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McFadden, Alesia E. "The artistry and activism of Shirley Graham Du Bois a twentieth century African American torchbearer /." Amherst, Mass. : University of Massachusetts Amherst, 2009. http://scholarworks.umass.edu/open_access_dissertations/76/.
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Jones, Cherisse Renee. "Repairers of the breach black and white women and racial activism in South Carolina, 1940s-1960s /." Connect to this title online, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1060706692.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 256 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 247-256). Abstract available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2006 Aug. 12.
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Murrock, Carolyn J. "DANCE AND PHYSICAL ACTIVITY IN AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMEN." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1159901402.
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Jackson, Nicole M. "The Politics of Care: Black Community Activism in England and the United States, 1975-1985." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1338404099.
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Harley, Amy E. "Physical activity evolution a grounded theory study with African American women /." Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1117131933.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 235 p.; also includes graphics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 192-203). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
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Hogue, Patricia Ann. "The Effects of Buddy Support on Physical Activity in African American Women." Connect to Online Resource-OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1187208135.
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Dissertation (Ph.D.)--University of Toledo, 2007.Typescript. "Submitted as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy Degree in Health Education." Bibliography: leaves 126-144.
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Johnson, Sherèè Johnson. "Income, Education, Age, and Physical Activity Among Physically Disabled African American Women." ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/4298.
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This study was designed to identify possible risk factors about physical activity in middle-aged disabled African American women (AAW) aged 45 to 64 years. Disabled middle-aged AAW has a disproportionate prevalence of obesity and chronic illness than nondisabled women. Most disabled middle-aged AAW leads a sedentary lifestyle, and they do not meet the recommended physical activity (PA) guidelines. Little is known about this group, and a social ecological model was used to explain PA patterns. Data were extracted from the 2009 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (N = 1,599) for women who responded yes to indicate that they needed specialized equipment. This cross-sectional quantitative study used univariate and multivariate analysis to assess the relationship between age, education, and income among middle-aged disabled AAW. A general linear model revealed younger disabled AAW (ages 45 to 54) engaged in more physical activity time per week than did their older counterparts (estimate = 76.012, p = .001). Individuals with less education reported more minutes of physical activity than college graduates (estimate = 142.522, p = .001). Respondents with annual incomes from $35,000-$49,999 (estimate = 184.590, p = .000) were more physically active than their more affluent counterparts. Smoking, demographic variables, and emotional well-being did not affect minutes of moderate physical activity. This research may contribute to positive social change by suggesting that programs intended to increase physical activity among disabled AAW be targeted toward those who are older, are more educated, and have higher incomes.
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Richard, Sheryl Lynn. "African American Single Mothers' Perceptions of Physical Activity." ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/2425.
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Insufficient physical activity detracts from healthy living and has a disparate impact on African American women and their female children. The extensive body of prior research addressing preventable chronic disease and other consequences of insufficient physical activity includes limited information specific to African American single mothers. The purpose of this descriptive phenomenological study was to gain an understanding of African American single mothers' perceptions of physical activity. Specifically investigated were African American women's familial influences and potential effects of these influences on their children's health behaviors. The health belief model served as the theoretical framework for this study and provided a contextual lens to explore research questions to elicit African American single mothers' perceptions of physical activity. Six African American single mothers participated in semistructured interviews that produced data for this study. Use of Colaizzi's data analysis method revealed thematic single mother reports of healthy lifestyle, social support, resources/education, body/self-image, stress management, fear and embarrassment, motivation/inspiration, and injury/illness as factors affecting their engagement in physical activity. Future research opportunities include exploring multilevel interventions specific to African American single mothers and using common weight-related terminology. Study findings could benefit health educators, administrators, and providers. Positive social implications include improved physical activity and health outcomes for African American single mothers with ultimate decreased health care costs for the U.S. society.
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Owen, Jurine H. Mrs. "Low Fitness Phenotype and Cardiovascular Disease Risks in African American Women." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/kin_health_diss/10.
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The purpose of this study is to determine if African American Women (AAW) with low fitness levels have low fitness related to a lifestyle choice of decreased physical activity (PA) or the cardiovascular disadvantage of greater proportion of Type II (FT) muscle fibers.
Forty-eight apparently healthy AAW participated in the study. The women had no known risk factors for CVD; were sedentary (no structured fitness training program within last six months) or minimally fit (PA ≤ 3 x week for 20 minutes); and were not taking any prescription medications for blood pressure, diabetes, or lipid control. On the first visit the following measurements were taken: 1.) height and weight (electronic scale and stadiometer); 2.) body fat percentage (dual energy x-ray absorptiometry (DXA % body fat); and 3.) CRF (submaximal treadmill exercise test). On the second visit additional measurements included: 1.) blood pressure (stethoscope and sphygmomanometer); 2.) lipid profile and high sensitivity-C reactive protein (hs-CRP) (Cholestech LDX analyzer); 3.) thigh anthropometric measurements; 4.) isokinetic power and fatigue testing (KIN-COM dynamometer). Pearson product correlation coefficient (r) was used to analyze the relationship between the variables.
The results indicated that gross oxygen consumption at 85% maximal heart rate (VO2) was not significantly related to PA (r = -.06, p = .67) or FT fibers (r = 0.14, p = 0.34). VO2 was negatively correlated with hs-CRP (r = -.31, p < 0.05), systolic blood pressure (r = -0.47, p < 0.01), diastolic blood pressure (r = -0.42, p < 0.01), and DXA % body fat (r = -0.64, p < 0.01). There were no significant relationships between PA and any of the variables. FT fibers were negatively correlated with low density lipoprotein (r = -0.30, p < 0.05) and DXA % body fat (r = -0.46, p < 0.01).
In conclusion, low cardiorespiratory fitness in AAW does not seem to be a related to reported levels of PA or proportion of FT fibers. This suggests that there may be other factors that are contributing to the low levels of cardiorespiratory fitness observed in this sample of AAW.
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Juniper, Kelly Cherie. "A theoretical approach to understanding the physical activity behavior of African American college women." Oklahoma City : [s.n.], 2002. http://library.ouhsc.edu/epub/theses/Juniper-Kelly-Cherie.pdf.
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Robinson, Bridget K. "Determinants of physical activity behavior and self-efficacy for exercise among African American women." View the abstract Download the full-text PDF version, 2009. http://etd.utmem.edu/ABSTRACTS/2009-027-Robinson-index.htm.
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Thesis (M.S.)--University of Tennessee Health Science Center, 2009.Title from title page screen (viewed on September 18, 2009). Research advisor: Mona N. Wicks, Ph.D. Document formatted into pages (x, 85 p. : ill.). Vita. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 63-71).
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Bensonsmith, Dionne. "Lacking legitimacy: Race, gender and the social construction of African American women in welfare policy 1935--2006." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Rose, Melanie. "Soul Line Dancing Among African American Women in the Church: an Expectancy-value Model Approach." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2012. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc149658/.
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Guided by the expectancy value model of achievement choice, this study examined the relationships among expectancy value constructs (expectancy related beliefs and subjective task values), effort and intention for future participation in a culturally specific dance, soul line, among African American adult women in the church setting. Participants were 100 African American women who were members of the women’s ministries from four predominantly African American churches in the Dallas/Ft. Worth metropolitan area. Participants completed a 20-minute soul line session and responded to survey questions, validated in previous research, assessing their expectancy-related beliefs, subjective task values, effort, intention for future participation and physical activity. This was the first study to use the expectancy value model as a guide to determine motivations attached to physical activities among African American adult women. Usefulness, a component of subjective task values, emerged as a predictor of intention for future participation. Eighty-one percent of the women did not meet physical activity guidelines for aerobic activity. Of those inactive women 60% indicated an interest in doing soul line dancing often at their church after one short exposure to the activity as indicated by the strongest possible response to both intention questions. A slightly smaller percent of the active women provided with a strong positive response for future intention. These findings suggest that soul line dancing is a practical avenue to increase physical activity among African American women in the church. Future research should test this theoretical model on a wider variety of individuals who are sedentary to physically active, measure actual participation, and directly measure BMI and physical activity.
