Relevant bibliographies by topics / African American United States Liberia

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
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Academic literature on the topic 'African American United States Liberia'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 9 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "African American United States Liberia"

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Allen, William E. "Liberia and the Atlantic World in the Nineteenth Century: Convergence and Effects." History in Africa 37 (2010): 7–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0028.

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William C. Burke, an African American emigrant in Liberia, wrote the following to an acquaintance in the United States on 23 September 1861: This must be the severest affliction that have visited the people of the United States and must be a sorce [sic] of great inconvenience and suffering and although we are separated from the seane [sic] by the Atlantic yet we feel sadly the effects of it in this country. The Steavens not coming out as usual was a great disappointment and loss to many in this country.Burke's lamentation about the impact of the American Civil War on the distant Atlantic shores of Africa underscores a problem—and opportunity—in Liberian historiography. Burke's nineteenth-century world extended past the distinct national boundaries that separated the United States and Liberia. Geographically, this was the vast littoral of the four continents—Africa, Europe, North America, and South America—abutting the Atlantic Ocean. But the Atlantic world, as historians now dubbed this sprawling transnational zone, was much more extensive. Societies near and faraway were also drawn into the web of socioeconomic activities in the basin. The creation of the Atlantic world spanned almost four centuries, from the late fifteenth to the waning decades of the nineteenth century. In this period, an unprecedented multitude of migrants crisscrossed the Atlantic creating a vast network. For example, by the nineteenth century, regular transatlantic packages such as the Mary Caroline Stevens whose delay Burke called “a great disappointment,” transported passengers, provisions, and dispatches between the United States and Liberia.
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Kieh, George Klay. "The American style of development aid to Liberia." Africanus: Journal of Development Studies 44, no. 2 (January 30, 2015): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0304-615x/71.

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There is a growing corpus of literature on the critical issue of the various styles used by donors in giving development aid to recipient states in various parts of the world, including Africa, Asia, Europe and Latin America. This article seeks to contribute to the body of literature by examining the nature and dynamics of the American style of development aid to Liberia and the resulting implications for the latter’s social and economic development. Using the realpolitik model as its analytical framework, the article situates the American style of development aid giving within the broader context of Liberia-United States (US) relations. Based on this foundation, the article then interrogated the flows of US development aid to Liberia from 1946–2013. The findings indicate that the American style of aid giving is ostensibly designed to serve the economic, political, military and strategic interests of the US. In this vein, Liberia is required to serve as a foot soldier in the promotion of American national interests in the former and elsewhere. Accordingly, in terms of the implications for social and economic development, for the past six decades American development aid has not helped to advance the material conditions of Liberia’s subaltern classes. However, in order to change this situation, the US would need to rethink the realpolitik foundation of its development aid programme and the Liberian government would need to press for such a policy rethinking. However, both of these possibilities are highly unlikely, given the US’ determination to prosecute its imperial project and its clientelist relationship with the Liberian government.
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Raley, J. "Colonizationism versus Abolitionism in the Antebellum North: The Anti-Slavery Society of Hanover College and Indiana Theological Seminary (1836) versus the Hanover College Officers, Board of Trustees, and Faculty." Midwest Social Sciences Journal 23 (November 1, 2020): 80–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.22543/0796.231.1030.

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In March 1836, nine Hanover College and Indiana Theological Seminary students, almost certainly including Benjamin Franklin Templeton, a former slave enrolled in the seminary, formed an antislavery society. The society’s Preamble and Constitution set forth abolitionist ideals demanding an immediate emancipation of Southern slaves with rights of citizenship and “without expatriation.” Thus they encountered the ire of Hanover’s Presbyterian trustees—colonizationists who believed instead that free blacks and educated slaves, gradually and voluntarily emancipated by their owners, should leave the United States and relocate to Liberia, where they would experience greater opportunity, equality, and justice than was possible here in the United States and simultaneously exercise a civilizing and Christianizing influence on indigenous West Africans. By separating the races on two different continents with an ocean between them, America’s race problem would be solved. The efforts of the colonizationists failed, in part because of a lack of sufficient resources to transport and resettle three million African Americans. Then, too, few Southern slaveholders were willing to emancipate their slaves and finance those former slaves’ voyages, and most free blacks refused to leave the country of their birth. In Liberia, left largely to their own resources, colonists encountered disease, the enmity of local tribes, the threat of slavers, and difficulties in farming that left these former slaves struggling for existence, even if free blacks who engaged in mercantile trade there fared well. In the United States, the trustees’ conviction that American society was racist beyond reform, together with their refusal to confront the system of slavery in the South in hope of preserving the Union and their refusal to allow even discussion of the subject of slavery on the Hanover campus, left their central question unanswered: Would it ever be possible for people of color and whites to reside together in the United States peaceably and equitably? The trustees’ decision exerted another long-term impact as well. Although today the campus is integrated, Hanover College would not admit an African American student until 1948.
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Moody, Simanique. "New Perspectives on African American English: The Role of Black-to-Black Contact." English Today 31, no. 4 (November 2, 2015): 53–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078415000401.

