Relevant bibliographies by topics / African American political activists – Biography

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Academic literature on the topic 'African American political activists – Biography'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 13 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "African American political activists – Biography"

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Perry, Robert L., and Melvin T. Peters. "The African-American Intellectual of the 1920s: Some Sociological Implications of the Harlem Renaissance." Ethnic Studies Review 19, no. 2-3 (June 1, 1996): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.1996.19.2-3.155.

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This paper deals with some of the sociological implications of a major cultural high-water point in the African American experience, the New Negro/Harlem Renaissance. The paper concentrates on the cultural transformations brought about through the intellectual activity of political activists, a multi-genre group of artists, cultural brokers, and businesspersons. The driving-wheel thrust of this era was the reclamation and the invigoration of the traditions of the culture with an emphasis on both the, African and the American aspects, which significantly impacted American and international culture then and throughout the 20th century. This study examines the pre-1920s background, the forms of Black activism during the Renaissance, the modern content of the writers' work, and the enthusiasm of whites for the African American art forms of the era. This essay utilizes research from a multi-disciplinary body of sources, which includes sociology, cultural history, creative literature and literary criticism, autobiography, biography, and journalism.
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Siqueira, Samanta Vitória, and Karina De Castilhos Lucena. "Aquela que diz não à sombra: biografia e obra da escritora martinicana Françoise Ega / The One Who Denies Her Shadow: Life and Work of the Martinican Writer Françoise Ega." Caligrama: Revista de Estudos Românicos 25, no. 3 (December 18, 2020): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2238-3824.25.3.57-75.

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Resumo: Este artigo apresenta a biografia e as obras da escritora, empregada doméstica e militante social martinicana Françoise Ega (1920-1976) buscando dar visibilidade para sua trajetória de vida e para suas publicações ainda pouco conhecidas nos círculos acadêmicos e literários brasileiros. Primeiramente, apresentamos a biografia da autora com foco em seus deslocamentos e atuação política. Depois, comentamos brevemente suas obras Le temps de madras (1966), Lettres à une noire (1978) e L’Alizé ne soufflait plus (2000), relacionando-as com a vida da autora e com a sociedade martinicana. Por fim, sob uma perspectiva que não dissocia literatura e sociedade e que considera a história específica de socialização de mulheres diaspóricas afrodescendentes, propõe-se uma reflexão sobre o lugar de intelectuais negras na história da literatura latino-americana.Palavras-chave: Françoise Ega; escritoras diaspóricas; literatura antilhana.Abstract: This paper presents the biography and works of Martinican writer, laborer and social activist Françoise Ega (1920-1976), seeking to shed light on her life story and her lesser known publications among Brazilian academic and literary circles. Firstly, we present the writer’s biography, focusing on her relocations and political engagement. Secondly, we introduce Ega’s works Le temps de madras (1966), Lettres à une noire (1978) and L’Alizé ne soufflait plus (2000), and their relationship with both her life and the Martinican society. Ultimately, from a perspective which compromises literature and society, acknowledging the specific socialization history of diasporic women of African descent, we propose a reflection on the role of black women intellectuals in the history of Latin American literature.Keywords: Françoise Ega; diasporic writers; Antillean literature.
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Chabot, Sean. "Transnational Diffusion and The African American Reinvention of Gandhian Repertoire." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 5, no. 2 (September 1, 2000): 201–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.5.2.c433532545p7864n.

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Why did American civil rights activists fail to fully implement the Gandhian repertoire before the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955 and 1956? How did transnational diffusion of the Gandhian repertoire proceed over time? Classical diffusion theory provides a useful starting point for answering these questions, but it does not fully capture the twists and turns occurring in the transnational diffusion of a collective action repertoire. To account for the non-linear and contingent aspects of transnational diffusion between social movements, this article proposes an alternative theoretical framework and applies it to the case of diffusion between the independence movement in India and the civil rights movement in the United States. The historical case study emphasizes collective reinvention of the Gandhian repertoire by American civil rights networks, instead of critical mass or individual thresholds; and the intergenerational transfer of relevant knowledge and experience from these implementation pioneers to the new generation of civil rights movement activists. Finally, the article examines whether its alternative theoretical framework only applies to this particular instance of transnational diffusion or whether it has more general relevance for social movement theory.
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Li, Hongshan. "Building a Black Bridge: China's Interaction with African-American Activists during the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 20, no. 3 (September 2018): 114–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00814.

