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Relevant bibliographies by topics / African American mayors

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Academic literature on the topic 'African American mayors'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 26 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "African American mayors"

1

Homel, Michael W., David R. Colburn, and Jeffrey S. Adler. "African-American Mayors: Race, Politics, and the American City." Journal of American History 89, no. 2 (September 2002): 724. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3092318.

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Greene, Michael, and Emily Hoffnar. "Political empowerment: earnings in the presence of African-American mayors." Applied Economics Letters 2, no. 9 (September 1995): 298–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/135048595357096.

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Perry, Ravi K. "Black Mayors in Non-Majority Black (Medium Sized) Cities: Universalizing the Interests of Blacks." Ethnic Studies Review 32, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 89–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2009.32.1.89.

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The nature of political representation of Black constituents' interests from their elected Black representatives is changing in the twentyfirst century. Increasingly, African Americans are being elected to political offices where the majority of their constituents are not African American. Previous research on this question tended to characterize Black politicians' efforts to represent their Black constituents' interests in two frames: deracialized or racialized (McCormick and Jones 1993; Cruse 1990). However, the advent of the twenty-first century has exhausted the utility ofthat polarization. Black politicians no longer find explicit racial appeals appropriate for their electoral goals, given the changing demographic environment, and greater acceptance of African American politicians in highprofile positions of power. Black politicians also increasingly find that a lack of attention to racial disparities facing constituents within their political boundaries does not effectively address why certain groups like Blacks are disproportionately and negatively affected than others, across a range of issues. Rather than continue to make efforts to represent Black interests within those two frames, Black politicians have begun to universalize the interests of Blacks.

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Gubert, Betty Kaplan. "Research Resources for the Study of African-American and Jewish Relations." Judaica Librarianship 8, no. 1 (September 1, 1994): 162–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14263/2330-2976.1262.

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Several libraries in New York City have exceptionally rich resources for the study of relations between African Americans and Jewish Americans. The holdings of and access to these collections are discussed; some sources in other parts of the U.S. are mentioned as well. The most important collection is in the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, The New York Public Library. Besides books, there is a vast Clipping File, the unique Kaiser Index, manuscript collections, and some audio and visual materials. The Jewish Division of The New York Public Library has unparalleled holdings of Jewish newspapers from around the world, from which relevant articles can be derived. The libraries of the Jewish Theological Seminary and the VIVO Institute ,are also both fine sources. Their book holdings are up-to-date, and YIVO's clipping file is also, including such items as publicity releases from Mayors Koch and Dinkins. YIVO's archives have such important historical holdings as the American Jewish Committee Records (1930s to the 1970s), and some NAACP materials from the thirties and forties. Children's books on this top ic and ways of acquiring information are noted. A list of the major libraries, with addresses, telephone numbers, and hours is in an appendix.

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KAYE, ANDREW M. "Colonel Roscoe Conkling Simmons and the Mechanics of Black Leadership." Journal of American Studies 37, no. 1 (April 2003): 79–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875803007011.

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I want you to have power because I will have power.Roscoe Conkling Simmons (1881–1951) was an African American journalist and lifelong Republican, frequently acclaimed as the greatest orator of his day. He wrote for the Chicago Defender, the nation's largest black paper, and was later a columnist for the Chicago Tribune. A sometime advisor on black affairs to Republican administrations during the 1920s, Simmons seconded the re-nomination of Herbert Hoover for president in 1932, where “His exit from the platform was blocked by senators, committeemen, governors and others high in the public life who sought to touch ‘the hem of his garment.’” Throughout his career, the Colonel, as Simmons was often called, forged close links with black organizations. On regular speaking tours, he participated in the affairs of fraternities, churches, and educational institutions nationwide. Simmons was a social chameleon, on familiar terms with black America's most powerful businessmen and editors, entertainers and mobsters, but equally comfortable among the working men and women with whom he gossiped in barber shops and at church picnics. Senators, mayors, and aldermen admired his talent on the speaking platform and valued his connections to the black community. When white Republicans needed help in rallying northern black voters, Simmons was the fixer they summoned. He gladly obliged, out of loyalty to the Grand Old Party and in anticipation of reciprocal dispensations.

