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Journal articles on the topic 'African American soldiers in the Vietnam War'

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1

Lucks, Daniel. "African American soldiers and the Vietnam War: no more Vietnams." Sixties 10, no. 2 (2017): 196–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17541328.2017.1303111.

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2

Shaffer, Donald R. "African American Civil War Soldiers." Journal of American History 105, no. 4 (2019): 1101–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaz160.

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3

Levy, David W., and Christian G. Appy. "Working-Class War: American Combat Soldiers and Vietnam." Journal of American History 81, no. 3 (1994): 1383. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081606.

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4

Paul LaRue. "Unsung African American World War I Soldiers." Black History Bulletin 80, no. 2 (2017): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5323/blachistbull.80.2.0016.

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5

Barden, Thomas E., and John Provo. "Legends of the American Soldiers in the Vietnam War." Fabula 36, no. 3-4 (1995): 217–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/fabl.1995.36.3-4.217.

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6

Curry, G. David. "Book Review: Working-Class War: American Combat Soldiers & Vietnam." Armed Forces & Society 20, no. 4 (1994): 648–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9402000415.

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7

Mahini, Ramtin Noor-Tehrani (Noor), Erin Barth, and Jed Morrow. "Tim O’Brien’s “Bad” Vietnam War: The Things They Carried & Its Historical Perspective." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 8, no. 10 (2018): 1283. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0810.05.

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Tim O’Brien was sent to Vietnam as a foot soldier in 1969, during the later part of the Vietnam War that can be called the “bad” or unwinnable war. Based on his experience, O'Brien's writing about the Vietnam War in his award-winning fiction novels is always "bad," meaning that the war was terrible for American grunts like himself, his fellow soldiers, and Vietnamese civilians, with practically no good or inspiring stories. Nevertheless, O’Brien touches upon almost all problems of American soldiers in the Vietnam War, but not many peer-reviewed authors or online literary analysis websites could identify or discuss them all. The purpose of this article is to discuss the war details in O’Brien’s The Things They Carried and its historical perspective, so that young middle and high school readers can understand the meaning behind Tim O'Brien's writing about the Vietnam War. The goal is to summarize the entire big picture of the Vietnam War and to help students determine whether American soldiers’ actions, as described by Tim O’Brien, were morally right or wrong and were legal or forbidden according to the US law of war. The war-related issues that O’Brien mentioned in this novel are: boredom and meaningless death, abusive violence toward Vietnamese noncombatants, drug use, in-fighting, thefts within barracks, grief, rage, self-mutilation, mutilation of enemy corpses, and senseless animal and civilian killings.
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8

Loeb, Jeff. "MIA: African American Autobiography of the Vietnam War." African American Review 31, no. 1 (1997): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3042186.

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9

Adeshkin, Ilya Nikolaevich. "The participation of African Americans in the American Expeditionary Forces during the World War I." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 5 (May 2021): 57–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.5.35717.

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This article examines the participation of African Americans in the World War I in the ranks of the American Expeditionary Forces in Europe during the 1917 – 1918. The author studies the attitude of the African-American community towards participation in the World War I, describes the peculiarities of military service of African American soldiers in the American Expeditionary Forces, and reveals the manifestations of racial discrimination. The article also reviews the attitude of French soldiers and officers towards African American soldiers of the U. S. Army, analyzes the impact of the acquired combat experience and sociocultural interaction with foreign soldiers upon the activity of African American population in fighting for their rights and freedoms in the United States. In Russian historiography, the participation of African Americans in the American Expeditionary Forces during the World War I, peculiarities of their service, and the impact of war on self-consciousness of this category of military servicemen have not previously become the subject of special research. Based on the article. The conclusion is made that the attitude of African American community towards participation in the World War I was quite ambiguous. Their soldiers faced different forms of discrimination during their military service: they could not serve in the Marine Corps and other elite units, and most of the time were engaged in the rear. A different experience received African American soldiers from the units transferred under the leadership of the French Army, whose officers treated them with respect; the blood shed for their country, combat experience and respectful of the allies enhanced desire of the African Americans to gain equal civil rights and freedoms in their homeland.
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10

Sylvester, Christine. "Curating and re-curating the American war in Vietnam." Security Dialogue 49, no. 3 (2017): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617733851.

