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1
Allen, William E. "Liberia and the Atlantic World in the Nineteenth Century: Convergence and Effects." History in Africa 37 (2010): 7–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0028.
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William C. Burke, an African American emigrant in Liberia, wrote the following to an acquaintance in the United States on 23 September 1861: This must be the severest affliction that have visited the people of the United States and must be a sorce [sic] of great inconvenience and suffering and although we are separated from the seane [sic] by the Atlantic yet we feel sadly the effects of it in this country. The Steavens not coming out as usual was a great disappointment and loss to many in this country.Burke's lamentation about the impact of the American Civil War on the distant Atlantic shores of Africa underscores a problem—and opportunity—in Liberian historiography. Burke's nineteenth-century world extended past the distinct national boundaries that separated the United States and Liberia. Geographically, this was the vast littoral of the four continents—Africa, Europe, North America, and South America—abutting the Atlantic Ocean. But the Atlantic world, as historians now dubbed this sprawling transnational zone, was much more extensive. Societies near and faraway were also drawn into the web of socioeconomic activities in the basin. The creation of the Atlantic world spanned almost four centuries, from the late fifteenth to the waning decades of the nineteenth century. In this period, an unprecedented multitude of migrants crisscrossed the Atlantic creating a vast network. For example, by the nineteenth century, regular transatlantic packages such as the Mary Caroline Stevens whose delay Burke called “a great disappointment,” transported passengers, provisions, and dispatches between the United States and Liberia.
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Kieh, George Klay. "The American style of development aid to Liberia." Africanus: Journal of Development Studies 44, no. 2 (January 30, 2015): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0304-615x/71.
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There is a growing corpus of literature on the critical issue of the various styles used by donors in giving development aid to recipient states in various parts of the world, including Africa, Asia, Europe and Latin America. This article seeks to contribute to the body of literature by examining the nature and dynamics of the American style of development aid to Liberia and the resulting implications for the latter’s social and economic development. Using the realpolitik model as its analytical framework, the article situates the American style of development aid giving within the broader context of Liberia-United States (US) relations. Based on this foundation, the article then interrogated the flows of US development aid to Liberia from 1946–2013. The findings indicate that the American style of aid giving is ostensibly designed to serve the economic, political, military and strategic interests of the US. In this vein, Liberia is required to serve as a foot soldier in the promotion of American national interests in the former and elsewhere. Accordingly, in terms of the implications for social and economic development, for the past six decades American development aid has not helped to advance the material conditions of Liberia’s subaltern classes. However, in order to change this situation, the US would need to rethink the realpolitik foundation of its development aid programme and the Liberian government would need to press for such a policy rethinking. However, both of these possibilities are highly unlikely, given the US’ determination to prosecute its imperial project and its clientelist relationship with the Liberian government.
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Raley, J. "Colonizationism versus Abolitionism in the Antebellum North: The Anti-Slavery Society of Hanover College and Indiana Theological Seminary (1836) versus the Hanover College Officers, Board of Trustees, and Faculty." Midwest Social Sciences Journal 23 (November 1, 2020): 80–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.22543/0796.231.1030.
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In March 1836, nine Hanover College and Indiana Theological Seminary students, almost certainly including Benjamin Franklin Templeton, a former slave enrolled in the seminary, formed an antislavery society. The society’s Preamble and Constitution set forth abolitionist ideals demanding an immediate emancipation of Southern slaves with rights of citizenship and “without expatriation.” Thus they encountered the ire of Hanover’s Presbyterian trustees—colonizationists who believed instead that free blacks and educated slaves, gradually and voluntarily emancipated by their owners, should leave the United States and relocate to Liberia, where they would experience greater opportunity, equality, and justice than was possible here in the United States and simultaneously exercise a civilizing and Christianizing influence on indigenous West Africans. By separating the races on two different continents with an ocean between them, America’s race problem would be solved. The efforts of the colonizationists failed, in part because of a lack of sufficient resources to transport and resettle three million African Americans. Then, too, few Southern slaveholders were willing to emancipate their slaves and finance those former slaves’ voyages, and most free blacks refused to leave the country of their birth. In Liberia, left largely to their own resources, colonists encountered disease, the enmity of local tribes, the threat of slavers, and difficulties in farming that left these former slaves struggling for existence, even if free blacks who engaged in mercantile trade there fared well. In the United States, the trustees’ conviction that American society was racist beyond reform, together with their refusal to confront the system of slavery in the South in hope of preserving the Union and their refusal to allow even discussion of the subject of slavery on the Hanover campus, left their central question unanswered: Would it ever be possible for people of color and whites to reside together in the United States peaceably and equitably? The trustees’ decision exerted another long-term impact as well. Although today the campus is integrated, Hanover College would not admit an African American student until 1948.
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Moody, Simanique. "New Perspectives on African American English: The Role of Black-to-Black Contact." English Today 31, no. 4 (November 2, 2015): 53–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078415000401.
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One of the most widely researched language varieties in the field of sociolinguistics is African American English (AAE), a term used to describe a range of English dialects, from standard to vernacular, spoken by many (but not all) African Americans as well as by certain members of other ethnic groups who have had extensive contact with AAE speakers. Most linguists agree that AAE developed from contact between enslaved Africans and predominantly English-speaking Europeans (who spoke a range of English vernaculars) during the early to middle period of colonization of what is now known as the United States of America. Consequently, research on the development of AAE is traditionally framed in terms of the degree of contact with white English vernaculars, both during and after AAE genesis, with white vernaculars playing a primary, if not exclusive, role (McDavid & McDavid, 1951; Mufwene, 1996; Poplack, 2000; Poplack & Tagliamonte, 2001). Though some analyses of AAE allow for substrate influence from creole and/or African languages in its development (cf. Winford, 1997, 1998; Rickford, 1998, 2006; Wolfram & Thomas, 2002; Holm, 2004), many studies place a particular focus on Earlier African American varieties or Diaspora varieties, such as the Ex-Slave Recordings, Samaná English, and Liberian Settler English rather than contemporary AAE varieties spoken within U.S. borders (cf. Rickford, 1977, 1997, 2006; DeBose, 1988; Schneider 1989; Bailey, Maynor, & Cukor-Avila, 1991; Hannah, 1997; Singler, 1998, 2007a, 2007b; Kautzsch 2002). This research has helped further linguists’ understanding of AAE yet does not reflect its full history in the United States.
