNCs. By shifting the focus from the MNC to the political/societal/cultural environment of host countries, foreign-owned MNCs can be compared across national boundaries (foreign-owned MNC workers from three different countries are compared in this thesis -- Canada, Brazil, and West Germany). Finally, by grounding the workers' attitudes within social identity theory, divergent attitudes between the workers from the different countries are not only explained, but expected as well.
40
Whytock, Ian Alexander. "South Africa’s home policy and its foreign relations : a study of transitions since 1990." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97129.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a study of South African transitions. A transition, within the context of South African contemporary history, usually refers to the period in the early 1990s when South Africa underwent a negotiated transition from racial minority rule to a full democracy in 1994. This thesis takes a liberal understanding of South Africa’s transition timeline and is not confined just to South Africa’s political transition, but also examines transitions within transitions. This will be done through three studies beginning with a survey of the global political transitions that took place against the backdrop of South Africa’s domestic political transition in the early 1990s. Secondly, we will look at the role that national historical identity plays in diplomacy and international relations and, more specifically, at the cultivation of a new historic identity in South Africa’s international relations. Lastly, we will examine the policy transitions that came in the “new” South Africa through a case study of the nationalization debate. All three of these focuses will be studied through the lens of South Africa’s foreign relations with China and the United States which provides a unique vantage point for viewing the complexities. The goal of this thesis is to develop a broader understanding of transitions in South Africa and the role that the United States and China played in them. As this theme is interrogated, some of the continuities and discontinuities will be exposed between the “old” and “new” South Africa.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis bestudeer Suid-Afrikaanse transisies. 'n Transisie, binne die konteks van kontemporêre Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis, verwys gewoonlik na die tydperk van die vroeë 1990's toe Suid-Afrika 'n bemiddelde oorgang ondergaan het vanaf radikale minderheidsbewind na 'n volledige demokrasie in 1994. Hierdie tesis neem 'n liberale benadering tot die tydperk waarbinne hier periode beskou word en is nie beperk tot slegs Suid-Afrika se politieke transisie nie, maar ondersoek ook transisies binne-in transisies. Dit sal gedoen word deur drie ondersoeke, wat begin met 'n oorsig van die wêreldwye politieke transisies wat op daardie stadium plaasgevind het teen die agtergrond van Suid-Afrika se binnelandse politieke transisie van die 1990's. Tweedens sal ons kyk na die rol wat nasionale historiese identiteit speel in diplomatiese en internasionale verhoudinge en, meer spesifiek, die kultivering van 'n nuwe nasionale historiese identiteit in Suid-Afrika se internasionale verhoudinge. Laastens beskou ons die beleidstransisies wat ingekom het in die "nuwe" Suid-Afrika. Dit word gedoen deur 'n gevallestudie van Suid-Afrika se debat oor nasionalisering. Al drie hierdie fokusse sal beskou word deur die lens van Suid-Afrika se verhoudinge met Sjina en die Verenigde State. Hierdie verhoudinge verskaf 'n unieke oogpunt waar rondom die kompleksiteite van hierdie debat beskou kan word. Die doel van hierdie tesis is om 'n breër verstandhouding te skep waarin Suid-Afrika se transisies beskou kan word. Soos hierdie tema ondersoek word, word van die kontinuïteite en diskontinuïteite van die "ou" en "nuwe" Suid-Afrika ontbloot.
41
Dullabh, Nitesh Amratlal. "South Africa's post-apartheid foreign policy : towards a diplomacy of trade." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002984.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis attempts to argue that a post-apartheid foreign policy will no longer be based on seeking legitimacy for the South African Government. Instead, it argues that if South Africa wants to grow, both domestically and nternationally, it will be imperative for it (South Africa) to move from an import substitution trade policy to an export-oriented trade policy. It is further suggested that the export-led strategy will be an important component for the promotion of South African international trade in the post-Cold War era. South Africa cannot improve the status of its trade regime by its own doing. It will require the support and assistance of international organizations and hence, the international community. Following the principles, rules and procedures of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT); it is argued, will help South Africa reconstruct its trade policies on the basis that they are free, fair and above all competitive. Furthermore, maintaining a constantly favourable relationship with the international community will allow easy access to international markets for South African goods and services, and eventually the smooth integration of the South African economy in the international political economy. This study, noting the importance of trade with a dedicated commitment to exports, concludes that although exports would flourish, there will be an immediate need for diplomats to be conversant with contemporary international trade developments. This would require diplomats to be innovative, steadfast and disciplined in their day-to-day negotiations. In the final instance, the role of trade in South Africa's future will ultimately be determined by its trade postures and the type of diplomacy to be used by its diplomats.
42
Uneze, Eberechukwu F. "The impact of foreign aid on investment, growth and the exchange rate in West Africa." Thesis, University of Kent, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.509629.