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Lucas, John A., Robert J. Ivnik, Glenn E. Smith, Tanis J. Ferman, Floyd B. Willis, Ronald C. Petersen, and Neill R. Graff-Radford. "Mayo's Older African Americans Normative Studies: WMS-R Norms for African American Elders." Clinical Neuropsychologist 19, no. 2 (May 2005): 189–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13854040590945292.

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Sampo, Carolina. "El tráfico de cocaína entre América Latina y África Occidental." URVIO. Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios de Seguridad, no. 24 (May 10, 2019): 187–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.17141/urvio.24.2019.3700.

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Desde hace más de 10 años, un tercio de la cocaína que ingresa a Europa lo hace a través de África Occidental. Sin embargo, poco se sabe de la relación existente entre América Latina, como región productora de cocaína, y África Occidental, como zona de tráfico, acopio y consumo. Este trabajo, de carácter exploratorio, busca entender por qué África Occidental se presenta atractiva para los traficantes latinoamericanos y cómo funciona el vínculo entre ellos y los africanos. La hipótesis que plantea es que los Estados africanos han sido cooptados por las organizaciones criminales. Estas generan mayores incentivos para las organizaciones criminales latinoamericanas, que consideran que dicha ruta es menos riesgosa y más redituable que otras, aun cuando tengan que negociar, parte de la logística con sus pares africanos. Como resultado, se han detectado tres hubs por los que ingresa la cocaína proveniente de América Latina: uno en la Costa Atlántica, uno en el Sahel y otro en el golfo de Benín. Abstract For more than 10 years, one third of the cocaine that enters Europe does so through West Africa. Nevertheless, little is known about the relationship between Latin America, as the region that produces cocaine, and West Africa, as a zone of trafficking, stockpiling and consumption. This article, which is of an exploratory kind, seeks to understand why West Africa presents itself as attractive to Latin-American traffickers and how the link between them and the Africans works. The hypothesis stated in this work is that African States have been co-opted by criminal organizations. They generate greater incentives for Latin American criminal organizations, which consider this route less risky and more profitable than others, even though they have to negotiate part of the logistics with their African peers. As a result, three hubs through which cocaine comes from Latin America have been detected: one on the Atlantic Coast, one in the Sahel and another one in the Gulf of Benin.

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Ferman, Tanis J., John A. Lucas, Robert J. Ivnik, Glenn E. Smith, Floyd B. Willis, Ronald C. Petersen, and Neill R. Graff-Radford. "Mayo's Older African American Normative Studies: Auditory Verbal Learning Test norms for African American Elders." Clinical Neuropsychologist 19, no. 2 (May 2005): 214–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13854040590945300.

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PEDRAZA, OTTO, NEILL R. GRAFF-RADFORD, GLENN E. SMITH, ROBERT J. IVNIK, FLOYD B. WILLIS, RONALD C. PETERSEN, and JOHN A. LUCAS. "Differential item functioning of the Boston Naming Test in cognitively normal African American and Caucasian older adults." Journal of the International Neuropsychological Society 15, no. 5 (September 2009): 758–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1355617709990361.

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AbstractScores on the Boston Naming Test (BNT) are frequently lower for African American when compared with Caucasian adults. Although demographically based norms can mitigate the impact of this discrepancy on the likelihood of erroneous diagnostic impressions, a growing consensus suggests that group norms do not sufficiently address or advance our understanding of the underlying psychometric and sociocultural factors that lead to between-group score discrepancies. Using item response theory and methods to detect differential item functioning (DIF), the current investigation moves beyond comparisons of the summed total score to examine whether the conditional probability of responding correctly to individual BNT items differs between African American and Caucasian adults. Participants included 670 adults age 52 and older who took part in Mayo’s Older Americans and Older African Americans Normative Studies. Under a two-parameter logistic item response theory framework and after correction for the false discovery rate, 12 items where shown to demonstrate DIF. Of these 12 items, 6 (“dominoes,” “escalator,” “muzzle,” “latch,” “tripod,” and “palette”) were also identified in additional analyses using hierarchical logistic regression models and represent the strongest evidence for race/ethnicity-based DIF. These findings afford a finer characterization of the psychometric properties of the BNT and expand our understanding of between-group performance. (JINS, 2009, 15, 758–768.)