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This article examines the interactions between the People's Republic of China (PRC) and African-American activists during the Cold War. Relying mostly on archival records and personal documents in English as well as Chinese, the article shows that the construction of the new “black bridge” was made possible because of the PRC's determination to achieve its policy objectives, the African-American activists' needs in fighting for racial equality, and the U.S. government's strict ban on travel to China. Both the PRC and the black activists were new to these transnational interactions, and they worked together in such an unprecedented manner that they redefined the nature and function of Sino-American cultural relations. The black bridge facilitated a limited flow of people and information but also carried misinformation that eventually led to greater misunderstanding and fiercer confrontation. The bridge began to fade in the late 1960s and early 1970s as Beijing was forced to readjust its policy toward the United States, which soon lifted its ban on travel to the PRC.
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Lott, Martha. "The Relationship Between the “Invisibility” of African American Women in the American Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s and Their Portrayal in Modern Film." Journal of Black Studies 48, no. 4 (April 18, 2017): 331–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717696758.

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This research argues that the representation of African American women in modern civil rights film is a result of the “invisibility” that they faced during the civil rights movement in America during the 1950s and 1960s. To make its argument, this article contends that the media’s scant but negative coverage of women activists along with male leaders, such as Malcolm X’s attitude toward African American women during the period of the movement, is the reason why ultimately African American women activists received lack of recognition for their involvement in the movement. This work also argues that the lack of recognition for these women is evident in modern civil rights film and they negatively portray African American women’s role during the movement. This is shown by examining two films— Selma and The Help. This work also debates whether using film as a historical source is correct. This work touches upon the ongoing stereotypical role of “Mammy” in films such as The Help and argues that overall, by studying various arguments, and as historian Peniel Joseph believes, that many prestigious movies take dramatic license with historical events, arguing that films are not scholarly books and people should not learn about historical events through films.
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Grisinger, Joanna L. "“South Africa is the Mississippi of the world”: Anti-Apartheid Activism through Domestic Civil Rights Law." Law and History Review 38, no. 4 (December 11, 2019): 843–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248019000397.

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In the late 1960s and early 1970s, a small group of antiapartheid activists, led by the American Committee on Africa and chair of the House Subcommittee on Africa Rep. Charles Diggs Jr., launched a campaign against South African Airways' new flights into the United States. Using the legal and political strategies of the American civil rights movement, and the fragmentation of power within the American political system, activists tried to turn South African apartheid into an American civil rights problem that American government institutions could address. The strategy was indebted to the political and legal strategies of the civil rights movement, but framing demands around existing civil rights law necessarily limited what activists could ask for and what domestic institutions could provide. In practice, the campaign's successes were limited and legalistic; where domestic civil rights law directly conflicted with apartheid law, airlines could comply with the former without really challenging the latter. And the foreign policy context meant more failures than successes, as domestic legal institutions were reluctant to involve themselves with foreign policy concerns. Their successes and failures nonetheless tell us much about legal mobilization and institutional behavior in a period of globalization where sovereignty and jurisdictional lines were overlapping and conflicting.
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Miroff, Bruce. "Movement Activists and Partisan Insurgents." Studies in American Political Development 21, no. 1 (March 2007): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x07000132.

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On the opening day of the 1972 Democratic convention, the women's caucus gave George McGovern a standing ovation. Its first meeting was packed, with 700 female delegates in attendance, exuberant over their numbers at the convention—triple the representation from four years earlier—and their new clout in presidential politics. Of all of the presidential candidates appearing, only Shirley Chisholm, the first African-American woman to run for president, was greeted with enthusiasm comparable to the warm reception for McGovern. Most of the women at the meeting were fervently anti-war and respected McGovern for his early and courageous stance on Vietnam. However, the size of the gathering attested to another of McGovern's achievements: his chairing of the reform commission that had rewritten the Democratic Party's rules on delegate selection, leading to the huge leap in the representation of women. As Liz Carpenter, a former White House aide to LBJ, put it when introducing McGovern, “We know we wouldn't be here if it hadn't been for you.”
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Rickford, Russell. "“To Build a New World”: Black American Internationalism and Palestine Solidarity." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 4 (2019): 52–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.48.4.52.