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The American war in Vietnam killed 58,000 US military personnel and millions of people on the ground, creating a troubling war legacy that has been ‘resolved’ in the USA through state strategies to efface military mortalities. Drawing on Charlotte Heath-Kelly’s work addressing mortality denied or ignored in the field of international relations and that of Andrew Bacevich and Christian Appy on American militarism, I explore the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, DC, as a site of war re-curations that refuse the effacement of mortality and disrupt the militarist myths that sustain it – namely, that America is renewed and revitalized through war, and that soldiers live on as American heroes when they sacrifice for the country. With the Vietnam Syndrome long since replaced by insistence on loving all soldiers, even if not all the country’s wars, the Vietnam Veterans Memorial is dedicated to remembering those who were not publicly acknowledged for fighting and dying in America’s failed war. Assemblages of pictures, letters, and other items that a community of loss leaves at the Memorial re-curate the war by showing the lingering pain that war mortality inflicts on those who experience it decade upon decade. Taken together, the objects of war shown at the Vietnam Veterans Memorial and collected each evening put mortality at the heart of war experience. The Memorial is therefore a key location of knowledge that challenges militarist appeals and state effacements in favor of what Viet Thanh Nguyen calls ‘just memory’ of war.
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11

Conner, Matthew. "Minstrel-Soldiers: The Construction of African-American Identity in the Union Army." Prospects 26 (October 2001): 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300000892.

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The Emancipation of Slaves during the Civil War is celebrated as the pivotal event in African-American history. But this act overshadows another milestone of the war: the mass recruitment of blacks into the Union Army. Although blacks had fought alongside white soldiers since the colonial era, the Civil War was the first conflict in which blacks were enlisted in large numbers and recognized as regular soldiers in the army. By the war's end, black soldiers numbered 180,000 men and contributed crucially to the Union victory.
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12

Mahini, Ramtin Noor-Tehrani (Noor), Erin Barth, and Jed Morrow. "Tim O’Brien’s “Bad” Vietnam War: In the Lake of the Woods & Its Historical Perspective." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 8, no. 12 (2018): 1582. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0812.03.

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Award-winning author Tim O’Brien was sent to Vietnam as a foot soldier in 1969, when American combat troops were gradually withdrawn from the country. A closer look at his Vietnam war stories reveals that he indeed touched upon almost all issues or problems of American soldiers in this “bad” war; yet not many peer-reviewed authors or online literary analysis websites could identify and discuss them all. The purpose of this article is to address the war details in O’Brien’s In the Lake of the Woods and its historical perspective, so that middle and high school readers can understand the meaning behind Tim O'Brien's stories and know the entire big Vietnam War picture. Specifically, this article discusses the following issues that are raised by O’Brien in this novel: the Mỹ Lai Massacre and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in Vietnam War veterans. In addition, the Mỹ Lai Massacre cover-up, forgotten heroes of Mỹ Lai, and soldiers’ moral courage are also presented.
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13

Estes, Donald H., and Toshio Whelchel. "From Pearl Harbor to Saigon: Japanese American Soldiers and the Vietnam War." Journal of American History 87, no. 3 (2000): 1123. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2675424.

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14

Musiał, Aleksandra. "“It’s a War I Still Would Go To”: The American War in Vietnam and Nostalgic Re-Imaginings of World War II." Jednak Książki. Gdańskie Czasopismo Humanistyczne, no. 9 (April 24, 2018): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/jk.2018.9.01.

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In this article, I trace the process through which World War II (WWII) has become the „good war” in American culture. Drawing on a range of books and articles published on the subject —and often written by the war’s veterans—I summarize their findings considering the essentially mythical nature of the conflict’ common memory. The well-known aspects of this myth include the view that WWII was a straightforward struggle between good and evil, that the U.S. soldiers who fought it belonged to “the greatest generation,” and that it was ultimately an expression and activization of American honor, heroism, and gallantry. Further on, I argue that beginning in the 1980s, a resurgence of cultural interest in WWII becomes evident, but now tinged not only with the emerging image of “the good war,” but also with nostalgia—and that the “nostalgization” of the conflict was caused directly by, and indeed possible only because of, the U.S. experience in Vietnam. I trace the multifaceted and multiple references to WWII in Vietnam War narratives—but also to Vietnam in some nostalgic representations of WWII.
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15

Mahini, Ramtin Noor-Tehrani (Noor), Erin Barth, and Jed Morrow. "Tim O’Brien’s “Bad” Vietnam War: Going after Cacciato & Its Historical Perspective." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 8, no. 11 (2018): 1397. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.0811.03.