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Sturman, Kathryn. "The Federation of South African Women and the Black Sash : constraining and contestatory discourses about women in politics, 1954-1958." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18272.
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The period 1954 to 1958 saw an unprecedented level of mobilisation and active political campaigning by women of all races in South Africa. These campaigns were split along lines of race and class, as evidenced in the demonstrations against the extension of pass laws to African women by the Federation of South African Women [FSAW] and the campaign against the Senate Bill by liberal white women of the Black Sash. What they had in common is that both groups of women organised their action into separate structures exclusive to women, with independent identities from the male-dominated structures of the Congress Alliance and of white party politics. This separate organisation from men was not carried out with an explicit feminist agenda or a developed awareness of women's oppression, however. Nevertheless, their existence constituted a challenge to the dominant patriarchal discourse that constructed women's role as domestic and exclusive to the private sphere. Newspaper representations of the two organisations by both their political allies and their political opponents, provide evidence of this dominant discourse on "women's place" and insight on the public perception of political activity by women at the time. Within the texts of FSAW and the Black Sash one finds tensions between accepted notions of women's primary role as wives and mothers, and an emerging self-conception of women as politically active in the public realm. To an extent, the self-representation of these texts mirrors the patriarchal representations of women found in the newspaper reports. However, there are also definite departures from the traditional formulations of womanhood that can be conceived of as "contestations" to the dominant discourse. The patriarchal discourse was, therefore, a discursive constraint, both external and internalised, on women's ability to become active and effective in South Africa politics in the 1950s. Paradoxically, through the practical process of women's mobilisation in FSAW and the Black Sash, new space was opened on the political terrain that allowed for the alteration of the dominent discourse on women's place in society, as well as for the emergence of contestatory feminist discourses in South Africa.
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Leonard, LaKeesha Nicole Leonard. "Project LIFE: A Culturally Tailored, Faith Based, Physical Activity and Nutrition Intervention for African American Women." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1501862135383137.
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Mkhize, Gabisile. "African Women| An Examination of Collective Organizing Among Grassroots Women in Post Apartheid South Africa." Thesis, The Ohio State University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3710319.
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This dissertation examines how poor black South African women in rural areas organize themselves to address their poverty situations and meet their practical needs – those that pertain to their responsibilities as grandmothers, mothers, and community members – and assesses their organizations' effectiveness for meeting women's goals. My research is based on two groups that are members of the South African Rural Women's Movement. They are the Sisonke Women's Club Group (SSWCG) and the Siyabonga Women's Club Group (SBWCG). A majority of these women are illiterate and were de jure or de facto heads of households. Based on interviews and participant observation, I describe and analyze the strategies that these women employ in an attempt to alleviate poverty, better their lives, and assist in the survival of their families, each other, and the most vulnerable members of their community. Their strategies involve organizing in groups to support each other's income-generating activities and to help each other in times of emergency. Their activities include making floor mats, beading, sewing, baking, and providing caregiving for members who are sick and for orphans. I conclude that, although their organizing helps meet practical needs based on their traditional roles as women, it has not contributed to meeting strategic needs – to their empowerment as citizens or as heads of households.
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Lenkerd, Allison Burke Sloane. "The Meaning and Cultural Context of Physical Activity as Perceived by Physically Active, Rural African American Women." [Greenville, N.C.] : East Carolina University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10342/2814.
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Garrott, Lauren. "A walk in the park: a study of African American women and an opportunity for physical activity." Kansas State University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/17740.
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Master of Regional and Community PlanningDepartment of Landscape Architecture/Regional and Community Planning
Mary Catherine (Katie) Kingery-Page
In the United States, minorities are less physically active and in turn at higher risk for heart disease, diabetes and obesity. The purpose of my study is to examine the factors that influence physical activity in neighborhood parks and to answer: What aspects of park design and programming discourage physical activity participation in African American women? My goal is to identify barriers to physical activity and make recommendations for improving design and programming of a neighborhood park. The results of my research are relevant to the planning profession because planners can use public policy to combat inequality in the built environment. Many studies have related recreation access to socioeconomic status, race, ethnicity, age, and gender. While African American women are not the only disadvantaged population when it comes to access to recreation, they do have a higher risk for obesity. In trying to answer why African American women have higher rates of obesity, some studies have found that while willingness to participate in physical activity does not differ in white and black women, duration of physical activity does. My research employs a mixed methods approach to understand the barriers to physical activity experienced by African American women, in context of a neighborhood park. This study uses a physical assessment of James Mulligan Park and the surrounding neighborhood within Alexandria, Virginia. Following the physical assessment I piloted a survey to gather information on the barriers to physical activity. The pilot guided a final survey of seventeen participating African American women in the neighborhood. I hypothesized that the perception of park safety will have an effect on the rate of physical activity in African American women. This hypothesis points to a general barrier for all women. Based on literature review, I also expected to find barriers unique to African American women. The study concluded that African American women in this neighborhood share some barriers with all women and they also expressed some barriers unique to African American women. I found that personal barriers like “exercise tires me” was the most common, rather than perceptions of safety. In addition, I found culturally specific barriers, such as “exercising is not my cultural activity” and “I avoid exercise to protect my hairstyle.” Based on my analysis of the setting and surveys I make several recommendations for the park and neighborhood.
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Maswikwa, Belinda. "Limits of citizenship : a comparative analysis of Zimbabwean and South African women's citizenship agency." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97111.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Developmental initiatives in Sub-Saharan Africa emphasise participatory citizenship as the means through which poor women can assert and claim their citizenship rights. Although citizenship and agency are crucial elements in this narrative, little is known about the citizenship process for African women. Furthermore, there is no analytic framework to guide an empirical analysis of agency. This dissertation aims to address these gaps by examining how marginalised Black African women understand themselves as citizens, navigate their structural barriers and develop strategies to negotiate their membership in and relationship with their states. This dissertation uses a deviant case analysis of women living in Zimbabwean and South African townships, who identify as members of the isiNdebele and isiZulu ethnic groups respectively, to Western theories of agency. Data was collected through the use of in-depth interviews and analysed using content and relational analysis. Results indicate that the women use a range of everyday resistance strategies to negotiate their relationship with their states. These strategies are mapped onto an innovative analytic framework that synthesizes feminist, androcentric and subaltern theories of citizenship agency, in order to highlight the non-conventional ways that marginalised African women exercise their agency as citizens. Interestingly, both sets of women emphasise the obligation to vote, work and support oneself without recourse to the state, rather than a reciprocal and participatory relationship. The internalisation of citizenship as an obligation without a corollary emphasis on rights and participation is problematic given that both governments suffer from legitimacy, corruption and governance issues. The main policy implication arising from the study is that there is a need for civic education in schools as well as a feature of women‟s empowerment and community development programs so that marginalised African women are encouraged to expand their participatory skills to collectively challenge, contest and improve the substance of existing citizenship rights.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Ontwikkelinginisiatiewe in Afrika beklemtoon deelnemende burgerskap as ʼn manier hoe arm vroue hul regte kan eis. Hoewel burgerskap en die agentskap (agency) belangrik in hierdie verhaal is, weet ons baie min oor hoe swart vroue burgerskap ervaar. Verder is daar geen analitiese raamwerk om 'n empiriese ontleding van hul agentskap te lei nie. Die proefskrif spreek hierdie gapings aan deur ʼn ondersoek oor hoe arm swart vroue in Afrika hulself as burgers verstaan, hoe hul strukturele hindernisse navigeer en strategieë ontwikkel om hul lidmaatskap van en verhouding tot die staat te onderhandel. Hierdie proefskrif gebruik ʼn vergelykende gevallestudie benadering wat vroue wat in Zimbabwe en Suid-Afrika in “townships” woon en wat hulself as isiNdebele en isiZulu identifiseer na te vors. Data is verkry deur die gebruik van in-diepte onderhoude, inhouds- en verwantskapsanalise. Die resultate dui aan dat vroue ʼn reeks strategieë gebruik vir “daaglikse weerstand” om hul verhouding met die staat te onderhandel. Hierdie strategieë word gekarteer op die innoverende analitiese raamwerk, wat ʼn sintese is van feministiese, androsentriese en subalterne teorieë van burgerskap, om sodoende die nie-konvensionele maniere waarop swart vroue hul agentskap uitoefen te beklemtoon. Beide groepe vroue beklemtoon die verpligting om te stem, werk en om jouself te onderhou sonder hulp van die staat, eerder as om ʼn wederkerige en deelnemende verhouding met die staat te beoefen. Die internalisering van burgerskap as ʼn verpligting sonder die wederkerige nadruk op regte en deelname is problematies. Dit kan gekoppel word aan die feit dat albei regerings gebuk gaan onder legitimiteitsprobleme, korrupsie en probleme rondom regeerkunde, wat vrae genereer oor hoe om hierdie regerings verantwoordbaar te hou. Die hoof beleidsimplikasie van hierdie studie is die daarstelling van burgerlike onderwys in skole, sowel as vroue se bemagtiging in ontwikkelingsprogramme. Dit sal bydra daartoe dat gemarginaliseerde swart vroue aangemoedig word om hul vaardighede rondom deelname te ontwikkel en die substansie van hul bestaande burgerskap kollektief uit te daag en te verbeter.