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This essay traces the arc of Black American solidarity with Palestine, placing the phenomenon in the context of twentieth-century African American internationalism. It sketches the evolution of the political imaginary that enabled Black activists to depict African Americans and Palestinians as compatriots within global communities of dissent. For more than half a century, Black internationalists identified with Zionism, believing that the Jewish bid for a national homeland paralleled the African American freedom struggle. During the 1950s and 1960s, however, colonial aggression in the Middle East led many African American progressives to rethink the analogy. In the late 1960s and the 1970s, African American dissidents operating within the nexus of Black nationalism, Pan-Africanism, and Third Worldism constructed powerful theories of Afro-Palestinian kinship. In so doing, they reimagined or transcended bonds of color, positing anti-imperialist struggle, rather than racial affinity, as the precondition of camaraderie.
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Clawson, Rosalee A., and John A. Clark. "The Attitudinal Structure of African American Women Party Activists: The Impact of Race, Gender, and Religion." Political Research Quarterly 56, no. 2 (June 2003): 211–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591290305600209.

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Cooper, Joseph N., Charles Macaulay, and Saturnino H. Rodriguez. "Race and resistance: A typology of African American sport activism." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 54, no. 2 (July 7, 2017): 151–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690217718170.

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Historically, sport has been viewed as an apolitical space where organizers, managers, coaches, spectators, and sponsors expected athletes to focus solely on their performance and adhere to functionalist origins of the activity, including physical fitness benefits, character building, teamwork, and social entertainment. Despite these various positive attributes, the institution of sport does not operate in isolation from broader society. Instead, sport serves as a site where societal inequalities such as racism, sexism, economic stratification, and other forms of oppression are reproduced, exacerbated, and/or ignored. Throughout history, several African American athletes, sport scholar activists, sport institutions, and entrepreneurs have critically reflected upon this arrangement and courageously engaged in actions to promote social justice within and beyond sporting spaces. Recent actions by African American athletes across participation levels have raised questions about the term activism and how it is applied to certain actions. In an effort to foster a deeper understanding of this phenomenon, the purpose of this article is to present a typology that delineates different forms of African American sport activism. The proposed typology outlines five categories: (1) symbolic activism; (2) scholarly activism; (3) grassroots activism; (4) sport-based activism; and (5) economic activism. Implications for future engagement and research are discussed.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "African American political activists – Biography"

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Joens, David A. "John W. E. Thomas : a political biography of Illinois' first African American state legislator /." Available to subscribers only, 2009. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1791777391&sid=3&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Southern Illinois University Carbondale, 2009.
"Department of History." Keywords: Thomas, John W. E., Illinois, State legislators, African-Americans. Includes bibliographical references (p. 353-364). Also available online.
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Joens, David Arthur. "John W. E. Thomas: A Political Biography of Illinois' First African American State Legislator." OpenSIUC, 2009. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/293.

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John W. E. Thomas (1847-1899) was elected as Illinois' first African American state legislator in 1877 and served three terms in the Illinois General Assembly. This dissertation serves as the first full length biography of Thomas and seeks to discuss African American politics and society in post Civil War Chicago.
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Winkelman, Diana Michelle Medhurst Martin J. "The rhetoric of Henry Highland Garnet." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5095.

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Anderson, Kevin R. "Links in the chain : African American ideology and strategic action /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3137673.

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Guthrie, Ricardo Antonio. "Examining political narratives of the Black press in the west : Dr. Carlton B. Goodlett and the San Francisco Sun-Reporter (1950s-60s) /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3244174.

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McFadden, Alesia E. "The artistry and activism of Shirley Graham Du Bois a twentieth century African American torchbearer /." Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/76/.

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Jones, Cherisse Renee. "Repairers of the breach black and white women and racial activism in South Carolina, 1940s-1960s /." Connect to this title online, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1060706692.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.
Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 256 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 247-256). Abstract available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2006 Aug. 12.
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Wilson, Kellie Darice. "The political spaces of Black women in the city identity, agency, and the flow of social capital in Newark, NJ." 2007. http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.2/rucore10001600001.ETD.16796.

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Prosper, Tasha. "Promoting Activism: The Relationship of Racism-related Stress, Spirituality and Religious Orientation to Mental Health and Activism among African Americans." Thesis, 2018. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8T459H6.