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Being the only Vietnam War author on the English curriculum for American middle and high schools, Tim O’Brien skillfully mixes his real wartime experience with fiction in his various bestsellers and awarded novels. All O'Brien's Vietnam War stories are always "bad," meaning that the war contains mostly sad and horrific experience for American soldiers and Vietnamese civilians. A closer look at O’Brien’s war stories reveals that he indeed touches upon almost all issues the American GIs encountered during this war; nevertheless, not all online literary analysis websites and peer-reviewed authors can identify or call them all out. To assist middle and high school readers in understanding the meaning behind Tim O’Brien’s Vietnam War stories, the war details in Going After Cacciato and its historical perspective are discussed in this article. The war-related issues that O’Brien touched upon in this novel are: lack of purpose, the lower standards of the American troops (McNamara’s morons), desertion, lack of courage, friendly fire, fragging their own officers, and contemptuous attitude toward the Vietnamese, the very people they came to help and protect.
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16

POWELL, IRENA. "Japanese Writer in Vietnam: The Two Wars of Kaiko Ken (1931-89)." Modern Asian Studies 32, no. 1 (1998): 219–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x98002741.

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Our image and knowledge of the Vietnam war come predominantly from American sources, which all stress the unusual character of that war. From the despatch of the first combat units to Vietnam in 1960 to the fall of Saigon and the takeover by the North Vietnamese in 1975, it was America's longest war. American literature from Vietnam depicts the war as being waged not only against the enemy (particularly as it was often difficult to determine who and where the enemy was) but also against the elements — heat, rain, jungle, mosquitoes, leeches, dust and mud. The moral confusion surrounding this war and the disillusionment among the soldiers are well documented and portrayed in numerous films and stories. In examining, therefore, Japanese writing on the Vietnam war, it seemed sensible to concentrate on those aspects which were different, not only in order not to repeat the obvious, but also in the hope of bringing into focus the different perspective on the conflict which this writing offers.
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17

Poljak Rehlicki, Jasna. "Us vs. Them: Cultural Encounters in Warzones through Reading American War Literature." ELOPE: English Language Overseas Perspectives and Enquiries 12, no. 1 (2015): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/elope.12.1.91-103.

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In 1996, Samuel Huntington argued that the end of the Cold War Era marked the end of global instability based on ideological and economic differences and preferences. However, he did not predict any kind of a peaceful future for humankind but maintained that future conflicts will arise from cultural differences. The clashes are inevitable, he claims, as long as one side (usually the West) insists on imposing universalism to other civilizations whose cultural awareness is on the rise. Ever since the Vietnam War, American military tacticians have believed that the knowledge and understanding of the enemy’s culture will lead to victory, and American military academies and schools are dedicating more attention to cultural studies within their general strategy. This paper is based on the reading and analysis of several American fiction and non-fiction novels from the Vietnam and the Iraq Wars. Since all of these works are first-hand accounts of war experience and soldiers’ cultural encounters with their ‘adversaries’, the research is focused on the (im)possibility of soldiers’ true understanding and appreciation of different cultures/civilizations during wartime. It also suggests that knowing the enemy is to no avail if wars are fought with the goal of Westernizing other cultures.
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18

Warner, John D., and John David Smith. "Black Soldiers in Blue: African American Troops in the Civil War Era." Journal of Southern History 70, no. 2 (2004): 439. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27648432.

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19

Lovett, Bobby L., and John David Smith. "Black Soldiers in Blue: African American Troops in the Civil War Era." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 62, no. 3 (2003): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40024275.

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20

Parker, C. S. "Torchbearers of Democracy: African American Soldiers in the World War I Era." Journal of American History 98, no. 2 (2011): 561. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jar213.

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21

Martin, Marcus E. "Book Review: The Unknown Soldiers: African American Troops in World War I." Armed Forces & Society 24, no. 3 (1998): 472–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9802400313.

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22

Whalan, Mark. "Torchbearers of Democracy: African American Soldiers in the World War I Era." African American Review 44, no. 3 (2011): 520–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/afa.2010.0031.