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Bond. "“Love Him and Let Him Go”: The American Colonization Society's James Brown—Pioneering African-American Apothecary in the United States and Liberia, 1802-1853, Part II—Liberia." Pharmacy in History 60, no. 4 (2018): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.26506/pharmhist.60.4.0124.
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Oldfield, J. R. "The Protestant Episcopal Church, Black Nationalists, and Expansion of the West African Missionary Field, 1851–1871." Church History 57, no. 1 (March 1988): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3165901.
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One of the most boldly conceived assaults on benighted Africa during the nineteenth century was that undertaken by mainline Protestant denominations in the United States. With the brash confidence characteristic of the age, hundreds of American missionaries were dispatched from New York and Baltimore to convert the heathen tribes of Africa and wrest a continent from ruin. If the experience of the Protestant Episcopal church is at all typical, however, these efforts not infrequently aroused suspicion and open hostility. In fact, Episcopal penetration of Liberia in the second half of the second century was remarkable for a long and bitter contest with black nationalists who were intent on using the church as a vehicle for their own personal and racial ambitions.
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Gregory Bond. "“Love Him and Let Him Go”: The American Colonization Society's James Brown—Pioneering African-American Apothecary in the United States and Liberia, 1802–1853, Part I—The United States." Pharmacy in History 60, no. 3 (2018): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.26506/pharmhist.60.3.0077.
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Fisher, Colin. "Antebellum Black Climate Science: The Medical Geography and Emancipatory Politics of James McCune Smith and Martin Delany." Environmental History 26, no. 3 (May 24, 2021): 461–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/envhis/emab024.
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Abstract This article argues that two prominent antebellum Black physicians—James McCune Smith and Martin Delany—developed competing scientific theories of nature’s impact on the human body in response to the climatic theories of the American Colonization Society, polygenist race scientists, and southern defenders of slavery. It further argues that the physicians’ divergent conclusions regarding nature’s agency played a significant role in underwriting arguably the most important and consequential political debate in antebellum Black America—namely, the dispute between integrationists who advocated remaining in the United States and fighting for equality and emigrationists who argued that America was so hopelessly racist that African Americans should evacuate and even form their own nation. McCune Smith’s rejection of Liberian colonization, his call to stay in the United States and fight for inclusion, and his hopeful vision of the American future rested in large part on his climate science. Employing statistical evidence, he argued that all humans were healthiest in temperate rather than tropical climates and that a beneficial North American natural environment was slowly eliminating the racial distinctions that underwrote American racism and slavery and giving all Americans, regardless of ancestry, the physical features of Native Americans. Delany’s politics were also profoundly shaped by climate science, but, unlike McCune Smith, he agreed with polygenist race scientists that climate could not alter biological race. He further concluded that, while Black people remained healthy in all climates, white people degenerated physically, mentally, and morally when they migrated from a temperate to a subtropical or tropical climate. Since the North American natural environment could not eliminate the racial features referenced by white racists and slaveholders and because enfeebled whites would always need Black labor in the subtropical South, Delany took a pessimistic view of the American future and advocated that African Americans emigrate and form a new Black nation in a tropical location fatal to white people. The article demonstrates that, long before the rise of the environmental justice movement, prominent abolitionists wed the Black freedom struggle to sophisticated and even proto-ecological scientific models of the body’s place in nature.
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Gorshkov, M. K., and E. A. Bagramov. "“New nationalism” and the issue of nations in the interpretation of American social theorists." RUDN Journal of Sociology 20, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 733–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2272-2020-20-4-733-751.
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The article considers the so-called new nationalism that has been developing in the United States and other Western countries since the last decades of the 20th century as a system of ideas about nations, sovereignty, racial and national relations, and also currents of nationalism. Recent forecasts of the ideologists of globalism about the inevitable departure from the political scene of nation-states, nations and nationalism are opposed by the contemporary nationalism which became a real political factor, primarily in the United States. The authors show the variety of concepts of nationalism, which allows its supporters in the United States to follow both openly chauvinistic ideas and liberal ideas of solidarity that makes up the nation. Among the reasons for the rise of nationalism, the authors consider the interaction of two trends in the public-political life - politicization of ethnicity and ethnicization (or nationalization) of politics. The authors believe that the emphasis on ethnic nation and ethnic nationalism (as opposed to civil nation and civil nationalism) reflects the exacerbation of inter-ethnic tensions in the United States and other Western countries. Based on the analysis of the new nationalism, the authors distinguish its right direction, whose supporters nominally renounce Nazism and racism but promote similar ideas, and a moderate liberal direction which often equates nationalism with patriotism. Representatives of both trends appeal to national interests and values of the nations historic core, and criticize migration policy and multiculturalism. In addition to white racism and its evolution, the article considers the scope of nationalism and patriotism of African-American movements, in particular Black Lives Matter and the results of the study of the dual consciousness of African Americans as combining the concept of nation within a nation and a new, completely American identity. Despite many American theorists idea of the absence of the American nation as such, the authors consider the concept of a new identity of the American nation, which M. Lind defines as a unity of language and culture, regardless of the racial composition, i.e. as an expression of liberal nationalism and a renewed concept of the melting pot. Lind and his colleagues believe that the factor of the current split of the American nation is not racial or ethnic confrontation (Balkanization) but the social gap between rich and poor. The authors consider the criticism of the policy of the American ruling class as a means for the sociological study of the racial problem and for the development of ways for solving it.
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Echeruo, Michael J. C. "Edward W. Blyden, W. E. B. Du Bois, and the ‘Color Complex’." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 4 (December 1992): 669–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00011101.
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This article is an attempt to present (and thereby to come to terms with) an important aspect of the meaning of race as it relates to the experience of black people, especially in America. It commences with Edward W. Blyden because his ‘color complex’ is of a kind that brings us back, not without much embarrassment, to the realisation that while colour may be a state of the mind, it is also and even primarily a matter of the body. Blyden is particularly appropriate as a starting point, for he is an epitome, in many ways, of the African experience in the later nineteenth century, linking (as he does) the multiple experiences of the Caribbean, the United States, and mainland Africa. He wrote at a time when the intellectual and other currents in ‘Negro’ America flowed easily to the new centres of influence in Liberia and colonial West Africa. He was thus the product of the history of Africanity in his period, and for a long time after.