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Despite the election of a Black President and media assertions at the time heralding a “post racial” America in which racial divides no longer exist, health disparities, poverty rates, incarceration rates, discrimination and educational inequality still are a daily reality for African Americans. African Americans still have the burden of having to cope with racism making the explorations of coping strategies for African Americans dealing with racism vitally important. The present study explored religious orientation, spirituality, race-related stress, mental health outcomes and activism for African Americans. In particular, race -related stress was predicted to be significantly predictive of activism, such that the more one has experienced race related stressors the more likely they would be activated to engage in social justice related activities (H1). The study predicted that higher levels of quest religious orientation and intrinsic spirituality would be related to higher levels of African American activism (H2a). It was also predicted that higher levels of religious fundamentalism would be related to lower levels of activism (H2b). Regarding the relationship of spirituality and activism to mental health, it was predicted that quest religious orientation and intrinsic spirituality and activism would be related to greater mental health outcomes (H3a), while a fundamentalist spiritual orientation and race-related stress would be related of poorer mental health (H3b). It was also predicted that African American activism would be related to greater mental health outcomes (H4a) and that racism-related stress would be negatively related to mental health (H4b) The results indicated that for this sample, none of the spirituality variables (Quest Orientation, Fundamentalism Orientation, and Intrinsic Spirituality), nor the experience of racism (race-related stress), nor African American Activism, was related to mental health. However, the variables examined were significantly related to African American Activism. Quest Religious Orientation, Intrinsic spirituality, and race-related stress were all positively related to engagement in action for racial justice. Fundamentalist religious orientation was negatively related to action for social justice.
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Books on the topic "African American political activists – Biography"

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Ellis, Carol. African American activists. Philadelphia: Mason Crest Publishers, 2012.

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African-American political leaders. New York: Facts On File, 2004.

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Liz, Sonneborn, ed. African-American political leaders. New York, NY: Facts On File, 2011.

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Rummel, Jack. African-American social leaders and activists. New York, NY: Facts On File, 2011.

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African-American social leaders and activists. New York: Facts On File, 2003.

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Hill, Claudette M. An average American woman. Yelm, Wash: Salon Careers College, 1998.

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African American intellectual-activists: Legacies in the struggle. New York: Garland Pub., 1997.

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Romeo, Max. African America's 3rd rail : SGL. [S.l.]: M. Smith, 2009.

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Mary McLeod Bethune & Black women's political activism. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2003.

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1930-, DuLuart Yolande, Priemer Christel, and Weber Ingeborg, eds. Angela Davis. Hamburg: Laika-Verlag, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "African American political activists – Biography"

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Foster, Kenneth. "African-American Activists’ Perceptions of Racism and Empowerment." In African-American Political Psychology, 171–86. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230114340_12.

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Farmer, Ashley D. "The Pan-African Woman, 1972–1976." In Remaking Black Power. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469634371.003.0005.

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Chapter 4 explores how black women activists extended these gendered debates beyond American borders. It contextualizes their interest in and identification with the African and Pan-African liberation struggles of the 1970s and explores their speeches and conference resolutions from the 1972 All-Africa Women’s Conference and the 1974 Sixth Pan-African Congress as examples of how they articulated their ideal of the “Pan-African Woman.” The chapter illustrates how black women activists theorized a political identity that advocated for African-centered politics and gender equality across ideological, geographical, and organizational lines. It also foregrounds how they repositioned black American women at the forefront of diasporic liberation struggles, challenging black men’s real and imagined positions as the leaders of global Black Power struggles.
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Krochmal, Max. "Separating the Wheat from the Chaff." In Blue Texas. University of North Carolina Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469626758.003.0009.

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This chapter describes the growing militancy of PASO and African American activists from 1962 on. In response to conservative democratic gubernatorial candidate John Connally, African American and Mexican American activists would both take to the streets, reenergizing their respective civil rights movements with new campaigns for complete integration, real political power, and equal economic opportunity.
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Latner, Teishan A. "Assata Is Welcome Here." In Cuban Revolution in America. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635460.003.0006.

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Chapter Five examines Cuba’s provision of formal political asylum to political dissidents from the United States. Focusing on black radical activists such as Robert F. Williams, Eldridge Cleaver, Assata Shakur, Nehanda Abiodun, William Lee Brent, Charlie Hill, and Huey Newton, and organizations such as the Black Panther Party and the Republic of New Afrika, the chapter explores the role that political exile and asylum has played within the larger relationship between the Cuban Revolution and the African American freedom struggle, and the impact of this engagement upon U.S.-Cuba relations amid the Cold War and the War on Terror. While some U.S. black activists looked to the Cuban Revolution as a hemispheric beacon of hope, Cuba in turn looked to U.S. black activists as allies in its geopolitical struggle with Washington, viewing the African American freedom struggle as its best hope for a radical ally in its northern neighbor.
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Dudziak, Mary L. "Introduction." In Exporting American Dreams. Princeton University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691152448.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, which namely is to follow Thurgood Marshall from his civil rights practice in New York to Kenya under colonial rule. This story cannot be found in traditional sources for an American biography. The Bill of Rights that Marshall wrote for Kenya, for example, is not in any American archive, but in British colonial records in England. Marshall's African journey is not a triumphalist story of American law solving all problems. The legal ideas Marshall offered often were not American ones. And legal solutions did not create a legal edifice that would last for all time. Instead law could serve as a way station, giving political actors a way to talk to each other, a way to keep working together when things were hard.
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Davis, Joshua Clark. "Liberation Through Literacy." In From Head Shops to Whole Foods, 35–82. Columbia University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/columbia/9780231171588.003.0003.