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23

Lair, Meredith H. "The Education Center at The Wall and the Rewriting of History." Public Historian 34, no. 1 (2012): 34–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2012.34.1.34.

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Abstract This article examines plans for “The Education Center at The Wall,” a new facility on the National Mall that will present the history of the Vietnam War as a series of military engagements devoid of political opposition. I argue that this commemorative site promises the intellectual weight of a museum while providing only the emotional impact of a patriotic shrine. By focusing on individual acts of heroism and sacrifice by American soldiers, the Education Center will enable visitors to re-imagine the Vietnam War, which was once regarded as an American tragedy, as both a “good war” and the ennobling “lost cause” of the twentieth century.
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24

Seidman, Derek. "Vietnam and the Soldiers' Revolt: The Politics of a Forgotten History." Monthly Review 68, no. 2 (2016): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-068-02-2016-06_4.

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It has been nearly fifty years since the height of the Vietnam War—or, as it is known in Vietnam, the American War—and yet its memory continues to loom large over U.S. politics, culture, and foreign policy. The battle to define the war's lessons and legacies has been a proxy for larger clashes over domestic politics, national identity, and U.S. global power. One of its most debated areas has been the mass antiwar movement that achieved its greatest heights in the United States but also operated globally. Within this, and for the antiwar left especially, a major point of interest has been the history of soldier protest during the war.… Activists looked back to this history for good reason.… Soldiers, such potent symbols of U.S. patriotism, turned their guns around—metaphorically, but also, at times, literally—during a time of war.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.
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25

OLIVER, KENDRICK. "TOWARDS A NEW MORAL HISTORY OF THE VIETNAM WAR?" Historical Journal 47, no. 3 (2004): 757–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04003942.

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Intellectual developments since the mid-1960s have served to assist the efforts of those responsible for American policy in the Vietnam war subsequently to empty the history of that conflict of ethical critique. This article argues for the necessity of ethically informed historical enquiry and, with respect to Vietnam, proposes that there now exists the best opportunity for a generation for scholars to construct a fresh and credible moral history of the war. Increasingly, we have access to the perspectives of the ‘other side/s’: the revolution in the south, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam regime in Hanoi, the People's Republic of China, and the USSR. An examination of the motivations and interactions of these parties, combined with the continuing exegesis of American policy debates, makes clear just how critical concerns (and failures) of ethics were to the development of the conflict. In particular, it clarifies the manner in which US leaders abdicated responsibility in exaggerating the relatively limited strategic challenge that they faced in south-east Asia. Vietnam was not a ‘necessary war’; nor can the decision to fight it – given its predictable consequences for south Vietnamese civilians and American soldiers alike – simply be explained away through the discourse of the honest ‘mistake’.
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26

Reidy, Joseph P. (Joseph Patrick). "Black Soldiers in Blue: African-American Troops in the Civil War Era (review)." Journal of Military History 67, no. 2 (2003): 578–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2003.0163.

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27

Logue, Larry M. "Black Soldiers in Blue: African American Troops in the Civil War Era (review)." Civil War History 51, no. 3 (2005): 329–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwh.2005.0047.

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28

Aqeeli, Ammar A. "Tim O’Brien’s representation of the subjugated other’s voice against war in The Things They Carried." Ars Aeterna 12, no. 2 (2020): 20–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/aa-2020-0008.

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Abstract Tim O’Brien’s Vietnam-based The Things They Carried has been criticized for exclusively depicting the painful and traumatic experiences of the American soldiers in the war zone. Despite the limited number of Vietnamese characters in the novel, and despite their relegation to the role of powerless and voiceless onlookers, their presence shows the degree of the power imbalance between Vietnam and America. This article demonstrates how O’Brien infused sentiments in his stories to emphasize his opposition to the war and his concern for the dignity of the Vietnamese people. O’Brien asserts that the main purpose of the United States’s invasion was to make Vietnam a learnable and controllable place. Through his critique of the United States’s imperial ambitions in Vietnam, O’Brien provides a representative voice for the people of Vietnam to share their sufferings from an unjust war.
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29

Ruth, Richard A. "The Secret of Seeing Charlie in the Dark." Vulcan 5, no. 1 (2017): 64–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134603-00501005.