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Schraeder, Peter J. "From Berlin 1884 to 1989: Foreign Assistance and French, American, and Japanese Competition in Francophone Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 4 (December 1995): 539–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021431.
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In October1884, the major European colonial powers of the era were invited to a conference in Berlin by the German Chancellor, Otto von Bismarck.1The United States also attended the proceedings as an observer nation, and its representative, John A. Kasson, signed the Berlin Convention, one of the primary purposes of which was to regulate escalating imperial conflict by officially delineating the territorial boundaries of colonial possessions. Although warfare between colonial armies in Africa during World War I underscored the failure of negotiators to avoid yet another global military conflict, the Berlin conference none the less consecrated the creation of formal European empires and ‘spheres of interest’ throughout the continent. Except for the unique cases of Ethiopia and Liberia, independent Africa eventually ceased to exist.
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Martynov, Andriy. "American memory war of the protest movement «Black live matter»." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 10 (2020): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2020.10.1.
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Americans as a nation are more focused on the present and the future than on the past. Until recently, various «historical traumas» have not been the subject of current American political discourse. The American dream focuses on the needs of everyday life, not on the permanent experience of the past. The aim of the article is to highlight the peculiarities of symbolic conflicts over the sites of the Civil War in the United States in the context of the 2020 election campaign. Research methods are based on a combination of the principles of historicism and special historical methods, in particular, descriptive, comparative, method of actualization of historical memory. The scientific novelty of the obtained results is determined by the historical and political analysis of the “wars of memory” during the presidential election campaign in the United States in 2020. Radical political confrontation exacerbates the conflicts of collective memory. This process is not prevented by the postmodern state of collective consciousness, the virtualization of political processes, attempts to form a «theater society». The coronavirus pandemic has raised the issue of choosing a strategy for the development of the globalization process as harshly as possible. Current events break the link between the past and the present, which makes the future unpredictable. Developed liberal democracy is considered the «end of history». Multiculturalism has created different interpretations of US history. Conclusions. Trump’s victory deepened the rift between different visions of the history of the Civil War. The Democratic majority unites African Americans, Latinos, women with higher education, and left liberals. Attacks on the memorials of the heroes of the former Confederacy became symbols of the war of memory. The dominant trend is an increase in the democratic and electoral numbers of non-white Americans. The «classic» United States, dominated in all walks of life by white Americans with Anglo-Saxon Protestant identities and relevant historical ideas, is becoming history. The situation is becoming a political reality when white Americans become a minority. It is unlikely that such a «new minority» will abandon its own interpretation of any stage of US history, including the most acute. This means that wars of memory will become an organic element of political processes.
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Popova, O. D., O. V. Zubkova, T. A. Ozharovskaia, D. I. Zrelkin, D. V. Voronina, I. V. Dolzhikova, D. V. Shcheblyakov, B. S. Naroditsky, D. Yu Logunov, and A. L. Gintsburg. "Review of candidate vaccines for the prevention of Lassa fever." Problems of Virology 66, no. 2 (May 15, 2021): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.36233/0507-4088-33.
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The Lassa virus one of the main etiological agent of hemorrhagic fevers in the world: according to WHO estimates, it affects 100,000 to 300,000 people annually, which results in up to 10,000 deaths [1]. Although expansion of Lassa fever caused by this pathogen is mostly limited to the West African countries: Sierra Leone, Liberia, Guinea and Nigeria, imported cases have been historically documented in Europe, the United States of America (USA), Canada, Japan, and Israel [2]. In 2017, WHO included the Lassa virus in the list of priority pathogens in need of accelerated research, development of vaccines, therapeutic agents and diagnostic tools regarding infections they cause [3]. This review describes main technological platforms used for the development of vaccines for the prevention of Lassa fever.
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Ikonnikova, Maryna. "African Studies as a Part of Philologists’ Professional Training in the USA." Comparative Professional Pedagogy 6, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/rpp-2016-0046.
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Abstract It has been concluded that until recently debates on what is understood as African Studies have involved American scholars or have been mainly located within the African Studies Association (ASA) in the USA. Lately, European scholars have begun to occupy more discursive space and challenged Afrocentric orientations as well. African Studies emerged, on the one hand, predominantly due to the states’ participation in either the colonisation or decolonisation of Africa and its people. On the other hand, powerful strategic geopolitical dimensions have motivated the emphasis on area studies and, in particular, African studies, in the United States after Second World War. It has been stated that American curricula consist of the following groups of subjects: 1) the major, i.e. the subjects which provide the required level of knowledge, abilities and skills in a particular area; 2) the minor, i.e. the subjects, that are necessary for better mastering of specialization subjects; 3) other areas of concentration, which are also a part of the curriculum (optional classes, etc.); 4) liberal studies courses, that provide mastering necessary skills and understanding of the interconnectedness of different fields of knowledge; 5) upper division courses, that are studied at the third and fourth years of study; 6) electives, which students can choose to explore new fields or expand the list of both professionally oriented and non-oriented courses. Based on the results generated by the official websites providing applicants with relevant information about degree programs, we have found out that African Studies are offered by numerous American higher education institutions, namely, Stanford University, Yale University, Columbia University in the City of New York, University of Pennsylvania, Duke University, University of Chicago, Brown University, University of Richmond, University of Kansas, University of Iowa and others. It has been indicated that African studies provide students with the understanding of the interactions among the social, economic, cultural, historical, linguistic, genetic, geopolitical, ecological and biomedical factors that shape and have shaped African societies. The interdisciplinary structure of the programs offers students an opportunity to satisfy the increasingly rigorous expectations of admissions committees and prospective employers for a broad liberal arts perspective that complements a specialized knowledge of a field. In addition, students are encouraged to pursue Study Abroad to enhance their understanding of African diasporic experiences.
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Heideman, Paul M. "Beyond Black and White: Transforming African-American Politics, Manning Marable, Second Edition, London: Verso, 2009." Historical Materialism 20, no. 2 (2012): 210–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341238.
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AbstractThe new edition of Manning Marable’sBeyond Black and Whiteseeks to explain the course of black politics in the United States over the last thirty years. Marable argues that this history shows the failure of liberal and nationalist politics to address the problems facing black Americans. Though Marable attempts to chart a course beyond these ideologies, his alternative of ‘transformative politics’, shorn of the revolutionary Marxism that defined his earlier writings, is no more capable of confronting racial inequality than the strategies it seeks to replace.
