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Journal articles on the topic 'African Americans in Liberia. Liberia'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 11 February 2022

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1

Everill, Bronwen. "‘Destiny seems to point me to that country’: early nineteenth-century African American migration, emigration, and expansion." Journal of Global History 7, no. 1 (February 24, 2012): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022811000581.

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AbstractTraditional American historiography has dismissed the Liberian settlement scheme as impractical, racist, and naïve. The movement of Americans to Liberia, and other territorial and extraterritorial destinations, however, reveals the ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors that influenced movement in the African diaspora. The reaction of different African Americans to these factors influenced the political and social development of Liberia as well as the colony's image at home. Africans migrating within and beyond US borders participated in a broader movement of people and the development of settler ideology in the nineteenth century.

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2

Ludwig, Bernadette. "A Black Republic: Citizenship and naturalisation requirements in Liberia." Migration Letters 13, no. 1 (January 15, 2016): 84–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v13i1.265.

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In 1822 Liberia was founded as a place where free(d) enslaved African Americans could find freedom and liberty. While many of them did, the indigenous African population was, for a long time, excluded from citizenry despite fulfilling one of the essential criteria to be eligible for Liberians citizenship: Being Black. This prerequisite remains part of Liberian law today, rendering non-Blacks ineligible for Liberian citizenship. Today, this mostly affects the Lebanese community who originally came as traders and entrepreneurs to Liberia. This article analyses why Liberians defend race-based exclusionary citizenship practices.

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3

Woods, Tryon P. "Marronage, Here and There: Liberia, Enslavement's Conversion, and the Settler-Not." International Labor and Working-Class History 96 (2019): 38–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547919000206.

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AbstractThis proposed contribution to the special issue of ILWCH offers a theoretical re-consideration of the Liberian project. If, as is commonly supposed in its historiography and across contemporary discourse regarding its fortunes into the twenty-first century, Liberia is a notable, albeit contested, instance of the modern era's correctable violence in that it stands as an imperfect realization of the emancipated slave, the liberated colony, and the freedom to labor unalienated, then such representation continues to hide more than it reveals. This essay, instead, reads Liberia as an instructive leitmotif for the conversion of racial slavery's synecdochical plantation system in the Americas into the plantation of the world writ large: the global scene of antiblackness and the immutable qualification for enslavement accorded black positionality alone. Transitions between political economic systems—from slave trade to “re-colonization,” from Firestone occupation to dictatorial-democratic regimes—reemerge from this re-examination as crucial but inessential to understanding Liberia's position, and thus that of black laboring subjects, in the modern world. I argue that slavery is the simultaneous primitive accumulation of black land and bodies, but that this reality largely escapes current conceptualization of not only the history of labor but also that of enslavement. In other words, the African slave trade (driven first by Arabs in the Indian Ocean region, then Europeans in the Mediterranean, and, subsequently, Euro-Americans in the Atlantic) did not simply leave as its corollary effect, or byproduct, the underdevelopment of African societies. The trade in African flesh was at once the co-production of a geography of desire in which blackness is perpetually fungible at every scale, from the body to the nation-state to its soil—all treasures not simply for violation and exploitation, but more importantly, for accumulation and all manner of usage. The Liberian project elucidates this ongoing reality in distinctive ways—especially when we regard it through the lens of the millennium-plus paradigm of African enslavement. Conceptualizing slavery's “afterlife” entails exploring the ways that emancipation extended, not ameliorated, the chattel condition, and as such, impugns the efficacy of key analytic categories like “settler,” “native,” “labor,” and “freedom” when applied to black existence. Marronage, rather than colonization or emancipation, situates Liberia within the intergenerational struggle of, and over, black work against social death. Read as enslavement's conversion, this essay neither impugns nor heralds black action and leadership on the Liberian project at a particular historical moment, but rather agitates for centering black thought on the ongoing issue of black fungibility and social captivity that Liberia exemplifies. I argue that such a reading of Liberia presents a critique of both settler colonialism and of a certain conceptualization of the black radical tradition and its futures in heavily optimist, positivist, and political economic terms that are enjoying considerable favor in leading discourse on black struggle today.

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4

Sullivan, Jo, and Katherine Harris. "African and American Values: Liberia and West Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 20, no. 1 (1987): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219309.

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5

Matthewson, Timothy, and Katherine Harris. "African and American Values: Liberia and West Africa." Journal of the Early Republic 6, no. 1 (1986): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3122679.

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6

Greer, Brenna W. "Selling Liberia: Moss H. Kendrix, the Liberian Centennial Commission, and the Post-World War II Trade in Black Progress." Enterprise & Society 14, no. 2 (June 2013): 303–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/kht017.