Full text
43
Othieno, Timothy. "Cuba's revolutionist and anti-imperialist foreign policy in Southern Africa: the case of Angola and Namibia." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003029.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines Cuba’s role in the two southern African countries of Angola and Namibia during the Cold War period. It argues that Cuba’s ideological motivations have been embodied in the mutually reinforcing concepts of proletarian internationalism and anti-imperialism. These conceptual perspectives constitute some of the central variables that influence Cuba’s foreign policy behaviour in international relations. It is within this context that one can understand Cuba’s involvement in Southern Africa. This study also attempts to explain that Cuban foreign policy towards Africa was based on two complementary and contextual objectives namely, promoting nationalism at home and nurturing revolutionary Marxist-Leninist governments, as well as supporting anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movements abroad. For the purpose of achieving these foreign policy objectives, Cuba not only engaged in state-to-state relations with Angola and Namibia; but had cordial relations with the rest of the continent and in particular Southern Africa, which also became a direct military testing ground for Cuba’s commitment to an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist revolutionary stance. Furthermore, the thesis shows that Cuba’s relentless hatred of imperialism is rooted in its historical relationship with the United States because from the turn of the century till 1958, the Americans interfered in Cuba’s internal affairs by supporting corrupt administrations and exploited the country. These practices by the United States laid the foundation for Cuba’s anti-colonialism and antiimperialism abroad. Ultimately, this thesis shows that Cuban involvement in Angola and Namibia can be conceptualised within these contexts (anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism, proletarian internationalism and revolutionary Marxism-Leninism). The role of Cuban nationalism in the realisation of these objectives and ideals, as well as its role in perpetuating and consolidating her foreign policy is assessed in this study. This nationalism and ideals of internationalism constitutes the central idea in the Cuban revolution. Finally, this thesis asserts that Cuban motives for getting involved in the politics of Southern Africa were not motivated by economic or imperialistic reasons. Rather, the historical similarity and colonial experiences between Africa and Cuba were some of the central causal factors.
44
Ndzeng, Nyangone Emmanuel. "South Africa’s relations with Gabon and the Ivory Coast: 1969-1994." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1138.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (DPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2008.Security (war or peace), economy, technological progress, cultural development and issues of identity are some of the aspects that characterise the nature of relations between countries. Traditionally, the objectives of a country’s foreign policy concern security and welfare. But, the search for national prestige, for autonomy or for a change in the world’s power relationships or ideological re-orientation can all inform the foreign policies of many states.1 South Africa is no exception; during the stewardship of Prime Minister BJ Vorster, his objective was the launching of a policy of détente. As a consequence, South Africa was subjected to continuous external criticism. At the insistence of the discrimination apartheid policy, South Africa was excluded from a wide range of intergovernmental agencies and conferences, was isolated by the international community and became the object of an economic boycott by the vast majority of African states. It therefore was clear that the increasing hostility towards South Africa’s domestic policy would isolate the country further. The world’s reaction to South African’s domestic policy demonstrated that foreign opinion had an influence on domestic policy, and that it imposed constraints on the conduct of foreign policy. To extricate itself from this situation, South Africa initiated the policy of rapprochement called détente policy during Vorster’s time in office. Vorster had no illusions about the need for safety in South Africa, thus his main ideal as Prime Minister was to establish normal and friendly relations with African states. Vorster hoped to improve South African’s international position by improving relations with Black Africa through the policy of détente. It is with regard to this policy, undertaken during the period of the African continent’s rejection of South Africa’s race discrimination policies and this country’s exclusion from the community of African states, that the present study investigates and analyses South Africa’s relations with the Ivory Coast and Gabon from 1969 to 1994, viewed from South African and French source material. In other words, this study analyses the interaction that took place in the past with regard to the South African government’s relations with the governments of Gabon and the Ivory Coast, which directed human activities in the political, economic, military and cultural fields. This investigation and analysis were undertaken in order to understand why the Ivory Coast and Gabon became involved with South Africa when the African community and even the international community had called for the isolation of this country due to its apartheid policy, and how these relations would improve and be strengthened in the future.
45
Oermann, Nils Ole. "Mission, church and state relations in south west Africa under German rule (1884-1915)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285552.
Full text
46
Oermann, Nils Ole. "Mission, church and state relations in South-West Africa under German Rule, 1884-1915 /." Stuttgart : F. Steiner, 1999. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39985317k.
Full text
47
Rae, Michelle Frasher. "International monetary relations between the United States, France, and West Germany in the 1970s." Texas A&M University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1969/48.
Full text
48
Ude, Assumpta Onyinye. "Hypertension Experience of Foreign-born West African Immigrant Women in the United States." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6287.