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Hodge, James G., Leila Barraza, Gregory Measer, and Asha Agrawal. "Global Emergency Legal Responses to the 2014 Ebola Outbreak: Public Health and the Law." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 42, no. 4 (2014): 595–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12179.
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From their relative obscurity over the past three decades, varied strains of Ebola disease have emerged as a substantial global biothreat. The current outbreak of Ebola, beginning in March 2014 in Guinea, is projected to infect tens of thousands of people before being brought under control. Some estimate the outbreak could exceed 100,000 cases and extend another 12-18 months. Ebola’s spread has the potential to extend across the globe, but is concentrated in several African countries (e.g., Democratic Republic of Congo, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Guinea, Nigeria, and Senegal). Collectively, these countries are home to nearly 290 million people. Among Liberia’s population of 4.1 million, over 1,100 people have already died from Ebola in less than 6 months; by comparison, if this same outbreak and death rate occurred in the United States, over 88,000 Americans would perish.
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Geary, Daniel. "Racial Liberalism, the Moynihan Report & the Dædalus Project on “The Negro American”." Daedalus 140, no. 1 (January 2011): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00058.
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In 1965, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, then an official in the Johnson administration, published The Negro Family: The Case for National Action, better known as the Moynihan Report. He was influenced by his participation in two conferences organized by the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in the mid-1960s, as well as two issues of its journal Dceda-lus, on the topic of “The Negro American.” Arguing that the “damaged” family structure of African Americans would impede efforts to achieve full racial equality in the United States, the Moynihan Report launched an explosive debate that helped fracture a fragile liberal consensus on civil rights. Geary examines the report alongside the Dcedalus project, establishing its roots in the racial liberalism of the mid-1960s and connecting it to efforts by liberals to address the socioeconomic dimensions of racial inequality. He considers the close relationship between scholarship and public policy that existed at the time and reflects on the ways liberal ideas about race have changed in the decades since.
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Manton, John, and Martin Gorsky. "Health Planning in 1960s Africa: International Health Organisations and the Post-Colonial State." Medical History 62, no. 4 (September 7, 2018): 425–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2018.41.
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This article explores the programme of national health planning carried out in the 1960s in West and Central Africa by the World Health Organization (WHO), in collaboration with the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Health plans were intended as integral aspects of economic development planning in five newly independent countries: Gabon, Liberia, Mali, Niger and Sierra Leone. We begin by showing that this episode is treated only superficially in the existing WHO historiography, then introduce some relevant critical literature on the history of development planning. Next we outline the context for health planning, noting: the opportunities which independence from colonial control offered to international development agencies; the WHO’s limited capacity in Africa; and its preliminary efforts to avoid imposing Western values or partisan views of health system organisation. Our analysis of the plans themselves suggests they lacked the necessary administrative and statistical capacity properly to gauge local needs, while the absence of significant financial resources meant that they proposed little more than augmentation of existing structures. By the late 1960s optimism gave way to disappointment as it became apparent that implementation had been minimal. We describe the ensuing conflict within WHO over programme evaluation and ongoing expenditure, which exposed differences of opinion between African and American officials over approaches to international health aid. We conclude with a discussion of how the plans set in train longer processes of development planning, and, perhaps less desirably, gave bureaucratic shape to the post-colonial state.
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McCray, Kenja. ""Talk Doesn't Cook the Soup"." Murmurations: Emergence, Equity and Education 1, no. 1 (July 30, 2018): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31946/meee.v1i1.28.
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The creator, Kenja McCray, is an Associate Professor of History at Atlanta Metropolitan State College (AMSC), where she teaches United States and African American history. AMSC is an institution within the University System of Georgia offering an affordable liberal arts education and committed to serving a diverse, urban student population. McCray has a B.A. from Spelman College, an M.A. from Clark Atlanta University, and a Ph.D. from Georgia State University. Her areas of interest are the 19th and 20th century U. S., African Americans, Africa and the diaspora, transnational histories, women, class and social history.
The creator of this essay believes education should be a life-altering process, not only in the intellectual or the economic sense, but also cognitively uplifting. She experienced personal change in college through interacting with professors. She strives to give students a similarly inspirational experience. The encounter should be empowering and should change the way they see themselves and their relationships to the world. The intent of this creative piece is to share the creator’s contemplations on a rites of passage program in which she participated during her college years. She asserts that, given current cultural trends signaling a renewed interest in African-centered ideals and black pride, many aspects of the program could interest current students looking for safe spaces in increasingly intolerant times. This essay will interest researchers, student leaders, student activities advisors, and other administrators seeking to create and develop inclusive campus programs.
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DeLombard, Jeannine Marie. "Dehumanizing Slave Personhood." American Literature 91, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 491–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00029831-7722104.
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Abstract Afrohumanism is crucial to the forward-looking “project of thinking humanity from perspectives beyond the liberal humanist subject, Man” (Weheliye 2014: 8). It is another question, however, whether such a humanist approach provides the best historical analytic for understanding slavery and its carceral afterlives. This question becomes particularly pressing when we consider that today’s prison-industrial complex, like the American slaveholder of the past, extracts profits by strategically exploiting—rather than denying—the lucrative humanity of its captive black and brown subjects. To illustrate these claims, this article examines a seldom-discussed slave case, United States v. Amy (1859), which was tried before Supreme Court chief justice Roger B. Taney two years after his infamous decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857). Centering on the figure of the legal person rather than the human or the citizen, United States v. Amy alerts us to the lethal legacy of slave personhood as a debilitating mixture of civil death and criminal culpability. Nowhere, perhaps, is that legacy more evident than in viral videos of police misconduct. And nowhere do we see a more vivid assertion of black counter-civility than in the dash cam video of the late Sandra Bland’s principled, outraged response to her pretextual traffic stop by Trooper Brian Encinia. The essay closes by considering Bland’s arrest and subsequent death in custody in the context of her own and other African Americans’ efforts to achieve and maintain a civil presence in an American law and culture where black personhood remains legible primarily as criminality.
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Allen, William E. "Historical Methodology and Writing the Liberian Past: the Case of Agriculture in the Nineteenth Century." History in Africa 32 (2005): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2005.0002.