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Rilling, Laurie M., John A. Lucas, Robert J. Ivnik, Glenn E. Smith, Floyd B. Willis, Tanis J. Ferman, Ronald C. Petersen, and Neill R. Graff-Radford. "Mayo's Older African American Normative Studies: Norms for the Mattis Dementia Rating Scale." Clinical Neuropsychologist 19, no. 2 (May 2005): 229–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13854040590945328.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "African American mayors"

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Miller, George A. "Leadership characteristics of Ohio black mayors /." The Ohio State University, 1987. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487267024998416.

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Lovell, Donielle M. Pigg Kenneth E. "Leading in the Mississippi Delta an exploratory study of race, class and gender /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri--Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/7029.

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Title from PDF of title page (University of Missouri--Columbia, viewed on Feb 26, 2010). The entire thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file; a non-technical public abstract appears in the public.pdf file. Dissertation advisor: Kenneth E. Pigg. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

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Marshall, Eric. "Playing His Own Game: Ernest 'Dutch' Morial's 1977 Mayoral Campaign for Citizen Participation in New Orleans." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2017. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2343.

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Ernest “Dutch” Morial’s 1977 grassroots mayoral campaign disrupted the political status quo in New Orleans with his message of citizen participation. Morial’s citizen-driven campaign reached over the constituencies of established Black Political Organizations, capturing an eager audience with his message of political, social, and economic equality. With the help of volunteers and other community organizations, Morial created a grassroots campaign that focused on making city government more inclusive. Unattached to the traditional patronage structure, Mayor Morial empowered the black community, reducing the constraints of their political access. Although his legacy is difficult to discern in New Orleans current political realities, Morial’s first campaign and administrations represent a departure from the political status-quo and the powerful patronage structures critical to their status.

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Coil, William Russell. "Mayoral politics and new deal political culture: James Rhodes and the African-American voting bloc in Columbus, Ohio, 1943-1951." The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1399627321.

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Suggs, Vickie L. "The production of political discourse annual radio addresses of Black college presidents during the 1930s and 1940s /." unrestricted, 2008. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07242008-220731/.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2008.
Title from file title page. Philo Hutcheson, committee chair; Richard Lakes, Marybeth Gasman, Joyce King, committee members. Description based on contents viewed Nov. 13, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 159-165).

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Books on the topic "African American mayors"

1

University of California, Berkeley. Black Alumni Club. Lionel Wilson: Athlete, judge and Oakland mayor. [Berkeley, Calif.]: Black Alumni Club, University of California, Berkeley, 1995.

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2

Maynard Jackson: A biography. Miami: Barnhardt & Ashe Pub., 2009.

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The courage to lead: One man's journey in public service. Chapel Hill, N.C: Cotton Patch Press, Inc., 2008.

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4

Sherman, Ricardo. The mafia mayor. Bloomington, IN: AuthorHouse, 2011.

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Travis, Dempsey. "Harold": The people's mayor : an authorized biography of Mayor Harold Washington. Chicago, Ill: Urban Research Press, 1989.

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P, Kirby Michael, ed. Racial politics at the crossroads: Memphis elects Dr. W.W. Herenton. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1996.

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There's hope for the world: The memoir of Birmingham, Alabama's first African American mayor. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2008.

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Up from slavery: A history from slavery to city hall in New England. Enumclaw, WA: Pleasant Word, 2009.

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Dixon, Collen. Simon says: Life's a game-- are you ready to play? : a novel. Mitchellville, MD: FIN Group, 2001.

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Dixon, Collen. Simon says: A novel of intrigue, betrayal-- and murder. New York: Villard, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "African American mayors"

1

Preston, Michael B. "Big-City Black Mayors: An Overview." In Contours of African American Politics, 137–43. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315080420-9.

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Davies, Tom Adam. "Black Mayors and Black Progress." In Mainstreaming Black Power. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520292109.003.0005.

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This chapter assesses how African Americans fared under black political leadership during the 1970s. After first exploring the upsurge in the number of black elected officials from the mid-1960s onward, the chapter turns to developments in Los Angeles and Atlanta, cities that in 1973 both elected their first black mayor (Tom Bradley and Maynard Jackson, respectively). An in-depth analysis of Bradley and Jackson's campaigns and first two terms in office focuses on the various factors that shaped their respective political philosophies and mayoralties. Confronted by broader national economic problems, and with limited city resources at their disposal, both Bradley and Jackson deferred to white downtown business interests and pursued pro-growth policies that ultimately reinforced the disadvantages facing their poor and working-class black constituents. For the black middle class and elite in both cities, however, African American city leadership proved to be a wellspring of opportunity.