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One of the most widely researched language varieties in the field of sociolinguistics is African American English (AAE), a term used to describe a range of English dialects, from standard to vernacular, spoken by many (but not all) African Americans as well as by certain members of other ethnic groups who have had extensive contact with AAE speakers. Most linguists agree that AAE developed from contact between enslaved Africans and predominantly English-speaking Europeans (who spoke a range of English vernaculars) during the early to middle period of colonization of what is now known as the United States of America. Consequently, research on the development of AAE is traditionally framed in terms of the degree of contact with white English vernaculars, both during and after AAE genesis, with white vernaculars playing a primary, if not exclusive, role (McDavid & McDavid, 1951; Mufwene, 1996; Poplack, 2000; Poplack & Tagliamonte, 2001). Though some analyses of AAE allow for substrate influence from creole and/or African languages in its development (cf. Winford, 1997, 1998; Rickford, 1998, 2006; Wolfram & Thomas, 2002; Holm, 2004), many studies place a particular focus on Earlier African American varieties or Diaspora varieties, such as the Ex-Slave Recordings, Samaná English, and Liberian Settler English rather than contemporary AAE varieties spoken within U.S. borders (cf. Rickford, 1977, 1997, 2006; DeBose, 1988; Schneider 1989; Bailey, Maynor, & Cukor-Avila, 1991; Hannah, 1997; Singler, 1998, 2007a, 2007b; Kautzsch 2002). This research has helped further linguists’ understanding of AAE yet does not reflect its full history in the United States.
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Bond. "“Love Him and Let Him Go”: The American Colonization Society's James Brown—Pioneering African-American Apothecary in the United States and Liberia, 1802-1853, Part II—Liberia." Pharmacy in History 60, no. 4 (2018): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.26506/pharmhist.60.4.0124.

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Oldfield, J. R. "The Protestant Episcopal Church, Black Nationalists, and Expansion of the West African Missionary Field, 1851–1871." Church History 57, no. 1 (March 1988): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3165901.

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One of the most boldly conceived assaults on benighted Africa during the nineteenth century was that undertaken by mainline Protestant denominations in the United States. With the brash confidence characteristic of the age, hundreds of American missionaries were dispatched from New York and Baltimore to convert the heathen tribes of Africa and wrest a continent from ruin. If the experience of the Protestant Episcopal church is at all typical, however, these efforts not infrequently aroused suspicion and open hostility. In fact, Episcopal penetration of Liberia in the second half of the second century was remarkable for a long and bitter contest with black nationalists who were intent on using the church as a vehicle for their own personal and racial ambitions.
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Gregory Bond. "“Love Him and Let Him Go”: The American Colonization Society's James Brown—Pioneering African-American Apothecary in the United States and Liberia, 1802–1853, Part I—The United States." Pharmacy in History 60, no. 3 (2018): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.26506/pharmhist.60.3.0077.

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Fisher, Colin. "Antebellum Black Climate Science: The Medical Geography and Emancipatory Politics of James McCune Smith and Martin Delany." Environmental History 26, no. 3 (May 24, 2021): 461–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/envhis/emab024.