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Some of the late nineteenth century success of Liberia coffee, sugar, and other commodities can be attributed to the leasing of plantations to enterprising foreigners, although a few leading politicians did own successful farms … For most Americo-Liberians, the role of dirt farmer was decidedly beneath their station.Yet the reasons for this apathy among most Americo-Liberians for agriculture, which prevailed up to the early 1870s, were not far to seek. The majority of them being newly emancipated slaves, who had in servitude in America been used to being forced to work, erroneously equated their newly won freedom with abstinence from labour.Both arguments are inaccurate, yet the authors made essential contributions to the writing of Liberian history. J. Gus Liebenow became renowned within Liberian academic circles for his earlier book, Liberia: the Evolution of Privilege. In that book he analyzed the policy that enabled the minority Americo-Liberians (descendants of free blacks from the United States who founded Liberia in 1822), to monopolize political and economic power to the exclusion of the majority indigenous Africans for more than a century. M. B. Akpan dissected Liberia's dubious political history and concluded that Americo-Liberian authority over the indigenous population, was identical to the discriminatory and oppressive policy practiced by European colonizers in Africa.
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Moss, Todd J. "US Policy and Democratisation in Africa: the Limits of Liberal Universalism." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 2 (June 1995): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021029.
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Without the overriding concern of Soviet domination, Americans are engaging in an introspective re-evaluation of their national interests, values, and priorities. Despite the heterogeneity of all the participants, including the key opinion-makers, a near-consensus has emerged that the United States should be pushing and supporting an external process that has come to be known as ‘democratisation’. This policy stems from widespread perceptions about the special nature of America's identity and rôle in the world. The thesis presented here is that the United States is primarily defined by a particular liberal philosophy and concept of modernity, and that the projection of ‘democracy’ abroad is not necessarily a ‘natural’ or universal evolution of human development. Africa's increasing marginalisation has allowed certain groups committed to spreading ‘American values’ an unprecedented ability to shape policy and turn the continent into a liberal socio-political experiment.
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Bracey, Earnest N. "What I Have Learned from Conservative Students Teaching American Politics at a Predominantly White Institution (PWIs): Reflections of a Minority College Professor." Communication, Society and Media 2, no. 1 (January 24, 2019): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/csm.v2n1p15.
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<em>Disruptive, conservative college students are a symptom of a larger problem that we have in higher education today. Also, many of our students are unprepared academically, but some think that they should pass American politics—and other controversial courses—anyway, without doing the necessary work. Of course, this higher education issue has taken on new gravity, given that liberal college professors are being verbally attacked and threatened by these conservative, college students, especially if they are from a minority group, or if they are African Americans at Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs). Their major complaint is always about there being a liberal bent in academia, but many are tricked into thinking in a certain, conservative way. These are carefully crafted, politically motivated attacks, because some of these students don’t respect or believe in the veracity of anything told by minority professors, particularly their diversity of ideas about current political issues. As we might imagine, for example, the social injustices and racial terrorism of the past toward minorities, in the United States, just doesn’t register with some of these conservative students, with latent prejudices, because they mostly want to just rail against liberal professors of all stripes, ratcheting up the divisions we have at the higher education level. Moreover, these conservative students also applaud the tactics and rationale behind their verbal, classroom attacks and threats, as they monitor certain (liberal) college professors. Perhaps they have a prevalent belief that most liberal professors are somehow evil. Finally, these disruptive students believe what they want to believe, which isn’t the best way to consider important policy matters today. Indeed, these misguided students should think more critically about the social and political issues, without blindly following someone because they tell the best story, or because of their conservative values. In the final analysis, we must wonder if the traditional ways of teaching students at Liberal Arts College and Universities are dead.</em>
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Kang, Soo K., and Jaeseok Lee. "A cannabis festival in urban space: visitors' motivation and travel activity." Journal of Hospitality and Tourism Insights 4, no. 2 (March 5, 2021): 142–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhti-09-2020-0177.
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PurposeThe present study aimed at classifying cannabis festival attendees based on their motivation and travel activities, profiling the resultant latent groups with demographic and travel characteristics and examining the association between the groups.Design/methodology/approachWith a quantitative-exploratory approach, this study collected 392 out-of-state visitors' responses to a cannabis festival in Denver, Colorado and classified them according to their motivation and activity participation. Using the classification results, the study profiled the festival visitors based on their demographic and travel characteristics. Latent class analysis, analysis of variance (ANOVA) and cross-tabulation were employed.FindingsThe results revealed that festival visitors were categorized into four latent groups by motivation and three latent groups by travel activity participation. Regarding motivation, the cannabis seekers (relatively young, White/Caucasian and residents in liberal states) and multi-purpose seekers (relatively young, Black/African American and residents in conservative states) were strongly motivated by cannabis-related factors. For travel activity participation, moderate participants were more likely to be first-time visitors, whereas active and passive participants were classified as repeat visitors.Originality/valueThe current study filled the research gap in the quantitative exploration of cannabis tourism industry in general and cannabis festival segment specifically. The findings contribute to (1) better understanding of out-of-state visitors' motivation and travel behaviors while attending a cannabis themed festival and (2) serving as a seminal work in the context of cannabis tourism literature since the recreational cannabis legalization in the United States.
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Dawson, Michael C., and Lawrence D. Bobo. "ONE YEAR LATER AND THE MYTH OF A POST-RACIAL SOCIETY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 6, no. 2 (2009): 247–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x09990282.
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Many commentators, both conservative and liberal, have celebrated the election of Barack Obama as president of the United States, claiming the election signified America has truly become a “post-racial” society. It is not just Lou Dobbs who argues the United States in the “21st century [is a] post-partisan, post-racial society.” This view is consistent with beliefs the majority of White Americans have held for well over a decade: that African Americans have achieved, or will soon achieve, racial equality in the United States despite substantial evidence to the contrary. Indeed, this view is consistent with opinions found in the Boston Globe, Wall Street Journal, New York Times, and elsewhere—attitudes that even the tragic events following the Katrina disaster had nothing to do with race.
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Adams, Melinda. "Context and Media Frames: The Case of Liberia." Politics & Gender 12, no. 02 (May 26, 2016): 275–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000039.