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Alchin, Angela Nicole. "Are women making a difference in peacekeeping operations? Considering the voices of South African women peacekeepers." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96843.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Although there has been a shift from state security to human security, feminist scholars pointed out the missing gender dynamic of a human security approach. The inclusion of a gendered lens has allowed for peacekeeping to come under scrutiny on how it affects the human security of the host society. Due to increased allegations of sexual exploitation of locals by male peacekeepers, the UN and scholars alike have advocated the increasing recruitment of women in peacekeeping operations, claiming that they have a number of unique contributions which improve the operational effectiveness of a peacekeeping unit and the human security of vulnerable populations. Broadly, the unique contributions women make to peacekeeping is: 1. They have a calming effect on men which decreases violence by peacekeepers; 2. Women are more inclined to interact with locals; 3. They are better respondents to victims of sexual violence; and 4. Women are inspirational to local women. However, women have faced a number of challenges which inhibit them from fulfilling these unique contributions. This project contributes to this line of inquiry and, by conducting focus group discussions with women soldiers in the 9 South Africa Infantry (9 SAI) base, this study provides further understanding on the challenges women peacekeepers face in realizing their value to peacekeeping missions. The evidence presented in this article suggests that even though women can have a positive impact on the operational effectiveness of a unit, the broadly advocated unique contributions of women peacekeepers presents a false holism of women in the military. In the South African case, patriarchal beliefs define gender perceptions and create a self-perception amongst women which inhibit them from realizing their contributions to peacekeeping missions beyond patriarchal lines. Furthermore, the South African National Defence Force’s (SANDF) liberal feminist approach to recruiting women in the military is based on gender equality, which has come at the expense of valuing gender difference. Considering the South African case, and more broadly, the hegemonic masculine culture of military institutions allows for the creation of a soldier identity which only features masculine qualities. Therefore, both men and women do not value feminine qualities which are useful and needed in peacekeeping operations. In the end, women dilute their femininity to fit into this male domain, defeating the point of adding more women to peacekeeping operations for their feminine qualities. This study shows that, ultimately, the correlation between recruiting more women and improving the human security of vulnerable citizens is hazy. Depending on the context in which peacekeepers are deployed, women peacekeepers may exacerbate the insecurity of the locals, the unit, and themselves. To overcome these challenges, this paper advocates the creation of a new soldier identity which should be championed by the SANDF. Furthermore, gender training should be done on a regular basis. In addition, recruitment processes should especially target women and emphasize the value they may add to the military and peacekeeping operations. Finally, ongoing challenges difficult to overcome are the deeply entrenched patriarchal beliefs in the South African society, and the hegemonic masculine culture of the SANDF.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Alhoewel daar ʼn verskuiwing in fokus vanaf staatsveiligheid na menslike veiligheid plaasgevind het, lewer feministiese teorie steeds kritiek op menslike veiligheid omdat dit faal om ʼn geslagsaspek in ag te neem. Die insluiting van ʼn geslagsaspek het veroorsaak dat navorsing oor die maniere waarop ʼn vredesoperasie die menslikesekuriteit van die plaaslike bevolking beïnvloed gedoen word. As gevolg van toenemende bewerings van seksuele uitbuiting van plaaslike inwoners deur manlike vredebewaarders het beide die VN en ander geleerdes aanbeveel dat meer vroue gewerf moet word vir deelname aan vredesoperasies. Hul beweer dat vroulike vredesmagsoldate ʼn aantal unieke bydraes kan maak tot die effektiwiteit van vredesmageenhede, asook die menslike sekuriteit van kwesbare bevolkings. Die unieke bydrae wat vroue kan maak tot vredesendings sluit die volgende in: 1. Hulle het ʼn kalmerende effek op mans wat dus lei tot minder geweld deur manlike vredesmagsoldate; 2. Groter kommunikasie met die plaaslike bevolking; 3. Groter bevoegdheid om vroulike slagoffers van seksuele geweld te ondersteun; en 4. Inspirasie vir die plaaslike vroue. Alhoewel vroue hierdie unieke bydra kan maak, is daar ʼn aantal uitdagings wat hul in die gesig staar en dus verhoed om hierdie unieke bydrae te kan maak. Hierdie studie maak ʼn bydrae tot hierdie rigting van ondersoek, deur gebruik te maak van fokusgroepbesprekings met vroulike soldate van die Suid-Afrikaanse Weermag om verdere begrip vir die uitdagings wat vroue vredesmagsoldate ondervind te kweek. Die studie dui aan dat alhoewel vroue ʼn bydrae kan maak tot die operasionele doeltreffendheid van vredesoperasies, kan hierdie unieke bydrae nie aan alle vroue toegeskryf word nie. Hierdie studie toon dat patriargie in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks ʼn groot uitdaging vir die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag (SANW) is omdat dit persepsies van geslag skep wat vroue verhinder om hul unieke bydrae tot vredesoperasies te realiseer. Verder, het die SANW se liberale feministiese benadering tot die werwing van vroue in die weermag gebaseer op geslagsgelykheid, gerealiseer ten koste van geslagsverskille wat waardeer moet word. In die geval van Suid-Afrika, asook militêre instellings in die algemeen, is daar ʼn hegemoniese manlike kultuur wat voorsiening maak vir die skepping van 'n soldaatsidentiteit wat net manlike eienskappe reflekteer. Dit is dus die rede waarom manlike en vroulike soldate nie waarde heg aan vroulike eienskappe nie, alhoewel hierdie eienskappe nuttig is in vredesoperasies. Op die ou einde is die toevoeging van vroue tot die weermag as gevolg van hul vroulike eienskappe onnuttig, aangesien hul hierdie eienskappe ‘opgee‘ om in te pas by die manlike kultuur van die SANW. Hierdie studie trek die stelling dat meer vroue in vredesoperasies tot die verbetering van menslikeveiligheid lei in twyfel. In teendeel, afhangende van die konteks waarin vredesmagte ontplooi word, kan vroulike vredesmagsoldate die menslike sekuriteit van die plaaslike bevolking, die vredeseenheid, en hulself in gedrang plaas. Om hierdie uitdagings die hoof te bied, stel hierdie studie voor dat die SANW ʼn nuwe soldaatsidentiteit wat manlike en vroulike eienskappe insluit, skep en bevorder. Geslagsopleiding moet ook op 'n gereelde basis plaasvind. Daarbenewens moet die werwingsproses veral op vroue gemik word en die waarde wat hulle toevoeg tot beide die weermag en vredesoperasies beklemtoon word. Ten slotte, voortdurende uitdagings wat moeilik is om die hoof te bied sluit in: die patriargale oortuigings in die Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing asook die hegemoniese manlike kultuur van die SANW.