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Abstract This article argues that two prominent antebellum Black physicians—James McCune Smith and Martin Delany—developed competing scientific theories of nature’s impact on the human body in response to the climatic theories of the American Colonization Society, polygenist race scientists, and southern defenders of slavery. It further argues that the physicians’ divergent conclusions regarding nature’s agency played a significant role in underwriting arguably the most important and consequential political debate in antebellum Black America—namely, the dispute between integrationists who advocated remaining in the United States and fighting for equality and emigrationists who argued that America was so hopelessly racist that African Americans should evacuate and even form their own nation. McCune Smith’s rejection of Liberian colonization, his call to stay in the United States and fight for inclusion, and his hopeful vision of the American future rested in large part on his climate science. Employing statistical evidence, he argued that all humans were healthiest in temperate rather than tropical climates and that a beneficial North American natural environment was slowly eliminating the racial distinctions that underwrote American racism and slavery and giving all Americans, regardless of ancestry, the physical features of Native Americans. Delany’s politics were also profoundly shaped by climate science, but, unlike McCune Smith, he agreed with polygenist race scientists that climate could not alter biological race. He further concluded that, while Black people remained healthy in all climates, white people degenerated physically, mentally, and morally when they migrated from a temperate to a subtropical or tropical climate. Since the North American natural environment could not eliminate the racial features referenced by white racists and slaveholders and because enfeebled whites would always need Black labor in the subtropical South, Delany took a pessimistic view of the American future and advocated that African Americans emigrate and form a new Black nation in a tropical location fatal to white people. The article demonstrates that, long before the rise of the environmental justice movement, prominent abolitionists wed the Black freedom struggle to sophisticated and even proto-ecological scientific models of the body’s place in nature.
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Gorshkov, M. K., and E. A. Bagramov. "“New nationalism” and the issue of nations in the interpretation of American social theorists." RUDN Journal of Sociology 20, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 733–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2020-20-4-733-751.

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The article considers the so-called new nationalism that has been developing in the United States and other Western countries since the last decades of the 20th century as a system of ideas about nations, sovereignty, racial and national relations, and also currents of nationalism. Recent forecasts of the ideologists of globalism about the inevitable departure from the political scene of nation-states, nations and nationalism are opposed by the contemporary nationalism which became a real political factor, primarily in the United States. The authors show the variety of concepts of nationalism, which allows its supporters in the United States to follow both openly chauvinistic ideas and liberal ideas of solidarity that makes up the nation. Among the reasons for the rise of nationalism, the authors consider the interaction of two trends in the public-political life - politicization of ethnicity and ethnicization (or nationalization) of politics. The authors believe that the emphasis on ethnic nation and ethnic nationalism (as opposed to civil nation and civil nationalism) reflects the exacerbation of inter-ethnic tensions in the United States and other Western countries. Based on the analysis of the new nationalism, the authors distinguish its right direction, whose supporters nominally renounce Nazism and racism but promote similar ideas, and a moderate liberal direction which often equates nationalism with patriotism. Representatives of both trends appeal to national interests and values of the nations historic core, and criticize migration policy and multiculturalism. In addition to white racism and its evolution, the article considers the scope of nationalism and patriotism of African-American movements, in particular Black Lives Matter and the results of the study of the dual consciousness of African Americans as combining the concept of nation within a nation and a new, completely American identity. Despite many American theorists idea of the absence of the American nation as such, the authors consider the concept of a new identity of the American nation, which M. Lind defines as a unity of language and culture, regardless of the racial composition, i.e. as an expression of liberal nationalism and a renewed concept of the melting pot. Lind and his colleagues believe that the factor of the current split of the American nation is not racial or ethnic confrontation (Balkanization) but the social gap between rich and poor. The authors consider the criticism of the policy of the American ruling class as a means for the sociological study of the racial problem and for the development of ways for solving it.
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Echeruo, Michael J. C. "Edward W. Blyden, W. E. B. Du Bois, and the ‘Color Complex’." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 4 (December 1992): 669–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00011101.

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This article is an attempt to present (and thereby to come to terms with) an important aspect of the meaning of race as it relates to the experience of black people, especially in America. It commences with Edward W. Blyden because his ‘color complex’ is of a kind that brings us back, not without much embarrassment, to the realisation that while colour may be a state of the mind, it is also and even primarily a matter of the body. Blyden is particularly appropriate as a starting point, for he is an epitome, in many ways, of the African experience in the later nineteenth century, linking (as he does) the multiple experiences of the Caribbean, the United States, and mainland Africa. He wrote at a time when the intellectual and other currents in ‘Negro’ America flowed easily to the new centres of influence in Liberia and colonial West Africa. He was thus the product of the history of Africanity in his period, and for a long time after.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "African American United States Liberia"

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Outland, Aaron. "The American Colonization of Liberia & the Origins of Africa's First Republic." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/694.