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The introduction of night vision technology during the Vietnam War transformed how u.s. military men and their communist enemies fought at night. The starlight scope’s seemingly miraculous light-amplifying powers made hitherto unseen targets easier to see. And as sole possessor of this new technology, American soldiers had a profound tactical advantage operating at night. But they also paid a price for this new edge. Burdened by the scope’s weight, untested technology, and extreme secrecy, these servicemen suffered. They endured physical, psychological, and emotional stress unforeseen by the military leaders who pushed for the scope’s development during the Cold War. The new rifle-mounted scope figuratively transformed night into day, and, paradoxically, made it harder for many American soldiers to pull the trigger.
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30

Russell, Timothy D. "“I FEEL SORRY FOR THESE PEOPLE”: AFRICAN AMERICAN SOLDIERS IN THE PHILIPPINE-AMERICAN WAR, 1899–1902." Journal of African American History 99, no. 3 (2014): 197–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.5323/jafriamerhist.99.3.0197.

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31

Jo, Eun Seo. "Fighting for Peanuts: Reimagining South Korean Soldiers’ Participation in the Wŏllam Boom." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 21, no. 1 (2014): 58–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02101003.

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Using oral history sources, this article takes a bottom-up approach to explain why South Koreans volunteered to fight in the Vietnam War, comprising the largest group of foreign troops that participated after U.S. forces. Because these soldiers received pay in U.S. dollars for their military service in Vietnam, there has been considerable scholarly debate about whether they were mercenaries. This article goes beyond this question to examine how the South Korean socio-economic context and political culture pushed these men to fight in another postcolonial civil war so similar to the one they themselves recently had experienced. An obligation to provide financial support for their impoverished families and a cult of militarized valor prompted young men to choose war as a way to fulfill their masculine roles. South Korean President Pak Chŏng-hŭi [Park Chung Hee] also urged young men to see themselves as defenders of the “Free World” and inspired them to fight alongside American soldiers they had respected as children during the Korean War. Ultimately, this article explains how South Koreans found themselves fighting in a new Cold War conflict in Asia even while their own nation remained precariously divided and damaged because of a similar war.
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32

Cohen, Eliot A., and James Kitfield. "Prodigal Soldiers: How the Generation of Officers Born of Vietnam Revolutionized the American Style of War." Foreign Affairs 74, no. 3 (1995): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20047150.

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33

Desch, Michael C. "Prodigal soldiers: How the generation of officers born of Vietnam revolutionized the American style of war." Orbis 42, no. 3 (1998): 473. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0030-4387(98)90038-2.

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34

Kuzmarov, Jeremy. "From Counter-Insurgency to Narco-Insurgency: Vietnam and the International War on Drugs." Journal of Policy History 20, no. 3 (2008): 344–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.0.0019.

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If we have found we cannot be the world's policeman, can we hope to become the world's narc?In the January 1968 issue of theWashingtonianmagazine, the son of the great American novelist John Steinbeck made his professional journalistic debut with the publication of a controversial article, “The Importance of Being Stoned in Vietnam.” John Steinbeck IV, who served as a roving correspondent for thePacific Stars and Stripes, wrote that marijuana of a potent quality was grown naturally in Vietnam, sold by farmers at a fraction of the cost than in the United States, and could be obtained “more easily than a package of Lucky Strikes cigarettes.” He estimated that up to 75 percent of soldiers in Vietnam got high regularly. “The average soldier sees that for all intents and purposes, the entire country is stoned,” Steinbeck observed. “To enforce a prohibition against smoking the plant [in Vietnam] would be like trying to prohibit the inhalation of smog in Los Angeles.”2
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Fernandez, Jose. "World War II Soldiers of Color in James Baldwin’s Tell Me How Long the Train’s Been Gone and Rudolfo Anaya’s Bless Me, Ultima." MELUS 45, no. 2 (2020): 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/melus/mlaa007.