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Mihindou, Piekielele Eugenia Tankiso. "The African Renaissance and gender : finding the feminist voice /." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1113.
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Coffie, Jessica Renee. "THE PREVALENCE OF NUTRITIONAL ISSUES IN AFRICAN AMERICAN WOMENT LIVING IN LOW-INCOME HOUSING." UKnowledge, 2009. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_theses/644.
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African Americans have more disease, disability, and early death than whites. The leading causes of death for African American women are heart disease, cancer, stroke, diabetes, and kidney disease. Several reasons for these differences, including racism, poverty, cultural differences, lack of knowledge about the importance of screening or testing to prevent health problems, inability to get to the doctor, or lack of trust in the medical system. Healthy eating habits are less evident among lower class neighborhoods because of the lack of availability and education about healthy foods. Although African Americans have a healthy acceptance of a wider range of body sizes, their tolerance may lead to more obesity and serious nutrition-related health problems. This study analyzed the risk of nutrition related deficits in African American women living in low income housing. The majority of respondents had been diagnosed with nutrition related medical conditions. Significant relationships were found between medical conditions and income. The behavioral changes within low-income families might be most difficult because of many barriers, but by further educating this population, they can learn to live with these disadvantages and create healthier diets for themselves and family.
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Akhidenor, Cenora Kimberly. "Health-Related Beliefs Among Low-Income African American Women and Their Perceptions About Obesity." ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/565.
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The aim of this study was to explore the health-related beliefs and perceptions of low-income African American women regarding obesity. Phenomenology served as the conceptual framework for this study. African American women, especially those in low-income brackets, have been shown to weigh more than women of other racial/ethnic groups. The consequences of these high rates are increased risks of developing chronic health disorders, such as type II diabetes and cardiovascular disease. The study sample consisted of 7 low-income obese African American women, ranging in age from 20 to 62, who resided in the Pacific Northwest. Recruitment for participation occurred via flyers, which were advertised in hair salons, churches, and community health clinics where African American women frequented. The women participated in audio-taped interviews, which were then transcribed and thematically analyzed. Findings showed that these 7 African American women had poor exercise and dietary behaviors that led to increased health risks. This study uncovered culturally-based traditions and provided insight into how these traditions may have influenced unhealthy behaviors. Educational health topics can be developed to include ways to more effectively address healthy behaviors for these women and how these women can play and more active role in decreasing excessive weight. This research may contribute to the literature by providing more awareness into this growing social and health problem among this vulnerable population. This study has implications for positive social change by increasing greater understanding into the complex reasons for obesity among low-income African American women.
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Mannya, Maphuti Mabothakga. "Representation of black, young, women politicians in South African online news media : a case study of Lindiwe Mazibuko." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80129.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: One of the main areas of transformation that continues to be a priority in the 21st century in South African and all other democratic societies is equality between men and women. The media plays an important role in attaining the desired balance in the way it represents both genders. This study analysed the representation of South Africa's main opposition party's (Democratic Alliance) parliamentary leaders, Lindiwe Mazibuko, in the online print media in South Africa. Articles on Mazibuko from four leading news websites were analysed during the period in which her nomination to the position of parliamentary leader was announced, the run up to the party's elections, her election to the position and a month into her election. Not all persons suffered equally under the Apartheid regime therefore the empowerment of black women and their rise to positions of leadership and power remains an important priority if the gains of freedom are to be completely attained. Therefore every hindrance that would hamper their efforts should be addressed. The way the media represents not only women in general, but black women in particular is an important area of focus. Moreover, coverage of these women when they are in power and how they are portrayed to be handling these positions is critical. The paper approaches the representation of black, women politicians in the South African media from a womanist approach which goes beyond feminist assertions, from the mass communications theory, gender and media and the political economy theories. Using the quantitative research method of content analysis, 101 articles published on Timeslive, City Press Online, Mail & Guardian Online and Independent Online websites between 1 September 2011 and 30 November 2011 were analysed. The findings revealed that Mazibuko's age was mentioned in 62% of the articles, her gender in 28% of the articles and her race in 21%. This means that more than her race and gender, her age was the main area of focus for the majority of the news articles. The conclusion of this study questions the focus of these attributes that have no influence on her performance or ability to do her work and what it means to the progression of media representation of not only black women political leaders, but aspiring young, black, women political leaders.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gelykheid tussen mans en vroue is een van die hoofareas van transformasie, en 'n voortdurende prioriteit in die 21ste eeu in die Suid-Afrikaanse en talle ander demokratiese samelewings. Die media speel 'n belangrike rol om 'n gewenste balans te bereik deur hoe beide geslagte verteenwoordig of uitgebeeld word. In hierdie studie was die verteenwoordiging van een van Suid-Afrika se hoof opposisie partye (Demokratiese Alliansie) se parlementêre leiers, Lindiwe Mazibuko, in die aanlyn gedrukte media in Suid-Afrika geanaliseer. Artikels oor Mazibuko van vier toonaangewende aanlyn nuus webtuistes tydens die aankondiging van haar nominasie tot die posisie as parlementêre leier, die aanloop tot die party se verkiesing, haar verkiesing tot die posisie, asook 'n maand na haar verkiesing, is geanaliseer. Nie alle mense het in dieselfde mate onder die Apartheidsbewind gely nie, daarom bly die bemagtiging van swart vroue en hul opgang na leierskap 'n gewigtige prioriteit indien die voordele van vryheid as geheel bereik sou word. Alle hindernisse wat hul pogings beperk moet dus aangespreek word. Die manier hoe die media nie net vroue in geheel, maar spesifiek swart vroue verteenwoordig, is 'n belangrike fokus area. Verder is die blootstelling van hierdie vroue wanneer hulle in magsposisies is, asook hoe hulle voorgehou word om daardie posisies te hanteer, van kardinale belang. Hierdie tesis benader die verteenwoordiging van swart, vroue politici in die Suid-Afrikaanse media vanuit 'n vroue (womanist) benadering wat verder as feministiese bewerings gaan, vanuit die massa-kommunikasieteorie, geslag en media asook die politieke ekonomiese teorieë. Daar was gebruik gemaak van inhoudsanalise om 101 artikels wat op die webtuistes van 'Timeslive’, 'City Press Online’, 'Mail & Guardian Online’ en 'Independent Online’ gepubliseer is tussen 1 September 2011 en 30 November 2011, te analiseer. Die bevindinge het daarop gewys dat Mazibuko se ouderdom in 62% van die artikels, haar geslag in 28% van die artikels en haar ras in 21% van die artikels genoem was. Dit beteken dat meer as haar geslag of ras was haar ouderdom die vernaamste fokusarea van die meeste nuusberigte. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie studie bevraagteken hierdie eienskappe wat geen invloed het op haar vordering of vermoë om haar werk te doen, en wat dit beteken vir die vooruitgang van mediaverteenwoordiging van nie slegs swart, vroue politieke leiers nie, maar aspirant jong, swart, vroue politieke leiers.
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Atwood, Robin Dochen. "An exploration of physical activity in the lives of older, minority women diagnosed or at risk for diabetes /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Fry, Jennifer Reed. "'Our girls can match 'em every time': The Political Activities of African American Women in Philadelphia, 1912-1941." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/61373.
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HistoryPh.D.