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The American Colonization of Liberia is a unique example of statecraft, reflecting the domestic political concerns of free blacks and colonizationists in the United States. The founding of Liberia reflects the objectives of these two factions.
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Howard, Lawrence C. "American involvement in Africa south of the Sahara, 1800-1860." New York : Garland Pub, 1988. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/18629170.html.

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Murray, Robert P. "Whiteness in Africa: Americo-Liberians and the Transformative Geographies of Race." UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/23.

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This dissertation examines the constructed racial identities of African American settlers in colonial Liberia as they traversed the Atlantic between the United States and West Africa during the first half of the nineteenth century. In one of the great testaments that race is a social construction, the West African neighbors and inhabitants of Liberia, who conceived of themselves as “black,” recognized the significant cultural differences between themselves and these newly-arrived Americans and racially categorized the newcomers as “white.” This project examines the ramifications for these African American settlers of becoming simultaneously white and black through their Atlantic mobility. This is not to suggest that those African Americans who relocated to Liberia somehow desired to be white or hoped to “pass” as white after their arrival in Africa. Instead, the Americo-Liberians utilized their African whiteness to lay claim to an exotic, foreign identity that also escaped associations of primitivism. This project makes several significant contributions to scholarship on the colonization movement, whiteness, and Atlantic world. Importantly for scholarship on Liberia, it reestablishes the colony as but one evolving point within the Atlantic world instead of its usual interpretative place as the end of a transatlantic journey. Whether as disgruntled former settlers, or paid spokesmen for the American Colonization Society (ACS), or visitors returning to childhood abodes, or emancipators looking to free families from the chains of slavery, or students seeking medical degrees, Liberian settlers returned to the United States and they were remarkably uninterested in returning to their formerly downtrodden place in American society. This project examines the “tools” provided to Americo-Liberians by their African residence to negotiate a new relationship with the white inhabitants of the United States. These were not just metaphorical arguments shouted across the Atlantic Ocean and focusing on the experiences of Americo-Liberians in the United States highlights that these “negotiations” had practical applications for the lives of settlers in both the United States and Africa. The African whiteness of the settlers would function as a bargaining chip when they approached that rhetorical bargaining table.
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Palladino, Brian David. ""From a Determined Resolution to Get Liberty": Slaves and the British in Revolutionary Norfolk County, Virginia, 1775-1781." W&M ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626267.

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Barker, Gordon S. "Anthony Burns and the north-south dialogue on slavery, liberty, race, and the American Revolution." W&M ScholarWorks, 2009. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539623339.

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Revisiting the Anthony Burns drama in 1854, the last fugitive slave crisis in Boston, I argue that traditional historical interpretations emphasizing an antislavery groundswell in the North mask the confusion, chaos, ethnic and class tensions, and racial division in the Bay city and also treat Virginia's most famous fugitive slave as an object rather than the Revolutionary and advocate for equal rights that he was. I contend that it was far from clear that antislavery beliefs were on the rise in midcentury Boston. I show that antislavery views had to compete with other less noble, sometimes racist, sentiments and with white Bostonians' concerns about law and order. Many white Bostonians sought to conserve the Union as it was; they did not seek to extend the fruits of the Revolution to a fugitive slave or to their black neighbors. The message that many black Bostonians took from the drama was that they could not depend on their white neighbors, including supposedly friendly abolitionists; they had to unite and look out for their own interests. Reexamining the link between Anthony Burns and the coming of the Civil War suggests that the most significant impact of the crisis was on the white South, not the North. Events in Boston seemed to confirm white Southerners' suspicions that antislavery feelings were on the rise in the North, which fueled their anxiety about the future protection of their interests in the Union. The crisis also accentuated differences between Northern and Southern societies, and white Southerners saw their society, with slavery at its center, as distinctly good. The Burns crisis thus encouraged their defense of slavery as a positive good. Finally, I demonstrate that when Anthony Burns moved to Canada West and joined St. Catharines' vibrant black community, he did not relinquish his fight against slavery; he fled America but not the fight against human bondage.
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Dickey, Chandra. "Bridges Not Pedestals: Purpose, Reactions, and Benefits of Three Black Liberal Arts Institutions in Atlanta, 1880s-1920s." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/873.