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There is a growing body of work examining gender stereotypes in media representations of female candidates, but much of this literature is based on analysis of media sources in developed countries, including the United States (Braden 1996; Jalalzai 2006; Kahn 1994, 1996; Smith 1997), Australia (Kittilson and Fridkin 2008), Canada (Kittilson and Fridkin 2008), France (Murray 2010b), and Germany (Wiliarty 2010). The increase in female presidential candidates and presidents in Latin America has encouraged research on media portrayals of women in Argentina, Chile, and Venezuela (Franceschet and Thomas 2010; Hinojosa 2010; Piscopo 2010; Thomas and Adams 2010). To date, however, there has been little research exploring media representations of female politicians in Africa. (Exceptions include Adams 2010; Anderson, Diabah, and hMensah 2011). A question that emerges is whether the gender stereotypes common in coverage in the United States, Europe, and Latin America are also prevalent in Africa.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 86, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2012): 109–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002427.
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The African Diaspora: A History Through Culture, by Patrick Manning (reviewed by Joseph C. Miller) Atlas of the Transatlantic Slave Trade, by David Eltis & David Richardson (reviewed by Ted Maris-Wolf) Abolition: A History of Slavery and Antislavery, by Seymour Drescher (reviewed by Gregory E. O’Malley) Paths to Freedom: Manumission in the Atlantic World, edited by Rosemary Brana-Shute & Randy J. Sparks (reviewed by Matthew Mason) You Are All Free: The Haitian Revolution and the Abolition of Slavery, by Jeremy D. Popkin (reviewed by Philippe R. Girard) Fighting for Honor: The History of African Martial Arts in the Atlantic World, by T .J. Desch Obi (reviewed by Flávio Gomes & Antonio Liberac Cardoso Simões Pires) Working the Diaspora: The Impact of African Labor on the Anglo-American World, 1650-1850, by Frederick C. Knight (reviewed by Walter Hawthorne) The Akan Diaspora in the Americas, by Kwasi Konadu (reviewed by Ray Kea) Tradition and the Black Atlantic: Critical Theory in the African Diaspora, by Henry Louis Gates Jr. (reviewed by Deborah A. Thomas) From Africa to Jamaica: The Making of an Atlantic Slave Society, 1775-1807, by Audra A. Diptee (reviewed by D.A. Dunkley) Elections, Violence and the Democratic Process in Jamaica 1944-2007, by Amanda Sives (reviewed by Douglas Midgett) Caciques and Cemi Idols: The Web Spun by Taino Rulers between Hispaniola and Puerto Rico, by José R. Oliver (reviewed by Brian D. Bates) The Latin American Identity and the African Diaspora: Ethnogenesis in Context, by Antonio Olliz Boyd (reviewed by Dawn F. Stinchcomb) Reconstructing Racial Identity and the African Past in the Dominican Republic, by Kimberly Eison Simmons (reviewed by Ginetta E.B. Candelario) Haiti and the Haitian Diaspora in the Wider Caribbean, edited by Philippe Zacaïr (reviewed by Catherine Benoît) Duvalier’s Ghosts: Race, Diaspora, and U.S. Imperialism in Haitian Literatures, by Jana Evans Braziel (reviewed by J. Michael Dash) Mainland Passage: The Cultural Anomaly of Puerto Rico, by Ramón E. Soto-Crespo (reviewed by Guillermo B. Irizarry) Report on the Island and Diocese of Puerto Rico (1647), by Diego de Torres y Vargas (reviewed by David A. Badillo) Land Reform in Puerto Rico: Modernizing the Colonial State, 1941-1969, by Ismael García-Colón (reviewed by Ricardo Pérez) Land: Its Occupation, Management, Use and Conceptualization. The Case of the Akawaio and Arekuna of the Upper Mazaruni District, Guyana, by Audrey J. Butt Colson (reviewed by Christopher Carrico) Caribbean Religious History: An Introduction, by Ennis B. Edmonds & Michelle A . Gonzalez (reviewed by N. Samuel Murrell) The Cross and the Machete: Native Baptists of Jamaica – Identity, Ministry and Legacy, by Devon Dick (reviewed by John W. Pulis) Swimming the Christian Atlantic: Judeoconversos, Afroiberians and Amerindians in the Seventeenth Century, by Jonathan Schorsch (reviewed by Richard L. Kagan) Kosmos und Kommunikation: Weltkonzeptionen in der südamerikanischen Sprachfamilie der Cariben, by Ernst Halbmayer (reviewed by Eithne B. Carlin) That Infernal Little Cuban Republic: The United States and the Cuban Revolution, by Lars Schoultz (reviewed by Antoni Kapcia) Voice of the Leopard: African Secret Societies and Cuba, by Ivor L. Miller (reviewed by Elizabeth Pérez) Guantánamo: A Working-Class History between Empire and Revolution, by Jana K. Lipman (reviewed by Barry Carr) Packaged Vacations: Tourism Development in the Spanish Caribbean, by Evan R. Ward (reviewed by Polly Pattullo) Afro-Greeks: Dialogues Between Anglophone Caribbean Literature and Classics in the Twentieth Century, by Emily Greenwood (reviewed by Gregson Davis) Caribbean Culture: Soundings on Kamau Brathwaite, edited by Annie Paul (reviewed by Paget Henry) Libertad en cadenas: Sacrificio, aporías y perdón en las letras cubanas, by Aída Beaupied (reviewed by Stephen Fay) The Trickster Comes West: Pan-African Influence in Early Black Diasporan Narratives, by Babacar M’baye (reviewed by Olabode Ibironke) Cheddi Jagan and the Politics of Power: British Guiana’s Struggle for Independence, by Colin A. Palmer (reviewed by Jay R. Mandle) A Language of Song: Journeys in the Musical World of the African Diaspora, by Samuel Charters (reviewed by Kenneth Bilby) Man Vibes: Masculinities in Jamaican Dancehall, by Donna P. Hope (reviewed by Eric Bindler)
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ERICSON, DAVID F. "The United States Navy, Slave-Trade Suppression, and State Development." Journal of Policy History 33, no. 3 (July 2021): 231–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030621000099.
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AbstractThe mission of the United States Navy expanded significantly because of the presence of the institution of racial slavery on American soil. Most important, both proslavery and antislavery forces favored, for very different reasons, a substantial naval buildup in the late 1850s. The navy had, however, long been engaged in securing the nation’s borders against slave smuggling, an activity that also seemed to have broad support at the time. Finally, somewhat more controversially, the navy had been associated with the American Colonization Society’s Liberian enterprise from its very inception, deciding to deploy vessels to Africa in an otherwise unimaginable time frame. The relationship between the presence of slavery and the pre–Civil War activities of the navy is a largely untold—or, at best, half-told—story of American state development.