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Sanchez, George J. "Generations of Segregation." In New World Cities, 210–41. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469648750.003.0007.

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Los Angeles was built by immigrants from the U.S. South, Asia, and especially Mexico. After 1900 the city grew as a rail terminus, Pacific port, and tourist destination. It became a focus of film making and petroleum production, and developed booming defense industries during World War II and the Cold War. Marketed as the city of dreams, continuing immigration made it increasingly Mexican while Mexicans faced residential segregation that constrained educational chances, economic opportunities, and political participation. Fragmented urban administration allowed Realty Boards and County officials to limit Mexican-American (and African-American) citizenship despite national civil rights policies promoting integration and participation. When defense, energy, and other industries declined in the turn to globalization, African American (1973-93) and Mexican American (2005-13) mayors offered images of opening while enduring segregation constrained education, employment, and life opportunities for Mexican-Americans and African Americans. New immigrants from Mexico, Central America and beyond faced lives of marginality.

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Skogan, Wesley G. "Stop & Frisk as an Organizational Strategy." In Stop & Frisk and the Politics of Crime in Chicago, 49–78. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197675052.003.0003.

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Abstract Chapter 3 charts the rise of stop & frisk as a key organizational strategy of the Chicago Police Department for dealing with violent crime. The review begins with leadership, as the city’s recent Superintendents of Police have varied in their enthusiasm for stops. Because Chicago’s police leaders serve at the pleasure of the mayor, they also need their mayors to trust what they are doing. Political and leadership factors driving stop & frisk have varied by administration. Important for both the chiefs and the mayors have been the twin pressures of media attention to crime and their standing in the political environment. This chapter describes how these dynamics worked during the reign of two mayors and four chiefs of police. It examines how police executives translated the strategic and operational priorities they set into actual practice in the field. There is an analysis of how effective management was in focusing stop & frisk in the highest crime areas and some of the consequences of this focus for the city’s African American residents. They were the hardest hit by stop & frisk, but also by a longer list of sometimes confrontational but always punitive police interventions into community life. Home by the mid-2010s to 780,000 people, the city’s predominately African American neighborhoods were the target of more than two million police-initiated encounters during 2013–2015 alone. Proactive policing was a daily feature of their lives.

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Kraus, Neil, and Todd Swanstrom. "The Continuing Significance of Race: African American and Hispanic Mayors, 1968-2003." In Contemporary Patterns of Politics, Praxis, and Culture, 54–70. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315080451-5.

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Persons, Georgia A., and Lenneal J. Henderson. "Mayor of the Colony: Effective Mayoral Leadership as a Matter of Public Perception." In Contours of African American Politics, 151–59. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315080420-11.

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Ransom, Bruce. "Mayor W. Wilson Goode of Philadelphia: The Technocrat." In Contours of African American Politics, 233–37. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315080420-18.

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Michney, Todd M. "Zoning, Development, and Residential Access." In Surrogate Suburbs. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469631943.003.0004.

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This chapter shifts focus to Cleveland’s far south-eastern corner to probe the origins of the Lee-Seville enclave, investigating several land development battles that materialized between and among black and white residents, as more upwardly mobile African American families moved to the vicinity after World War II. Despite being united in opposition to public housing, black homeowners fought to preserve vacant land for residential use, while whites attempted to hamper African American influx through zoning changes enabling industrial projects. The topics of black contractors and builders are covered, as well as the emergence by the late 1950s of white developers willing to build for African American clients, along with how African Americans successfully navigated white opposition to gain access to the quasi-suburban Lee-Harvard neighbourhood. The first black family’s move there in 1953 was effectively mediated by the city’s Community Relations Board and personally by the mayor himself – in contrast to Detroit and Chicago where city leaders deferred to white prejudice.

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Jones, Mack H. "Black Mayoral Leadership in Atlanta: A Comment." In Contours of African American Politics, 144–50. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315080420-10.

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Nelson, William E. "Black Mayoral Leadership: A Twenty-Year Perspective." In Contours of African American Politics, 238–45. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315080420-19.

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