This dissertation challenges the dominant interpretation in women's history of the 1920s and 1930s as the "doldrums of the women's movement," and demonstrates that Philadelphia's political history is incomplete without the inclusion of African American women's voices. Given their well-developed bases of power in social reform, club, church, and interracial groups and strong tradition of political activism, these women exerted tangible pressure on Philadelphia's political leaders to reshape the reform agenda. When success was not forthcoming through traditional political means, African American women developed alternate strategies to secure their political agenda. While this dissertation is a traditional social and political history, it will also combine elements of biography in order to reconstruct the lives of Philadelphia's African American political women. This work does not describe a united sisterhood among women or portray this period as one of unparalleled success. Rather, this dissertation will bring a new balance to political history that highlights the importance of local political activism and is at the same time sensitive to issues of race, gender, and class. Central to this study will be the development of biographical sketches for the key African American women activists in Philadelphia, reconstructing the challenges they faced in the political arena, as feminists and as reformers. Enfranchisement did not immediately translate into political power, as black women's efforts to achieve their goals were often frustrated by racial tension with white women and gender divisions within the African American community. This dissertation also contributes to the historical debate regarding the shifting partisan alliance of the African American community. African Americans not intimately tied to the club movement or machine politics spearheaded the move away from the Republicans. They did so not out of economic reasons or as a result of Democratic overtures but because of the poor record of the Republicans on racial issues. Crystal Bird Fauset's rise to political power, as the first African American woman elected to a state legislature in the United States, provides important insight into Philadelphia Democratic politics, the African American community, and the extensive organizational and political networks woven by African American women.
Temple University--Theses
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Goodwin, Imani Carolyn. "The Relationship betwen Perceived Wellness and Stages of Change for Exercise among Rural African American Women." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/nursing_diss/9.
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Cardiovascular disease (CVD) is the leading cause of death among women in the US, and African American women (AAW) have a disproportionately high rate of deaths from CVD. Physical inactivity plays a major role in CVD development. It has been reported that some rural women have low rates of physical activity; 39% of White women and 57% of women of color are reported to be physically inactive. Rural AAW have a high mortality and morbidity rate related to CVD and a high rate of physical inactivity. The purpose of this study was to describe rural AAW’s perception of wellness in conjunction with their stage of change for engaging in exercise. A questionnaire was designed to obtain demographic information and reliable and valid questionnaires were used to measure perceived wellness and current stage of change for exercise. Using a descriptive, cross-sectional design, a convenience sample of 162 rural AAW was recruited from four rural churches in Selma, Alabama. A one-time meeting was conducted and questionnaires were completed by the participants. Statistical analyses including independent samples t-tests and one-way and two-way ANOVA’s were conducted to determine if there were associations among demographic characteristics, self-reported presence of CVD, perceived wellness, and stage of change for exercise. Findings indicated that there was no relationship between perceived wellness and stages of change for exercise among rural AAW; no relationship was found between perceived wellness and CVD, or CVD and stage of change for exercise. However, 51.3% of the sample reported they were physically active, and 21.6% planned to increase their activity within 30 days. Annual household income and employment status were positively correlated with perceived wellness, suggesting a greater sense of wellness is related to income and employment among these rural AAW. These findings have implications for nursing practice in the areas of facilitating health promoting behaviors and development of exercise and wellness programs for rural AAW.
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Shern, Stacy N. "My Hair or Health: Investigating the Impact of Hair Care and Maintenance on the Health of African American Women." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin149131762738866.
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Montgomery, Valda Harris Blessing Daniel L. "The influence of increased physical activity on weight retention, body composition, psychological profiles, and cardiovascular function in postpartum African American women." Auburn, Ala., 2007. http://repo.lib.auburn.edu/EtdRoot/2007/FALL/Health_and_Human_Performance/Dissertation/MONTGOMERY_VALDA_11.pdf.
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Jean-Louis, Angela. "Influencing American Health Policy: An Analysis of the Role of National Black Women-Led Organizations." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2017. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/cauetds/73.
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Through a multiple case study approach, this dissertation outlined patterns of activism, examined the factors that assist in decision-making strategies used for the political mobilization of black women, and assessed the role and influence their organizations have in the health policy arena. Building on the belief that the intersectionality of race, gender, and class guides the activism of black women, the study acknowledges the importance of analyzing the political conditions of black women that are different from black men and white women. Furthermore, the research offered an argument for the need of a theoretical framework that provides a multidimensional analysis of black women’s political representation. For that reason, the theory developed in this study was a Black Women’s Activism Theoretical Framework. Expanding on black feminist thought, the framework reveals ways in which black female activists have mobilized for self-representation and building of their own collective self, vision, and voice.
A mixed research method and holistic case studies of five national black women- led organizations in the areas of breast cancer, cardiovascular disease, and HIV/AIDS were applied. The qualitative data were quantified, coded, and placed on outcome, legislative, and perception success scales to gauge the level of successfulness achieved by the organizations from 2001 to 2015. The data were analyzed with a Black Women’s Activism model. With this analytical tool, the role and level of successfulness of black women-led organizations in the health policy arena were examined within the context of socioeconomic factors and historical barriers due to the intersectionality of their race, gender, and class, thus validating that the shared experiences of black women characterize their organizational behavior. Moreover, this study challenges the traditional definitions of activism, opting instead to place black women as political actors independent of the dominate group. The findings reveal that there are multiple pathways leading to the attainment of the ability to influence health policy and that black women-led organizations have played a pivotal role in doing so. Dispelling the myth that the political activism of black women should be through the lens of victimhood, the utilization of a Black Women’s Activism model has the potential to assist researchers in increasing their accuracy when assessing the extent in which black women-led organizations have been able to exercise a critical voice within the prevailing political culture.
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Jones, Cydnie. "Designing a neighborhood to prevent crime and increase physical activity: a case study among African-American women in Kansas City, Missouri." Kansas State University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/19118.
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Master of Landscape ArchitectureDepartment of Landscape Architecture/Regional and Community Planning
Hyung Jin Kim
Obesity levels—related to an increase of physical inactivity—are rapidly rising in the United States (CDC 2010; Office of Disease Prevention and Health Promotion 2008). Reportedly, African-American women have the highest obesity rates when compared to any other demographic in the United States—especially those residing in crime-plagued urban environments (CDC 2010). Yet active living strategies by designers have been least effective amongst this demographic (Day 2006). Researchers report crime-safety perceptions are one of the biggest environmental factors influencing physical activity levels amongst low-income African-American women (Foster and Giles-Corti 2008; Codinhoto 2009). Crime prevention through environmental design (CPTED) has been the most common practice towards an intervention of criminal activity in the built environment; however, little practice has addressed both CPTED and physical activity. While first and second generation crime prevention through environmental design (CPTED) are inclusive of addressing both physical and social aspects of the built environment (Cleveland and Seville 2008; Griffin et al. 2008; Dekeseredy et al. 2009), they have yet to effectively address crime-safety needs and its potential relationship with physical activity behaviors of low-income African-American women and their neighborhoods. Therefore, what built environment changes tailored for this target population—African- American women—are necessary? This study examines 1) what crime safety perceptions of the built environment are affecting low--income African American women’s physical activity levels in Kansas City, Missouri and 2) what design solutions these women suggest could help increase their physical activity levels, through improving their perceptions of neighborhood safety. As a place-specific study on a low income neighborhood in Kansas City, Missouri, selected through GIS suitability analyses with literature-based criteria, this study used survey and focus group interview methods to identify the target group’s design suggestions. The findings resulted with a connection from research to design solutions—neighborhood and street-level design strategies with CPTED guidelines linking the researched participant’s perceptions of crime in their built environment to the effect of crime on their own physical activity.
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Mkhize, Gabisile Promise. "African Women: An Examination of Collective Organizing Among Grassroots Women in Post Apartheid South Africa." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1357308299.
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Farmer, Ashley Dawn. "What You've Got is a Revolution: Black Women's Movements for Black Power." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10817.
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This dissertation examines African American women's gender-specific theorizing and intellectual production during the black power era. Previous histories of this period have focused primarily on the theoretical and activist roles of African American men. This study shows how black women radicals shaped the movement through an examination of their written and cultural production within various black power political ideologies, including cultural nationalism, revolutionary nationalism, and black power feminism.African and African American Studies
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Wenhold, Marece. "The Black Sash : assessment of a South African political interest group." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1304.