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Chapter two examines Black-Power activists who founded scores of bookstores throughout the country in the 1960s and ‘70s, hoping to prompt both a “revolution of the mind” and a transformation of business culture in black communities. These activists hailed bookstores as information centers where African American community members could meet to learn about and agitate for radical movements for racial equality and black progress. African American booksellers’ sought to further the work of the Black Power movement by affirming racial pride, celebrating black history and identity, and promoting connections to and interest in Africa. As Black Power declined over the course of the 1970s, however, black bookstores were compelled to deal in an ever broader range of black-authored written works, many of them less political in nature.
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Krochmal, Max. "We Shall Be Heard." In Blue Texas. University of North Carolina Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469626758.003.0007.

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This chapter describes the growing demonstrations during the 1960s, as the sit-in movement spreads to Texas. Elder activists join the young in expressing their demands. In less than three years after the first sit-ins, the revived African American civil rights movements would succeed in desegregating public accommodations in urban areas throughout Texas and the South, counting a major coup on the road to their larger goals of equal treatment, improved economic opportunities, and real political power.
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Grant, Nicholas. "Conclusion." In Winning Our Freedoms Together. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469635286.003.0010.

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This concluding chapter argues that African Americans were part of a broad and multifaceted effort to isolate South Africa in the global political arena. By repeatedly attempting to offer direct support to African liberation movements and calling for America to renounce its political and economic ties with the National Party, their actions made life difficult for white politicians in ways that that would continue to inform the global anti-apartheid movement beyond the Sharpeville massacre of 1960. This argument is not meant to downplay the disruptive influence that anticommunism had on black protest. Rather, it is designed to shift the focus onto the ways in which black activists, with different political visions, responded to state power. Finally, given the broad response of African Americans to the anti-apartheid movement, this concluding chapter suggests that we might need to move towards a more expansive definition of black internationalism – one that accounts for the anticolonial political agenda and transnational solidarities forges by both African American leftists and liberals.
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Schickler, Eric. "Liberalism Transformed." In Racial Realignment. Princeton University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691153872.003.0004.

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This chapter explores the deepening and consolidation of ideological changes as support for civil rights became a defining commitment of a more robust liberal coalition in the 1940s. African American movement activists capitalized on the World War II crisis to force new civil rights issues onto the political agenda—such as fair employment practices and discrimination in the military—and to forge a much broader civil rights coalition. After the war, continued movement activism laid the groundwork for the dramatic fight over the Democratic platform at the convention in 1948. Ultimately, the political work by African American groups, in cooperation with the Congress of Industrial Organizations and other urban liberals, fostered a new understanding of “liberalism” in which support for civil rights was a key marker of one's identity as a liberal.
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Holtzman, Benjamin. "Low-Income Housing in Crisis." In The Long Crisis, 20–57. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190843700.003.0002.

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During the late 1960s and 1970s, extensive disinvestment and an eviscerated real estate market led landlords of low-income housing to walk away from their real estate holdings, leaving thousands of buildings unoccupied and often city-owned due to nonpayment of taxes. In response, Latinx, African American, and some white residents protested the blight these buildings brought to their neighborhoods by directly occupying and seeking ownership of abandoned buildings through a process they called urban homesteading. Activists framed homesteading as a self-help initiative, often emphasizing their own ingenuity over state resources as the key to solving the problems of low-income urban neighborhoods. Such framing was understandable given the unstable economic terrain of the 1970s and won activists support not just from the political left, but also the right. But it also positioned homesteading as demonstrating the superiority of private-citizen and private sector–led revitalization in ways that left homesteading projects vulnerable as it became clear how necessary government resources would be to their success.
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