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Abstract Critics have explored James Baldwin's Tell Me How Long the Train's Been Gone (1968) and Rudolfo Anaya's Bless Me, Ultima (1972) through the emergence of their protagonists as artists, while other scholars have focused on Tell Me How Long's emphasis on black nationalism or Bless Me, Ultima's engagement with Mexican American identity; however, the tensions between art and social protest in both novels has not been explored by scholars in relation to the novels' treatment of the experience of soldiers of color in World War II. This article focuses on the novels' depiction of the military service by soldiers of color, their transformation by those experiences, and how the protests and activism against the racism and discrimination experienced by soldiers of color contributed to the long civil rights movement. I argue that through the war experiences of the protagonists' older brothers in Tell Me How Long and Bless Me, Ultima, both narratives similarly present the contributions and experiences of soldiers of color during the war effort as they faced the dilemma of fighting a war for their country only to be denied full citizenship rights at home, which increased their social activism. Tell Me How Long describes the heroic service of an African American in battle in the Italian front that has a historical antecedent in the 92nd Infantry Division known as the Buffalo Soldiers, while Bless Me, Ultima focuses on the effects of the mobilization period in Mexican American communities in the Southwest and the war's psychological effects on returning soldiers.
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TRENT, CALVIN R. "AN ETHNOCULTURAL STUDY OF POSTTRAUMATIC STRESS DISORDER IN AFRICAN-AMERICAN AND WHITE AMERICAN VIETNAM WAR VETERANS." Psychological Reports 87, no. 6 (2000): 585. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.87.6.585-592.

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37

Gelfant, Blanche H. "Beauty and Nightmare in Vietnam War Fiction." Prospects 30 (October 2005): 751–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300002258.

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“Hue is the most beautiful city in the world,” a Vietnamese woman tells Marine Lieutenant Kramer, a central character in Robert Roth's Vietnam War novel,Sand in the Wind. Published in 1973, five years after the sweeping Tet Offensive had reduced Hue to rubble,Sand in the Windset the city within a complex meditation upon beauty and its relation to human desire, history, the vagaries of chance, ephemerality of happiness, and ineluctability of loss. Though ambitious in intent,Sand in the Windhas not been widely acclaimed. Except for John Hellmann's close reading, it has usually been referred to passingly or overlooked. Thomas Myers dismissed it as a “sterile mural,” a static work fixed upon a wall. I prefer to think of it as “walking point” — an action Myers ascribed to Vietnam War fiction he endorsed for “cutting trails” (227). Like the pointman of a patrol who clears a path for others to follow, the Vietnam War novel, Myers argued, opened a way into tangled historic territory — the territory of war now inhabited by literature. I propose to enter this forbidding area throughSand in the Wind, for I believe that like the novels Myers lauded it too secures a way, a unique way, of engaging safely with the Vietnam War and the losses it entailed.The lives of an estimated 5,713 soldiers, American and Vietnamese, were lost in the battle at Hue, as were almost 3,000 civilian lives. That the “longest and bloodiest” battle of the Offensive took place in Hue during the festive days of Tet was particularly shocking, for Hue was commonly considered an open city, and Tet, the lunar New Year, a time of peace and renewal. Traditionally, Tet Nguyen Dan ushered in the new year with three days of festivity, days of respite during which communal bonds were strengthened. Family members and their relatives renewed the bond of blood by gathering together for an exchange of gifts and good wishes; ancestral bonds were renewed by visits to family graves. Rice farmers plowing their paddies renewed the bond between man and nature.
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Fitzgerald, David. "Support the Troops: Gulf War Homecomings and a New Politics of Military Celebration." Modern American History 2, no. 1 (2019): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mah.2019.1.

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The celebrations that took place in the aftermath of the Persian Gulf War of 1991 stood out as the largest seen in the United States since the end of World War II, as hundreds of thousands of troops marched in triumphant parades in almost every major American city and in hundreds of small towns. But the pageantry did not simply celebrate American military and technological prowess. Spectators at these parades also engaged in a novel form of patriotism that emphasized unquestioning support for the troops. Representing a crucial moment in the American public's deepening veneration for U.S. soldiers and veterans, the Gulf War celebrations marked a turning point when the Vietnam-era image of the soldier as a broken or rebellious draftee was finally and purposefully eclipsed by the notion of the volunteer service member as hero.
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39

Yates, Michael D. "Honor the Vietnamese, Not Those Who Killed Them." Monthly Review 67, no. 1 (2015): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-067-01-2015-05_1.