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O'Dwyer, Kathryn A. "‘Posed with the Greatest Care’: Photographic Representations of Black Women Employed by the Work Progress Administration in New Orleans, 1936-1941." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2019. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2630.
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For decades, scholars have debated the significance of the Works Progress Administration (WPA), emphasizing its political, economic, and artistic impact. This historiography is dominated by the accomplishments of white men. In an effort to highlight the long-neglected legions of black women who contributed to WPA projects and navigated the agency’s discriminatory practices, this paper will examine WPA operations in New Orleans where unemployment was the highest in the urban south, black women completed numerous large-scale projects, and white supremacist notions guided relief protocol. By analyzing the New Orleans WPA Photography collection, along with newspapers, government documents, and oral histories, a new perspective of the WPA emerges to illuminate the experiences of marginalized black women workers, illustrate how the legacies of slavery and effects of segregation impact black women’s employment opportunities, and highlight how black women made substantive contributions to public projects in the face of societal constraints.
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Kwoba, Brian. "The impact of Hubert Henry Harrison on Black radicalism, 1909-1927 : race, class, and political radicalism in Harlem and African American history." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:0b4a7787-ae07-4131-b051-be0edef5ffca.
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This thesis focuses on Hubert Henry Harrison (1883-1927), a Caribbean-born journalist, educator, and community organizer whose historical restoration requires us to expand the frame of Black radicalism in the twentieth century. Harrison was the first Black leader of the Socialist Party of America to articulate a historical materialist analysis of the "Negro question", to organise a Black-led Marxist formation, and to systematically and publicly challenge the party's racial prejudices. In a time of urbanization, migration, lynching, and segregation, he subsequently developed the World War I-era New Negro movement by spearheading its first organisation, newspaper, nation-wide congress, and political party. Harrison pioneered a new form of anti-imperialist, anti-capitalist, coloured internationalism. He also inaugurated the socio-cultural tradition of street corner speaking in Harlem, which formed the institutional basis for developing a wide-ranging, working-class, community-based, Black modernist intellectual culture. His people-centred and mass-movement-oriented model of leadership catalysed the rise to prominence of Marcus Garvey and the Garvey movement. Meanwhile, Harrison's African identity and epistemology positioned him to establish an African-centred street scholar tradition in Harlem that endures to this day. Despite Harrison's wide-ranging influence on a whole generation of Black leaders from W.E.B. Du Bois to A. Philip Randolph, his impact and legacy have been largely forgotten. As a result, unearthing and recovering Harrison requires us to rethink multiple histories - the white left, the New Negro movement, Garveyism, the "Harlem Renaissance" - which have marginalized him. Harrison figured centrally in all of these social movements, so restoring his angle of vision demonstrates previously invisible connections, conjunctures, and continuities between disparate and often segregated currents of intellectual and political history. It also broadens the spectrum of Black emancipatory possibilities by restoring an example that retains much of its relevance today.
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Shames, Shauna Lani. "The Rational Non-Candidate: A Theory of Candidate Deterrence." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11438.
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This research presents results of a multi-year, multi-site investigation into the political ambition of young eligible candidates, with a focus on ambition gaps in gender and race. Using an original survey and interviews with an untested population (law and policy school students at eliteGovernment
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Slamat, Anastasia Nicole. "NGOs as linkages between grassroots women and the state : prospects for state feminism in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/80228.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The core question that is addressed by this research is whether, and to what extent South African women’s NGOs contribute to enhancing state feminism through their ability to articulate and mobilise the strategic interests of women at grassroots level to appear on the national agenda, through the channels provided by the National Gender Machinery (structures of the state). A literature review was conducted that draws on the work of predominantly feminist authors in order to locate this research in previous scholarly knowledge that is relevant to the purpose of this study. The literature review includes elaboration of concepts like state feminism, women’s interests, agenda setting, civil society, and linkages between the women’s movement and the National Gender Machinery (NGM). A theoretical framework developed by Stetson and Mazur (1995), which aims at measuring whether gender machineries facilitate an increase in gender equality within the state, is used. The framework utilises two dimensions in order to investigate the level of state feminism within a country, i.e. state capacity, which investigates to what extent gender machineries influence and inform policy that is feminist and gender friendly; and state-society relations, which investigates the extent to which gender machineries provide opportunities for organised civil society actors (women’s organisations) to engage and access policy making and contribute to policy influence. In order to examine the levels of state capacity present in South Africa with regard to gender equality, current patterns of politics (a concept used by Stetson and Mazur) are considered. This is done in order to evaluate whether the political context is conducive to the passing and implementation of policy that is of a feminist nature. A qualitative study of the experience of four South African women’s NGOs, using face-to-face interviews specially designed for this purpose, was undertaken. The NGOs were interviewed in order to ascertain the status of state-society linkages, and whether the state provides access to civil society actors to inform policy making and implementation from a gender-friendly perspective that is reflective of grassroots women’s interests. The NGOs interviewed are the New Women’s Movement (NWM), the Women’s Legal Centre, the Black Sash and the International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG). The findings of the fieldwork are analysed according to the framework of Stetson and Mazur (1995) in order to formulate a response to the research question. Findings include the presence of state capacity that is hostile to gender issues, with minimal (unreceptive) efforts to engage society actors in a flourishing state-society relationship. The provision of unreceptive and inconsistent space provided by the state, the lack of commitment to gender by women working within the state, and the state of “decline” that many South African NGOs are facing, have led to a “blockage” in the articulation of gender issues by NGOs that emanates from grassroots level to inform policy making, and contributes to the institutionalisation of state feminism. The national levels have therefore been largely out of touch with the interests of women at grassroots level as a result of minimal engagement and communication through the (dysfunctional) NGM. The state has spoken on behalf of, and decided on behalf of, women what is best for them and their livelihoods. Instead of being a gateway to the institutionalisation of state feminism, the state has acted as a patriarchal entity and has, to a very large extent, further entrenched gender inequality and the hardships faced by ordinary South African women at grassroots level.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die kernvraag wat deur hierdie navorsing aangespreek word is of, en tot watter mate, Suid-Afrikaanse vroue se nie-regeringsorganisasies (NRO’s) bydra tot die verbreding van staatsfeminisme deur hul vermoë om die strategiese belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak te artikuleer sodat dit op die nasionale agenda deur die kanale wat deur die Nasionale Gender Masjinerie (NGM) (strukture in die staat) verskaf word, verskyn. ’n Literatuurstudie, wat die werk van hoofsaaklik feministiese outeurs aanhaal, is onderneem om hierdie navorsing binne vorige akademiese kennis wat relevant is tot die doel van hierdie studie, te plaas. Dit sluit bespreking van konsepte soos staatsfeminisme, vrouebelange, agenda-skepping, burgerlike samelewing, en verhoudings tussen die vrouebeweging en die NGM in. ’n Teoretiese raamwerk wat deur Stetson en Mazur (1995) ontwikkel is, wat ten doel het om vas te stel of gendermasjinerie ’n toename in geslagsgelykheid binne die staat fasiliteer, word gebruik. Die raamwerk gebruik twee dimensies om die vlak van staatsfeminisme in ’n land te ondersoek, naamlik staatskapsiteit, wat ondersoek tot watter mate gendermasjinerie beleid wat feministies en gender-vriendelik is, beïnvloed en inlig; en staat-samelewing verhoudinge, wat ondersoek instel na die mate waartoe gendermasjinerie geleenthede bied vir akteurs vanuit die georganiseerde burgerlike samelewing om toegang te kry tot en deel te neem aan die beleidmakings- en -implementeringsproses. Om die vlakke van staatskapasiteit t.o.v. geslagsgelykheid in Suid-Afrika te ontleed, word kontemporêre politieke patrone (’n konsep wat deur Stetson en Mazur gebruik word) gebruik. Dit word gedoen om vas te stel of die politieke konteks gunstig is vir die goedkeuring en implementering van beleid van ’n feministiese aard. ’n Kwalitatiewe studie van die ervaring van vier Suid-Afrikaanse NRO’s met behulp van aangesig-tot-aangesig onderhoude wat spesiaal vir hierdie doel ontwerp is, is onderneem. Die onderhoude is met die NRO’s gevoer om die status van staat-samelewing verhoudings vas te stel, en om te bepaal of die staat toegang verleen aan akteurs vanuit die burgerlike samelewing om beleidmakings- en -implementeringsprosesse vanuit ’n gender-vriendelike perspektief, wat die belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak reflekteer, te informeer. Die NRO’s waarmee onderhoude gevoer is, is die New Women’s Movement (NWM), die Women’s Legal Centre, die Black Sash en die International Labour Research and Information Group (ILRIG). Die bevindinge is volgens die raamwerk van Stetson en Mazur (1995) geanaliseer ten einde ’n antwoord op die navorsingsvraag te bied. Die bevindinge sluit in die aanwesigheid van staatskapasiteit wat vyandig gesind is teenoor gendersake, met minimale (nie-ontvanklike) pogings om akteurs vanuit die samelewing betrokke te kry in ’n florerende staat-samelewing verhouding. Die voorsiening van ’n nie-ontvanklike en nie-konsekwente ruimte deur die staat, die gebrek aan toewyding tot gendersake deur vroue wat binne die staat werk, en die toestand van agteruitgang wat baie Suid-Afrikaanse NRO’s in die gesig staar, het gelei tot ’n “blokkasie” in die artikulering van gendersake deur NRO’s, wat hul oorsprong het vanaf die voetsoolvlak om beleidmaking te informeer, en by te dra tot die institusionalisering van staatsfeminisme. Die nasionale vlak is dus baie uit voeling met die belange van vroue op voetsoolvlak a.g.v. minimale betrokkenheid en kommunikasie deur die (disfunksionele) NGM. Die staat praat en besluit namens vroue oor wat die beste vir hulle en hul bestaanswyses is. In stede van ’n poort te wees tot die institusionalisering van staatsfeminisme, tree die staat op as ’n patriargale entiteit en dra dit grootliks daartoe by om gender-ongelykheid en die swaarkry van gewone Suid-Afrikaanse vroue op voetsoolvlak verder te verskans.