Full textAbstract:
Foreign-born African immigrants (FBAI) have a high rate of severe hypertension (HTN) and psychosocial-cultural factors have underlying roles in this, as in other chronic diseases. Literature lacks studies on FBAI women living with HTN. This study explored the HTN experience of FBAI women in the Washington Metropolitan area. This qualitative phenomenological study, was guided by a theoretical framework that included the Health Belief Model, Patient Centered Access to Health Care and the Transactional Model of Stress and Coping. Highly educated health care professional of 15 women participated in in-depth interviews. Thematic analysis was used for data analysis. Key findings included (a) most had a family history of HTN and believed HTN is deadly but reported going into denial after their initial diagnosis; (b) many did not practice lifestyle modifications and did not consider it a priority to take their medications as prescribed by their clinicians; (c) many preferred their ethnic foods to American food; (d) many used herbs from West Africa, though some were concerned about long-term side effects; (e) many had medical insurance and easy access to HTN services, but reported that clinicians did not listen to their concerns or provide culturally appropriate guidance; and (f) some recommended that HTN treatment services for FBAI should be designed better to address cultural patterns of communication, diet and exercise. The results of this study may contribute to social change by offering more culturally sensitive HTN services that would likely increase treatment compliance among FBAI women
49
Gomari-Luksch, Laleh. "Realism, rationalism and revolutionism in Iran's foreign policy : the West, the state and Islam." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13719.
Full textAbstract:
Iran's foreign policy is consistent and is fundamentally realist with a revolutionist vision while the means are rationalist is the central argument of this dissertation. I make use of the English Schools three traditions of realism, rationalism and revolutionism in analyzing the speeches of Iranian statesmen to identify the ways in which the dynamics of the three traditions have evolved since 1997 and what it means for interpreting the developments of Iran's foreign policy ventures. I utilize both quantitative and qualitative methods of analysis in examining the speeches of the supreme leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, the presidents since 1997. The quantitative method employs a customized software generating figures that represent the recurrence of realist, rationalist and revolutionist terminologies in all the documents downloaded from the official websites of the Iranian statesmen as well as the United Nations and select news agencies and affiliates. The quantitative phase of the analysis, meanwhile, carefully examined selected statements of the supreme leader and the presidents uncovering the foreign policy argumentations and justifications, which were studied alongside foreign policy actions and classified under the three traditions. The findings suggest that Iran's foreign policy is the same as in the other states of international society – it is consistent and dynamic. It is simultaneously realist, rationalist and revolutionist with each tradition serving a specific purpose, which cannot be disentangled from the other two.
50
Weld, David. "Reconceptualising South Africa's international identity : post-apartheid foreign policy in a post-cold war world." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14274.
Full textAbstract:
Bibliography: leaves 74-78.With the ending of the apartheid regime and the transition to power of a government of national unity, South Africa is now a legitimate member of the international community. It has joined the Organisation of African Unity, the British Commonwealth, and the Southern African Development Community, and it is busily fostering trade links with Europe, North America, the Far East, and Latin America. Its diplomats have worked to mediate conflicts in Angola and Mozambique, and its president is widely seen as an international statesman and a moral leader of almost unprecedented repute. Yet the new· government continues to operate within South Africa's traditional international paradigm and has not yet developed a unique global role that reflects the country's internal "negotiated revolution". As a result, substantial challenges face efforts to forge a new south African approach to the world. From outside the country, forces unleashed by the fall of communism and the rise of a truly global marketplace mark a volatile and uncertain transition in world history. From the inside, political transition has sparked a redefinition of what it means to be South African, but this has not been reflected in new policies. The Foreign Ministry is widely recognised as a bastion of old-guard stalwarts; the ANC and NP have done little to reconcile their past international experiences; and. the information flow on international political and economic trends has barely improved since April 1994, leaving interest groups and private citizens in the new democracy generally uninformed and therefore unable to help pressure policy. The result is a foreign policy over the past year that has had little vision and few cohesive threads, and has left a score of unresolved issues. The 'new' South Africa's relations with Cuba and China, its policies on illegal immigration, and regional development plans are all issues that require visionary, decisive leadership but for which none has yet been provided. What energy or vision, for example, has South Africa brought to the Southern African Development Community (SADC) since it joined last August? In the global peacekeeping debate, and again with Cuba and China, South Africa has made little effort to recognise more pro-active roles for which it is well equipped. Why is it not asserting itself? Who actually is in charge of its foreign policy? Few thus would deny that a paralysis has settled in on South African foreign policy. A recent analysis in the Weekly Mail lamented, "We are not consistent. We have not formulated clear principles. The formulators of our foreign policy do not consult with the people. The new appointments to our foreign ministry complain of being sidelined. There is no clear break with the past". At the core of this inaction is the fact that policy makers have failed to reconceptualise the way international issues are seen and policy is made. The world has changed and South Africa has changed, both dramatically; yet Cold War debates still divide the policy framework, old style security thinking still dominates higher ranks, and most importantly, the growing inter linkages between domestic and foreign policies in a post-Cold War world have gone largely unheeded. It is thus appropriate to sound a note of urgency: change and uncertainty in the world and dramatic transformation at home combine to make this an inopportune, even dangerous, time to have a directionless foreign policy. The broad purpose· of this paper is to identify the salient external and internal factors that will drive a new South African approach to the world. The first chapter presents a synthesis of dominant global trends, and sets them against the backdrop of major structural changes in international relations. The second chapter discusses change in South Africa in relation to world changes, new state objectives and shifting interest groups, and considers these implications for three major foreign policy areas. The third chapter looks at the policy framework and the ability of policy makers to conceptualise these dual changes and to formulate effective policies. The final chapter offers a 'road map' of policy options towards a true postapartheid, post-Cold War foreign policy.