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In a letter to Vietnam War veteran Charles McDuff, Major General Franklin Davis, Jr. said, "The United States Army has never condoned wanton killing or disregard for human life." McDuff had written a letter to President Richard Nixon in January 1971, telling him that he had witnessed U.S. soldiers abusing and killing Vietnamese civilians and informing him that many My Lais had taken place during the war. He pleaded with Nixon to bring the killing to an end. The White House sent the letter to the general, and this was his reply.&hellp; McDuff's letter and Davis's response are quoted in Nick Turse's <em>Kill Anything That Moves: The Real American War in Vietnam</em>, the most recent book to demonstrate beyond doubt that the general's words were a lie.&hellp; In what follows, I use Turse's work, along with several other books, articles, and films, as scaffolds from which to construct an analysis of how the war was conducted, what its consequences have been for the Vietnamese, how the nature of the war generated ferocious opposition to it (not least by a brave core of U.S. soldiers), how the war's history has been whitewashed, and why it is important to both know what happened in Vietnam and why we should not forget it.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-1" title="Vol. 67, No. 1: May 2015" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>
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40

TOPPING, SIMON. "“The Dusky Doughboys”: Interaction between African American Soldiers and the Population of Northern Ireland during the Second World War." Journal of American Studies 47, no. 4 (2013): 1131–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875812001764.

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This article will examine the ways in which the people of Northern Ireland and African American troops stationed there during the Second World War reacted to each other. It will also consider the effect of institutional racism in the American military on this relationship, concluding that, for the most part, the population welcomed black soldiers and refused to endorse American racial attitudes or enforce Jim Crow segregation. This piece argues that, bearing in mind the latent racism of the time, the response of the Northern Irish to African Americans was essentially colour-blind, and this was true in both the Protestant and Catholic communities.
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41

Flood, Margaret. "April's Revolution: A Modern Perspective of American Medical Care of Civil War Soldiers and African Slaves." Journal of Radiology Nursing 34, no. 3 (2015): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jradnu.2015.06.002.

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42

Hoang Thi, Nga. "A GENDER STEREOTYPES FROM AMERICAN AND VIETNAMESE WAR FILMS – A CASE STUDY OF VIETNAMESE WOMEN’S REPRESENTATION." Journal of Science Social Science 65, no. 11 (2020): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.18173/2354-1067.2020-0067.

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In the media, the movies have a strong impact on the perception of gender and gender roles, including the image and role of women. The question is: Are there any hidden gender stereotypes contained in images, words, and plot in a movie? Therefore, this report refers to the image and portrait of Vietnamese women described in the Vietnam War films under a comparative perspective from both the US and Vietnam. From these different views, the filmmakers in Hollywood and Vietnam presented their different perceptions, even their opposing views to the Vietnamese women and their role in the war. Even more interesting, it is characterized by two opposing sides and due to always having the appearance of the familiar conventions of war films, in which one is the hero, one is the villain. Thus, the common portrayal in American films is nameless and faceless persons, such as street vendors, teachers, tailors, peasants, prostitutes and so on. These “mute characters” appear at a glance, the audiences recognize them by the traditional costumes and conical hats. In Vietnamese movies, the women seem to be multiple tasks: wives, mothers and soldiers at the same time. By comparison, the report would indicate the gender stereotypes and its negative impact on the formation, maintenance and strengthening the traditional notions of gender, particularly for Vietnamese women. The relationship between gender, gender equality and the media is also examined in the study.
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43

Wimmer, Adi. "‘Objectifying’ the War. The Vietnam Veterans Memorial as a Secular Message Board." ELOPE: English Language Overseas Perspectives and Enquiries 3, no. 1-2 (2006): 221–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/elope.3.1-2.221-230.

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The Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington D.C. has become one of the most important cultural signifiers of the nation. Only what it signifies is far from clear. ‘A place of healing’ is a frequently applied epithet; in conjunction with partial memory loss; but ‘healing’ does not work without prior analysis of the wound. In postmodern fashion; anyone can read into it what they want. Evidence for its enduring popularity are the roughly 90 000 objects that have since its inception in 1982 been deposited at ‘the Wall’. These depositions represent an uncensored and hard to control alternative discourse on Vietnam; they are collected daily and stored at a huge warehouse. The ‘Wall’ is not only a sacred site; a locus of grief and contemplation; and a locus of re-uniting the nation; it has also become a prominent place where cultural battles are waged. Since 1995 there has been a permanent exhibition of a selected “Offerings at the Wall” at the Smithsonian Institute. They collectively represent a discourse refusing to be co-opted into a national strategy to re-interpret the Vietnam War as “in truth a noble cause” and an event in which American soldiers acted honourably.
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44

Foley, M. S. "Chronicles of a Two-Front War: Civil Rights and Vietnam in the African American Press." Journal of American History 100, no. 2 (2013): 597. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jat331.