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Wilson, Maria. "Beyond Breastfeeding: Exploring the Influence of Maternal Control Over Child Health Behavior Among African American Women Infants and Children Nutritional Supplementation Program Participants." ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/3965.
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The health benefits of breastfeeding exceed well beyond the first few years of an infant's life. Breast milk is often referred to as liquid gold because of its extensive protective properties that promote child growth and development. Unfortunately, African American women have the lowest breastfeeding rates compared to any other racial group. Given that African American children are disproportionately affected by the current obesity epidemic in the United States, there may be a link between a mother's preference to breastfeed her infant and her influence over her child's eating behaviors and physical activity levels. Guided by social cognitive theory, the purpose of this quantitative longitudinal study was to explore the association between exclusive breastfeeding and maternal control over childhood nutrition and physical activity among African American women and children enrolled in the Women Infants and Children Nutritional Supplementation Program (WIC). Secondary data were used from the Infant Feeding Practices II Survey and its Year 6 Follow Up. Crosstabulations were performed to assess the relationship between exclusive breastfeeding and maternal control over child health behaviors after 6 years. The null hypotheses were not rejected, as there was no relationship between exclusive breastfeeding and maternal control over physical activity or child eating behaviors. Findings revealed moderate to high levels of maternal control among WIC participants who breastfed for 3 months. This study may lead to positive social change by increasing the number of children who benefit from breast milk and improving childhood nutrition and physical activity, which will ultimately reduce child obesity disparities and promote maternal and child health altogether.
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Alexander, Kenneth Cooper. "Developing and Sustaining Political Citizenship for Poor and Marginalized People: The Evelyn T. Butts Story." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1566483543046846.
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Eubanks, Paula Nobles. "Lived Experiences with Social Networking Technology to Improve Physical Activity." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6558.
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Research suggests that Black women living in the United States are not engaging in sufficient physical activity, which is a major factor negatively impacting their health outcomes. Black Girls Run (BGR) is a targeted national health movement using the capacity of social networking technology as a tool to interact with and inspire Black women to live healthy through running. Literature lacked the voice and perspective of Black women who were embracing the innovation of technology to positively improve their health behaviors. The purpose of this qualitative phenomenological study was to gain a better understanding of the composite experiences of women in BGR and how they utilize social networking technology to improve their physical activity. Social cognitive theory provided the theoretical framework. Semistructured interviews were conducted with 13 women participants of BGR, who were selected using purposive sampling technique. Data were transcribed, organized, analyzed, and coded into common themes with the support of Nvivo 11 software. The findings revealed that social networking served as a tool that the women in BGR used to connect, encourage, and motivate physical activity, and it thereby helped to support their social and physical well-being. Study findings may contribute to positive social change by increasing knowledge and awareness of how technology can be used to promote healthy behaviors among Black women. This study may also provide useful information to stakeholders interested in health promotion strategies and programs to reduce the health disparity gap for Black women in the United States.
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Browne, Arianna. "The Ill-Treatment of Their Countrywoman: Liberated African Women, Violence, and Power in Tortola, 1807-1834." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2021. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/2307.
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In 1807, Parliament passed an Act to abolish the slave trade, leading to the Royal Navy’s campaign of policing international waters and seizing ships suspected of illegal trading. As the Royal Navy captured slave ships as prizes of war and condemned enslaved Africans to Vice-Admiralty courts, formerly enslaved Africans became “captured negroes” or “liberated Africans,” making the subjects in the British colonies. This work, which takes a microhistorical approach to investigate the everyday experiences of liberated Africans in Tortola during the early nineteenth century, focuses on the violent conditions of liberated African women, demonstrating that abolition consisted of violent contradictions that mirrored slavery.
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Munoz, Cabrera Patricia. "Journeying: narratives of female empowerment in Gayl Jones's and Toni Morrison's ficton." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210259.
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This dissertation discusses Gayl Jones’s and Toni Morrison’s characterisation of black women’s journeying towards empowered subjectivity and agency. Through comparative analysis of eight fictional works, I explore the writers’ idea of female freedom and emancipation, the structures of power affecting the transition from oppressed towards liberated subject positions, and the literary techniques through which the authors facilitate these seminal trajectories.
My research addresses a corpus comprised of three novels and one book-long poem by Gayl Jones, as well as four novels by Toni Morrison. These two writers emerge in the US literary scene during the 1970s, one of the decades of the second black women’s renaissance (1970s, 1980s). This period witnessed unprecedented developments in US black literature and feminist theorising. In the domain of African American letters, it witnessed the emergence of a host of black women writers such as Gayl Jones and Toni Morrison. This period also marks a turning point in the reconfiguration of African American literature, as several unknown or misplaced literary works by pioneering black women writers were discovered, shifting the chronology of African American literature.
Moreover, the second black women's renaissance marks a paradigmatic development in black feminist theorising on womanhood and subjectivity. Many black feminist scholars and activists challenged what they perceived to be the homogenising female subject conceptualised by US white middle-class feminism and the androcentricity of the subject proclaimed by the Black Aesthetic Movement. They claimed that, in focusing solely on gender and patriarchal oppression, white feminism had overlooked the salience of the race/class nexus, while focus by the Black Aesthetic Movement on racism had overlooked the salience of gender and heterosexual discrimination.
In this dissertation, I discuss the works of Gayl Jones and Toni Morrison in the context of seminal debates on the nature of the female subject and the racial and gender politics affecting the construction of empowered subjectivities in black women's fiction.