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By the late nineteenth century, white northern missionary societies established a variety of higher education institutions with the premise of educating African Americans. In Atlanta, three of these institutions, Spelman College, Morehouse College, and Atlanta University, were heralded—by the aforementioned missionary societies and by some African Americans across the country—for their liberal arts curriculums. The often white founders believed the colleges were assimilatory institutions, hoping black students would lead their own communities, but did not believe blacks would become political or social leaders in greater society. In comparison, African American founders desired eventual control over the institutions, and wanted graduates—and the larger black community—to be treated as citizens with the same rights as whites. Additionally, African American organizations outside of the schools were concerned with securing black safety, socio-economic stability, and education. Thus, instead of being the assimilatory institutions their white founders desired, the colleges were integral to improving the social, political, and economic status of African Americans. However, unlike African Americans outside of the institutions, the schools did not operate under a specific political agenda, and the desires of the institution’s white founders and the African American community surrounding the schools often conflicted.
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Mootoo, Alexis Nicole. "Structural Racism: Racists without Racism in Liberal Institutions within Colorblind States." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6909.

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Afro-Descendants suffer sustained discrimination and invisibility that is proliferated with policies that were once blatantly racist, but are now furtive. This study argues that structural racism is alive and well in liberal institutions such as publicly funded colleges and universities. Thus, structural racism is subtly replicated and reproduced within these institutions and by institutional agents who are Racist without Racism. This study builds on theories from Pierre Bourdieu, Frantz Fanon, Glen Loury and Eduardo Bonilla-Silva. The juxtaposition of their theoretical arguments provides a deeper insight into how structural racism becomes a de facto reflexive phenomenon in liberal and progressive institutions such as universities, which are heralded as the epitome of racism-free spaces in colorblind states. Inspired by Lieberman’s nested mixed methods approach, the study examines Afro-Descendants’ sustained discrimination and invisibility in publicly funded universities in New York City and the city of São Paulo. The success of race-based affirmative action is examined quantitatively in New York City and São Paulo. Semi-structured interviews are conducted with Afro-Descendant professors, students and administrators in New York City and São Paulo’s publicly funded liberal university systems. These interviews are conducted to (1) understand the respondents’ experiences in their respective liberal spaces as racial minorities; and (2) determine whether they have benefited or been harmed by a public policy designed to ameliorate their inferior positions. Overall, findings from this study suggest that structural racism exists and persists in New York City and São Paulo. Moreover, Afro-Descendant participants in both cities acknowledge and experience structural racism within their respective liberal university systems.
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Cunningham, Dana Claire. "African American children in the child welfare system: An American tragedy." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2001. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1895.

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Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "African American Experiences." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/730.

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Luttrull, Pamelia D. "Impact of School-Wide Positive Behavior Intervention Supports for African American Males in American Public Schools." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699957/.

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Research has shown that African American males are performing poorly in American public schools and are disciplined at a higher rate than other ethnic and gender groups. Positive Behavior Intervention Supports (PBIS) has a long history of success with individual students and more recently in school-wide settings. School-wide PBIS offers schools the ability to tailor their rules, rewards, and consequences to the specific needs and culture of a school. This descriptive and quantitative study sought to determine if implementation with fidelity of SWPBIS positively correlated to reduced disciplinary measures. The object of this study was to determine in what ways disciplinary rates for African American males differ in American public schools that identify as using SWPBIS with fidelity as compared to American public schools that do not implement SWPBIS with fidelity. Disciplinary rates examined included ISS, OSS single incident, and OSS multiple incidents. Descriptive findings indicated that schools that implement SWPBIS show a lower rate of ISS and OSS incidents for African American males. The quantitative findings did not yield a statistically significance between schools with fidelity of implementation of SWPBIS and schools without fidelity of implementation of SWPBIS.
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Books on the topic "African American United States Liberia"

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Tyler-McGraw, Marie. An African republic: Black & White Virginians in the making of Liberia. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2006.