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45

Bacevich, Andrew J. "Andrew J. Huebner, The Warrior Image: Soldiers in American Culture from the Second World War to the Vietnam Era." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 1 (2009): 150–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.1.150.

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46

Robert A. Nye. "The Warrior Image: Soldiers in American Culture from the Second World War to the Vietnam Era (review)." Journal of Military History 72, no. 4 (2008): 1328–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.0.0130.

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47

Bradley L. Carter. "The Warrior Image: Soldiers in American Culture from the Second World War to the Vietnam Era (review)." American Studies 49, no. 3-4 (2008): 295–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ams.2010.0051.

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48

Begnal, Michael S. "Poetry and the War(s)." American Literary History 31, no. 3 (2019): 540–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajz022.

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Abstract Three new critical monographs remind us that, when it comes to war, poets have always been political. In their respective recent volumes, Tim Dayton, Rachel Galvin, and Adam Gilbert are concerned with the ways in which poets respond not only to war itself but also the ideology and propaganda that supports it, how their work resists or sometimes replicates these scripts, and the strategies they use to construct the poetic authority to address it. These critical texts, read together, reveal that resistance to hegemonic narratives is more complicated than simply writing an antiwar poem, that subverting the narratives of war requires some knowledge of how their sociopolitical and economic algorithms function to begin with. Dayton’s study offers a model of resistance to such narratives through its revealing juxtaposition of anachronistic or propagandistic poetic rhetoric with the true nature of and motives for the US’ participation in World War I. Galvin argues for the sociopolitical validity of the work of canonical modernist poets more recently disparaged as overly absorbed in aesthetic concerns. For Gilbert, poetry is an overlooked reservoir of knowledge bearing witness to the experience of US soldiers in the American War in Vietnam.
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49

Roos, Julia. "The Race to Forget? Bi-racial Descendants of the First Rhineland Occupation in 1950s West German Debates about the Children of African American GIs*." German History 37, no. 4 (2019): 517–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz081.

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Abstract After the First World War, the German children of colonial French soldiers stationed in the Rhineland became a focal point of nationalist anxieties over ‘racial pollution’. In 1937, the Nazis subjected hundreds of biracial Rhenish children to compulsory sterilization. After 1945, colonial French soldiers and African American GIs participating in the occupation of West Germany left behind thousands of out-of-wedlock children. In striking contrast to the open vilification of the first (1920s) generation of biracial occupation children, post-1945 commentators emphasized the need for the racial integration of the children of black GIs. Government agencies implemented new programmes protecting the post-1945 cohort against racial discrimination, yet refused restitution to biracial Rhenish Germans sterilized by the Nazis. The contrasts between the experiences of the two generations of German descendants of occupation soldiers of colour underline the complicated ways in which postwar ruptures in racial discourse coexisted with certain long-term continuities in antiblack racism, complicating historians’ claims of ‘Americanization’ of post-1945 German racial attitudes.
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50

Weimer, Daniel. "Drugs-as-a-Disease." Janus Head 6, no. 2 (2003): 260–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jh20036212.

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This essay examines President Nixon's drug policy during the early 1970s, specifically the government's reaction to heroin use by American soldiers in Vietnam. The official response, discursively (through the employment of the drugs-as-a-disease metaphor) and on the policy level illustrated how of issues of national- and self-identity othering, and modernity intersected in the formulation and implementation of what is now termed the Drug War. Heroin using soldiers and domestic addicts, labeled as carriers of a contagious, foreign, and antimodem, dangerous disease, threatened to undermine a contingent national identity an identity weighted by capitalist modernity. Unearthing how addiction's ostensibly antimodern condition contributed to the othering of addicts as a foreign danger reveals how the United States' antidrug character and policies help maintain a national identity bound to the tenets of capitalist modernity. Methodologically, this essay combines historical analysis with literary and critical theory.
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