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GUETTEL, JENS-UWE. "FROM THE FRONTIER TO GERMAN SOUTH-WEST AFRICA: GERMAN COLONIALISM, INDIANS, AND AMERICAN WESTWARD EXPANSION." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 3 (September 30, 2010): 523–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244310000223.
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This article argues that positive perceptions of American westward expansion played a major (and so far overlooked) role both for the domestic German debate about the necessity of overseas expansion and for concrete German colonial policies during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. During and after the uprising against colonial rule (1904–7) of the two main indigenous peoples, the Herero and the Nama, of German South-West Africa (Germany's only settler colony), colonial administrators actively researched the history of the American frontier and American Indian policies in order to learn how best to “handle” the colony's peoples. There exists a substantial literature on the allegedly exceptional enchantment of Germans with American Indians. Yet this article shows that negative views of Amerindians also influenced and shaped the opinions and actions of German colonizers. Because of its focus on the importance of the United States for German discussions about colonial expansion, this article also explores the role German liberals played in the German colonial project. Ultimately, the United States as a “model empire” was especially attractive for Germans with liberal and progressive political convictions. The westward advancement of the American frontier went hand in hand with a variety of policies towards Native Americans, including measures of expulsion and extinction. German liberals accepted American expansionism as normative and were therefore willing to advocate, or at least tolerate, similar policies in the German colonies.
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Nash, Marian, and (Leich). "Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law." American Journal of International Law 90, no. 2 (April 1996): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203689.
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In response to a request from the court to the Legal Adviser of the Department of State, by a letter dated November 29, 1995, the United States submitted a Statement of Interest in Meridien International Bank Ltd. v. Government of the Republic of Liberia. The United States stated that the executive branch had determined that allowing the (second) Liberian National Transitional Government (LNTG II) access to American courts was consistent with U.S. foreign policy. The court, the United States maintained, should therefore accord that Government standing to assert claims and defenses in the action on behalf of the Republic of Liberia.
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Diamond, Jeff. "African-American Attitudes towards United States Immigration Policy." International Migration Review 32, no. 2 (1998): 451. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2547191.
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Diamond, Jeff. "African-American Attitudes towards United States Immigration Policy." International Migration Review 32, no. 2 (June 1998): 451–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839803200207.
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Williams, Karen Jaynes, Martha A. Hargraves, and Keith C. Norris. "Book Reviews: African American Health in the United States." Journal of Immigrant and Minority Health 11, no. 2 (August 2, 2008): 143–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10903-008-9168-9.
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Dunn, D. Elwood. "Black Colonialism: the Americo-Liberian scramble for the hinterland by Yekutiel Gershoni Boulder, Westview Press, 1985. Pp. xi+134. $25.00 paperback. - African and American Values: Liberia and West Africa by Katherine Harris Lanham, Maryland, University Press of America, 1985. Pp. xi+101. $20.50. $8.00 paperback. - Big Powers and Small Nations: a case study of United States-Liberian relations by Hassan B. Sisay Lanham, Maryland, University Press of America, 1985. Pp. vii+202. $26·75. $12·50 paperback." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 4 (December 1987): 712–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010247.
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N’Diaye, Tafsir Malick. "Conflict Prevention and Conflict Resolution in the African Context: Peacekeeping in Liberia." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 21, no. 1-2 (1993): 70–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501668.
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The West African force known as the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) was sent to Liberia by ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States). A closer look at the Force shows that it is an adaptation of the peacekeeping system used by the United Nations. What started as a system of collective security based on the regional security mechanism of ECOWAS turned into a standard peacekeeping operation as a result of “the Yamoussoukro process.”
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Furman, Andrew, Tom Lutz, and Susanna Ashton. "These "Colored" United States: African American Essays from the 1920s." MELUS 24, no. 1 (1999): 262. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/467923.
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Barber, John T., and Oscar H. Gandy. "Press portrayal of African American and white United States representatives." Howard Journal of Communications 2, no. 2 (March 1990): 213–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10646179009359713.
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Rivas, Joseph R. "Canada Serving the African American Population in the United States." Neurosurgery 43, no. 3 (September 1998): 681. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00006123-199809000-00217.
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Cottrell, David, Michael C. Herron, Javier M. Rodriguez, and Daniel A. Smith. "Mortality, Incarceration, and African American Disenfranchisement in the Contemporary United States." American Politics Research 47, no. 2 (March 23, 2018): 195–237. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x18754555.
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On account of poor living conditions, African Americans in the United States experience disproportionately high rates of mortality and incarceration compared with Whites. This has profoundly diminished the number of voting-eligible African Americans in the country, costing, as of 2010, approximately 3.9 million African American men and women the right to vote and amounting to a national African American disenfranchisement rate of 13.2%. Although many disenfranchised African Americans have been stripped of voting rights by laws targeting felons and ex-felons, the majority are literally “missing” from their communities due to premature death and incarceration. Leveraging variation in gender ratios across the United States, we show that missing African Americans are concentrated in the country’s Southeast and that African American disenfranchisement rates in some legislative districts lie between 20% and 40%. Despite the many successes of the Voting Rights Act and the civil rights movement, high levels of African American disenfranchisement remain a continuing feature of the American polity.
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Reno, William. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: Private Corporate Dimension." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050290x.
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Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outside eyes to be more akin to commercial entrepreneurs than rulers of states. Relations between Europe and these authorities left much more room for proxies and ancillary groups. Missionaries, explorers, and chartered companies commonly became proxies through which strong states in Europe pursued their relations with these African authorities. So too now, stronger states in global society increasingly contract out to private actors their relations toward Africa’s weakest states. Especially in the United States, but also in Great Britain and South Africa, officials show a growing propensity to use foreign firms, including military service companies, as proxies to exercise influence in small, very poor countries where strategic and economic interests are limited. This privatized foreign policy affects the worst-off parts of Africa—states like Angola, the Central African Republic, Liberia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone—where formal state institutions have collapsed, often amidst long-term warfare and disorder.
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Prell, Riv Ellen. "Teaching African American-Jewish American Relations in the United States: A Special Section." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 15, no. 3 (1997): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.1997.0032.
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Trotter, Joe W. "African American Fraternal Associations in American History: An Introduction." Social Science History 28, no. 3 (2004): 355–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012797.