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Tyler-McGraw, Marie. An African republic: Black and White Virginians in the making of Liberia. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007.

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Ciment, James. Another America: The story of Liberia and the former slaves who ruled it. New York: Hill and Wang, 2013.

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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Foreign Relations. Subcommittee on African Affairs. Weak states in Africa: U.S. policy in Liberia : hearing before the Subcommittee on African Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundred Seventh Congress, second session, June 11, 2002. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2002.

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Affairs, United States Congress Senate Committee on Foreign Relations Subcommittee on African. Emergency situations in Sudan and Liberia: Hearing before the Subcommittee on African Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundred First Congress, second session, November 27, 1990. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1991.

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Freedom's promise: Ex-slave families and citizenship in the Age of Emancipation. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2002.

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King, Wilma. Children of the Emancipation. Minneapolis: Carolrhoda Books, 2000.

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ill, Födi Lee Edward, ed. Martha Ann's quilt for Queen Victoria. Dallas, Tex: Brown Books Pub. Group, 2006.

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C, Barnes Kenneth. Journey of hope: The Back-to-Africa movement in Arkansas in the late 1800s. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004.

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Mocombe, Paul C. The liberal black Protestant heterosexual bourgeois male: From W.E.B. Du Bois to Barack Obama. Lanham: University Press of America, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "African American United States Liberia"

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Mario, LaMothe. "The United States of Lucia." In The Routledge Companion to African American Theatre and Performance, 348–54. New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. |: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315191225-69.

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Carter, Jacoby Adeshei. "Lecture 5: Negro Achievement in the United States." In African American Contributions to the Americas’ Cultures, 73–88. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56572-3_6.

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Edwards, Patricia A., and Kristen L. White. "Partnering with African American Parents in the United States." In Superdiversity and Teacher Education, 237–51. New York, NY : Routledge Taylor & Francis, 2021.: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003038887-16.

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Carter, Jacoby Adeshei. "Lecture 4: The Negro’s Sociological Position in the United States." In African American Contributions to the Americas’ Cultures, 57–71. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-56572-3_5.

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Sears, Christine E. "“Once a Citizen of the United States of America, But at Present the Most Miserable Slave”." In American Slaves and African Masters, 43–64. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137295033_4.

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Lee, A. Robert. "“Do Nothing Till You Hear from Me”: Modern African American Fiction." In A Companion to Twentieth-Century United States Fiction, 109–21. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444310108.ch9.

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Barry, Ellen M. "From Plantations to Prisons: African American Women Prisoners in the United States." In Beyond Slavery, 75–88. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230113893_5.

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Warrick, John. "The Blacks and Its Impact on African American Theatre in the United States." In Jean Genet: Performance and Politics, 131–42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230595439_11.

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Kanakamedala, Pratibha. "“Considered a Citizen of the United States”: George DeGrasse, a South Asian in Early (African) America." In India in the American Imaginary, 1780s–1880s, 229–43. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62334-4_8.

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Gillam, Reighan. "But You (Don’t) Look Like an African American: African Diaspora Looking Relations between Brazil and the United States." In Race and the Politics of Knowledge Production, 99–111. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137553942_8.

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Conference papers on the topic "African American United States Liberia"

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Holt, Yolanda F. "Sociophonetic analysis of vowel variation in African American English in the Southern United States." In 172nd Meeting of the Acoustical Society of America. Acoustical Society of America, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/2.0000453.

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Madhivanan, Purnima, Makella Coudray, Daniel Ruiz-Perez, Brett Colbert, Karl Krupp, Hansi Kumari, Kalai Mathee, and Giri Narasimhan. "P372 Bacterial vaginosis and high-risk human papillomavirus coinfection among african american women in the united states." In Abstracts for the STI & HIV World Congress (Joint Meeting of the 23rd ISSTDR and 20th IUSTI), July 14–17, 2019, Vancouver, Canada. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/sextrans-2019-sti.474.