Through the metaphor of journeying towards female empowerment, I show how Gayl Jones and Toni Morrison engage in imaginative returns to the past in an attempt to relocate black women as literary subjects of primary importance. I also show how, in the works selected for discussion, a complex idea of modern female subjectivities emerges from the writers' re-examination of the oppressive material and psychological circumstances under which pioneering black women lived, the common practice of sexual exploitation with which they had to contend, and the struggle to assert the dignity of their womanhood beyond the parameters of the white-defined “ideological discourse of true womanhood” (Carby, 1987: 25).
Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation langue et littérature
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Wilson, Kellie Darice. "The political spaces of Black women in the city identity, agency, and the flow of social capital in Newark, NJ." 2007. http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.2/rucore10001600001.ETD.16796.
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Royster, Betty J. Turner. "Black feminism and locus of control." 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/27561.
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Seok, Paul. "Body image perceptions and physical activity attitudes in postpartum African American women." Thesis, 2014. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/15080.
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Obesity is a widespread problem in the United States that has profound health implications. Obesity rates also differ across different racial and ethnic groups. Among women, an important time period in their lives is the pregnancy period as gestational weight gain and postpartum weight retention may influence and contribute to noticeable differences in weight gain and retention. Maternal weight retention has implications for future health related problems and therefore needs to be addressed. One such group that is of specific interest is African Americans as data shows that obesity is more prevalent among African American adults, with the highest rates occurring in African-American women. Weight loss intervention programs for postpartum women may be useful in helping new mothers lose weight. This study was aimed at observing changes in areas such as weight loss and body image perception from a pilot-tested randomized controlled culturally tailored weight loss intervention program.
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Baumgartner, Kabria. "Intellect, liberty, life: Women's activism and the politics of black education in antebellum America." 2011. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI3482582.
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During the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, academies and seminaries sprang up throughout America, but these institutions excluded African Americans. Around the same time, mobs began destroying schools for African Americans in various cities and towns in the free states and territories. Aware of this struggle over black education, quite a few African American and white women began to mobilize. This dissertation asks why African American and white women joined the struggle for black education and what they thought, said, and did to advance black education at a time of heightened racial hostility in the antebellum North. Drawing on historical methods and feminist theory, this dissertation shows that women were in the vanguard of black education during the antebellum era. Some of the women studied in this dissertation are Maria Stewart, Sarah Mapps Douglass, Prudence Crandall, Hannah Barker, Laura Haviland, Mary Ann Shadd Cary, Mary Miles Bibb, and Harriet Jacobs. These women educators pursued a range of initiatives, including building primary and secondary schools, establishing voluntary associations, organizing and fundraising, joining the teaching profession, and writing education-themed narratives, to secure educational opportunities for African Americans. Regardless of the particular vehicle for their educational work, some African American and white women educators organized and campaigned to promote equity in American education and to assert the changing status of African Americans in the nation. This study also situates women’s activism within the broader movement to abolish slavery, which allows for an analysis of the various discourses on African American education that circulated in the antebellum era. Following the lead of African Americans, women antislavery activists argued that education could help to overthrow the institution of slavery. Hence some women worked to build and strengthen alliances across race, gender, and class lines in order to realize a more inclusive and democratic nation. By examining women’s activism in the struggle for black education, this dissertation renders a dynamic representation of African American and white women as agents and thinkers in the fight against caste, oppression, and slavery.
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Makhunga, Lindiwe Diana. "Elite patriarchal bargaining in post-genocide Rwanda and post-apartheid South Africa: women political elites and post-transition African parliaments." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/21339.
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Thesis (Ph.D. (Political Studies))--University of the Witwatersrand, Graduate School for Humanities and Social Sciences, 2016This study comparatively interrogates the representative parliamentary politics of women political elites in the subSaharan African states of posttransition Rwanda and South Africa. It analyses the relationship between women political elites and gender equality outcomes through the theoretical framework of the presupposed positive relationship that is said to exist between high levels of women’s descriptive representation and women’s substantive representation. It specifically explores this relationship through the lens of legislative outcomes passed in each state. In South Africa, this legislation takes the form of the 1998 Recognition of Customary Marriages Act and in Rwanda, the 2008 Genderbased Violence Act. This study locates the outcomes of women’s parliamentary politics in these states to the different articulation of elite patriarchal bargains negotiated by women political elites within the opportunities and constraints of parliamentary institutional contexts and the political parties represented in these regimes. I show that the higher the degree to which a ruling political party needs to privilege and emphasise women’s interests in the reproduction of political power and legitimisation of its own authority, the more favourable the terms of the elite patriarchal bargains that women political elites tacitly negotiate within political parties will be for pursuing gender equality legislative outcomes in patriarchal institutional contexts. I illustrate how political institutions located in the state never present conclusive gains or losses for women and gender equality but are contextually ambiguous and contradictory in the ways that they foster representation and locate gendered political accountability.
WS2016
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Lamb, Wendy McDonald. "College choice in Mississippi : social, cultural, and political factors that influenced college choice for African American women in Mississippi, 1962-2002." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/23490.
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The goal of this study was to learn how Mississippi’s society, culture, and politics influenced college choice for college bound African American women in Mississippi from 1962 to 2002. In this context, the researcher elected to interview mother and daughter pairs who attended college in Mississippi after James Meredith integrated the University of Mississippi (Ole Miss) in 1962. To achieve its goals, this study traced the political history of the Civil Rights Movement in Mississippi, the enrollment patterns of African American women in Mississippi colleges, and captured, through individual interviews, the mothers’ and daughters’ motivating factors in choosing a college.
This qualitative research design study compares and analyzes the differences in the mothers’ and daughters’ choices and illustrates how outside influences affect college choice. The researcher used archival records, focus groups, and individual interviews to capture the data.
The common themes that emerged from this study for the mothers’ generation were the power of community capital, strong family ties, extreme poverty, and personal sacrifice. The common themes that emerged from this study for the daughters’ generation were the power of family capital and individual ambition, fueled by a desire for a comfortable life.
Because of the intense nature of the individual interviews the researcher captured a glimpse into the participants’ thought process in choosing to go to college as well as choosing which college to attend.text
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Garrison, Christy C. "“Still Here”; The Enduring Legacies Of Dorothy Bolden, Ella Mae Wade Brayboy, And Pearlie Dove’s Community Leadership In Atlanta, 1964-2015." 2017. http://scholarworks.gsu.edu/history_diss/61.
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ABSTRACT
This dissertation examines the enduring leadership of community activists Dorothy Bolden, Ella Mae Wade Brayboy, and Pearlie Dove from 1964 until 2015. Brayboy was one of the first African-American Deputy Voter Registrars in the state of Georgia, Bolden founded the National Domestic Workers Union and Dove was the first woman to head the department of education at Clark College. This dissertation inserts Dorothy Bolden, Ella Mae Wade Brayboy, and Pearlie Dove into the classic Civil Rights Movement narrative by framing their community advocacy as equal to the efforts of Atlanta’s more well-known African-American leaders.
This dissertation presents Bolden, Brayboy, and Dove as career-oriented professional women who were also politically savvy community activists. These three women acquired a power base that allowed them to found organizations, create programming, and develop projects dedicated to empowering Atlanta’s black community. These women achieved a level of influence typically associated with the wealthy or the political prominent. Because the three women were grassroots organizers, this study contends that the implications of their activism have been obscured because of gender, race, and class. This study seeks to foreground Bolden, Brayboy, and Dove’s efforts in Atlanta’s Movement narrative.
In this dissertation, assessments of Bolden, Brayboy, and Dove’s professional contributions as acts of protest on behalf of the black community are used to undergird a critical intervention; first, their work refutes previous ideology centering the efficacy of Movement leadership (as a social movement) as grounded in mass mobilization. Secondly, their leadership was oppositional to the standard portraiture of Movement leadership as male, ministerial, and middle-class. Finally, the women’s professional and activist emphases on economic uplift, education, and enfranchisement illustrate evidence of how sustained acts of protest, led by local leadership, impacted the community.
Because there is considerably less literature focused on the historical significance of black women acquiring political power outside of elected office, this study seeks to establish the women as politically significant local leadership.