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The growth of black fraternal associations is closely intertwined with the larger history of voluntary associations in American society. In the aftermath of the American Revolution, compared to its European counterparts, the United States soon gained a reputation as “a nation of joiners.” As early as the 1830s, the Frenchman Alexis de Tocqueville described the proliferation of voluntary associations as a hallmark of American democracy. In his view, such associations distinguished America from the more hierarchically organized societies of Western Europe. “The citizen of the United States,” Tocqueville (1947 [1835]: 109) declared, “is taught from his earliest infancy to rely upon his own exertions in order to resist the evils and the difficulties of life; he looks upon social authority with an eye of mistrust and anxiety, and he only claims its assistance when he is quite unable to shift without it.” Near the turn of the twentieth century, a writer for theNorth American Reviewdescribed the final decades of the nineteenth century as the “Golden Age of Fraternity” (Harwood 1897).
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Phinney, Jean S., and Mukosolu Onwughalu. "Racial identity and perception of American ideals among African American and African students in the United States." International Journal of Intercultural Relations 20, no. 2 (March 1996): 127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0147-1767(95)00040-2.
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Obraztsova, Margarita. "Economic relations between the United States and South Africa." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 2 (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760015880-5.
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The article analyses the role of the South African mining sector in the development of long-term relations between the United States and South Africa. Largely with the help of American investments the South African mining industry was formed. Thereby America provided its firms with access to South Africa’s rich resource potential. The increasing dependence of the United States on those types of minerals that are of strategic importance for its defense industry makes relations with South Africa a priority. Therefore, US policy is primarily aimed at ensuring the access of American companies to the South African market.
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Hibbert, Liesel. "English in South Africa: parallels with African American vernacular English." English Today 18, no. 1 (January 2002): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078402001037.
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A comparison between Black English usage in South Africa and the United StatesThere has been a long tradition of resistance in South African politics, as there has been for African-Americans in the United States. The historical links between African Americans and their counterparts on the African continent prompt one to draw a comparison between the groups in terms of linguistic and social status. This comparison demonstrates that Black South African English (BSAfE) is a distinctive form with its own stable conventions, as representative in its own context as African American Vernacular English (AAVE) is in the United States.
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BOCZAR, DANIEL, DAVID J. RESTREPO, ANDREA SISTI, MARIA T. HUAYLLANI, HUMZA Y. SALEEM, XIAONA LU, GABRIELA CINOTTO, OSCAR J. MANRIQUE, AARON C. SPAULDING, and ANTONIO J. FORTE. "Analysis of Melanoma in African American Patients in the United States." Anticancer Research 39, no. 11 (November 2019): 6333–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21873/anticanres.13844.
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Hamel, Lauren M., Robert Chapman, Mary Malloy, Susan Eggly, Louis A. Penner, Anthony F. Shields, Michael S. Simon, Justin F. Klamerus, Charles Schiffer, and Terrence L. Albrecht. "Critical Shortage of African American Medical Oncologists in the United States." Journal of Clinical Oncology 33, no. 32 (November 10, 2015): 3697–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2014.59.2493.
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Khan, Shaza. "Muslims in the United States." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i1.1740.
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Karen Leonard’s book, Muslims in the United States: The State ofResearch, seeks to provide “a useful research tool for exploring” the largebody of social science research that exists on Islam and Muslims in theUnited States (p. ix). As a “non-Muslim secular scholar” and anthropologist(p. xi), she reviews research that examines the lives of all those whoself-identify as Muslim, including those generally excluded from such discussions,such as Ahmedis, Five Percenters, and homosexuals. The varietyof topics explored in this review promises to draw a broad readership.Topics as diverse as immigration and racialization, international conflictsand intra-Muslim tensions, “un-mosqued” Muslims and extremist ideologuesare all covered. Therefore, those interested in sociology, history, religion,and, more specifically, individuals researching Islam and Muslimswill benefit from reading Muslims in the United States.The book is divided into three sections. In part 1, “Historical Overviewof Muslims in the United States,” Leonard briefly introduces Islam’s basictenets and proceeds to discuss the historical and political realities thataffected the growth of African-American, Arab, and South Asian Muslimpopulations in this country. She identifies three sets of issues that have historically arisen in research and theory building on Muslims in the UnitedStates: legitimacy as it relates to African-American Muslim movements,the problem of religious authority in the smaller national-origin and sectariancommunities, and the lack of research on the lives of “un-mosqued,”“invisible,” or secular Muslims ...
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Widawski, Maciej. "Semantic Change in African American Slang." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 48, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/stap-2013-0002.
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Abstract Semantic change is an important part of African American slang and involves two mechanisms: figuration and shifting. Both are enormously productive and account for numerous slang expressions based on standard English. This paper presents these processes in detail. Partially drawing from the author’s earlier publications, the presentation is based on lexical material from a sizable database of citations from contemporary African American sources collected through extensive fieldwork in the United States in recent years.
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Mossaad, Nadwa, Jeremy Ferwerda, Duncan Lawrence, Jeremy M. Weinstein, and Jens Hainmueller. "Determinants of refugee naturalization in the United States." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 115, no. 37 (August 27, 2018): 9175–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1802711115.
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The United States operates the world’s largest refugee resettlement program. However, there is almost no systematic evidence on whether refugees successfully integrate into American society over the long run. We address this gap by drawing on linked administrative data to directly measure a long-term integration outcome: naturalization rates. Assessing the full population of refugees resettled between 2000 and 2010, we find that refugees naturalize at high rates: 66% achieved citizenship by 2015. This rate is substantially higher than among other immigrants who became eligible for citizenship during the same period. We also find significant heterogeneity in naturalization rates. Consistent with the literature on immigration more generally, sociodemographic characteristics condition the likelihood of naturalization. Women, refugees with longer residency, and those with higher education levels are more likely to obtain citizenship. National origins also matter. While refugees from Iran, Iraq, and Somalia naturalize at higher rates, those from Burma, Ukraine, Vietnam, and Liberia naturalize at lower rates. We also find naturalization success is significantly shaped by the initial resettlement location. Placing refugees in areas that are urban, have lower rates of unemployment, and have a larger share of conationals increases the likelihood of acquiring citizenship. These findings suggest pathways to promote refugee integration by targeting interventions and by optimizing the geographic placement of refugees.