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Vidal, Adriana C., Jennifer S. Smith, Edwin Iversen, Fidel Valea, Rex Bentley, Margaret Gradison, Kimberly Yarnall, et al. "Abstract PR01: HPV genotype distribution and cervical intraepithelial neoplasia in African American and white women living in the Southeastern United States." In Abstracts: Twelfth Annual AACR International Conference on Frontiers in Cancer Prevention Research; Oct 27-30, 2013; National Harbor, MD. American Association for Cancer Research, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1158/1940-6215.prev-13-pr01.

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Reports on the topic "African American United States Liberia"

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Neal, Alexis A. Decline of African American Enlistment in the United States Army. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, November 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada510002.

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Jackson, Dale O. Strengthening United States National Security Through Education in the African American Community. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada278361.

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Afsaruddin, Asma. NEGOTIATING VIRTUE AND REALPOLITIK IN ISLAMIC GOOD GOVERNANCE. IIIT, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.002.20.

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These words of John Lewis represent a scathing criticism of the contemporary failures of the United States, the oldest and possibly most vibrant democratic nation-state in the world. The words also express a deep disappointment that the principles of equality and justice enshrined in the US constitution have been honored more in the breach when they pertain to African-Americans, many of whose ancestors arrived on these shores long before those of their Euro-American compatriots.
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Lazonick, William, Philip Moss, and Joshua Weitz. The Unmaking of the Black Blue-Collar Middle Class. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp159.

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In the decade after the Civil Rights Act of 1964, African Americans made historic gains in accessing employment opportunities in racially integrated workplaces in U.S. business firms and government agencies. In the previous working papers in this series, we have shown that in the 1960s and 1970s, Blacks without college degrees were gaining access to the American middle class by moving into well-paid unionized jobs in capital-intensive mass production industries. At that time, major U.S. companies paid these blue-collar workers middle-class wages, offered stable employment, and provided employees with health and retirement benefits. Of particular importance to Blacks was the opening up to them of unionized semiskilled operative and skilled craft jobs, for which in a number of industries, and particularly those in the automobile and electronic manufacturing sectors, there was strong demand. In addition, by the end of the 1970s, buoyed by affirmative action and the growth of public-service employment, Blacks were experiencing upward mobility through employment in government agencies at local, state, and federal levels as well as in civil-society organizations, largely funded by government, to operate social and community development programs aimed at urban areas where Blacks lived. By the end of the 1970s, there was an emergent blue-collar Black middle class in the United States. Most of these workers had no more than high-school educations but had sufficient earnings and benefits to provide their families with economic security, including realistic expectations that their children would have the opportunity to move up the economic ladder to join the ranks of the college-educated white-collar middle class. That is what had happened for whites in the post-World War II decades, and given the momentum provided by the dominant position of the United States in global manufacturing and the nation’s equal employment opportunity legislation, there was every reason to believe that Blacks would experience intergenerational upward mobility along a similar education-and-employment career path. That did not happen. Overall, the 1980s and 1990s were decades of economic growth in the United States. For the emerging blue-collar Black middle class, however, the experience was of job loss, economic insecurity, and downward mobility. As the twentieth century ended and the twenty-first century began, moreover, it became apparent that this downward spiral was not confined to Blacks. Whites with only high-school educations also saw their blue-collar employment opportunities disappear, accompanied by lower wages, fewer benefits, and less security for those who continued to find employment in these jobs. The distress experienced by white Americans with the decline of the blue-collar middle class follows the downward trajectory that has adversely affected the socioeconomic positions of the much more vulnerable blue-collar Black middle class from the early 1980s. In this paper, we document when, how, and why the unmaking of the blue-collar Black middle class occurred and intergenerational upward mobility of Blacks to the college-educated middle class was stifled. We focus on blue-collar layoffs and manufacturing-plant closings in an important sector for Black employment, the automobile industry from the early 1980s. We then document the adverse impact on Blacks that has occurred in government-sector employment in a financialized economy in which the dominant ideology is that concentration of income among the richest households promotes productive investment, with government spending only impeding that objective. Reduction of taxes primarily on the wealthy and the corporate sector, the ascendancy of political and economic beliefs that celebrate the efficiency and dynamism of “free market” business enterprise, and the denigration of the idea that government can solve social problems all combined to shrink government budgets, diminish regulatory enforcement, and scuttle initiatives that previously provided greater opportunity for African Americans in the government and civil-society sectors.
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