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This article examines the activities of Moss H. Kendrix, a budding black entrepreneur and Public Relations Officer for the Centennial Commission of the Republic of Liberia, during the years immediately following World War II. To secure US investment in Liberia’s postwar development, Kendrix re-presented African Americans and Americo-Liberians as new markets valuable to US economic growth and national security. This article argues that his tactics advanced the global significance of black peoples as modern consumers and his worth as a black markets specialist, while simultaneously legitimating notions of progress that frustrated black claims for unconditional self-determination or first-class citizenship. Kendrix’s public relations work on behalf of Liberia highlights intersections between postwar black entrepreneurialism and politics and US foreign relations, as well as the globalization of US business and consumerism.

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7

Jacobs, Sylvia M., and Claude A. Clegg. "The Price of Liberty: African Americans and the Making of Liberia." Journal of Southern History 71, no. 2 (May 1, 2005): 441. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27648756.

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8

Bogger, Tommy L. ":The Price of Liberty: African Americans and the Making of Liberia." American Historical Review 110, no. 3 (June 2005): 760–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.110.3.760.

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9

Temperley, Howard. "African‐American aspirations and the settlement of Liberia." Slavery & Abolition 21, no. 2 (August 2000): 67–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440390008575306.

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10

Allen, William E. "Liberia and the Atlantic World in the Nineteenth Century: Convergence and Effects." History in Africa 37 (2010): 7–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0028.

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William C. Burke, an African American emigrant in Liberia, wrote the following to an acquaintance in the United States on 23 September 1861: This must be the severest affliction that have visited the people of the United States and must be a sorce [sic] of great inconvenience and suffering and although we are separated from the seane [sic] by the Atlantic yet we feel sadly the effects of it in this country. The Steavens not coming out as usual was a great disappointment and loss to many in this country.Burke's lamentation about the impact of the American Civil War on the distant Atlantic shores of Africa underscores a problem—and opportunity—in Liberian historiography. Burke's nineteenth-century world extended past the distinct national boundaries that separated the United States and Liberia. Geographically, this was the vast littoral of the four continents—Africa, Europe, North America, and South America—abutting the Atlantic Ocean. But the Atlantic world, as historians now dubbed this sprawling transnational zone, was much more extensive. Societies near and faraway were also drawn into the web of socioeconomic activities in the basin. The creation of the Atlantic world spanned almost four centuries, from the late fifteenth to the waning decades of the nineteenth century. In this period, an unprecedented multitude of migrants crisscrossed the Atlantic creating a vast network. For example, by the nineteenth century, regular transatlantic packages such as the Mary Caroline Stevens whose delay Burke called “a great disappointment,” transported passengers, provisions, and dispatches between the United States and Liberia.

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11

Quaynor, Laura, and Bright Borkorm. "Remapping citizenship: Relationships between education levels and ethnonational identities in Côte d’Ivoire, Ghana, and Liberia." Education, Citizenship and Social Justice 15, no. 1 (November 5, 2019): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1746197919861075.

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This article investigates the relationships between ethnonational identity and educational level in three West African contexts: Liberia, Ghana, and Côte d’Ivoire. Citizens in these neighboring countries identify with overlapping ethnic groups, but have varied historical experiences, with Americans settling in Liberia; the British colonizing Ghana, and the French colonizing Côte d’Ivoire. In the recent era, Côte d’Ivoire elected an opposition leader at the end of its civil war in 2010; Ghana is considered as the most stable democracy in West Africa; and Liberia experienced two protracted conflicts over the past 30 years and completed its first peaceful transition of power in 2017. We analyze 2014 Afrobarometer data from these three countries to consider if respondents are more likely to value local identities, national identities, or equally value both in each context, and how these valuations vary according to schooling experiences and national context. The findings do not show a linear relationship between education and civic identity, as more respondents who completed only primary school identified primarily with ther national group than those who completed secondary school. Most respondents who completed graduate study in all three countries identified with both their national and ethnic group; none identified primarily with their ethnic groups. In addition, the trends in identity and schooling in Ghana and Côte d’Ivoire are more similar to each other than to Liberia.

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Korczyc, Aleksandra. "State Security Policy and Changing the Nature of the Conflict after the End of the Cold War Rivalry." Security Dimensions 30, no. 30 (June 28, 2019): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.7549.

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The aim of the paper is to try to determine the essence of the new face of armed conflict. Liberia is the main point of reference in the analysis for two reasons. Firstly, Liberia is the oldest independent republic on the African continent and its establishing is linked to paradoxical events begun in 1821, when black people settling in the vicinity of Monrovia, former slaves liberated from South American cotton plantations, reconstructed a slave-like type of society, taking local, poorly organised tribes as their subjects. Secondly, Liberia proves that the intensity of changes in armed conflict does not have to be strictly dependent on the size of the land: a country of small geographical size can equal or even exceed countries with several times larger surface in terms of features of “new wars”. In 1989 in Liberia, the nine-year presidency of Samuel Doe, characterised by exceptional ineptitude and bloody terror, led to the outbreak of clashes between government forces and the opposition from National Patriotic Front of Liberia, led by Charles Taylor. Thus, the first civil war in Liberia was begun, that lasted until 1997 and became an arena of mass violations of human rights, leaving behind 150,000 dead victims and about 850,000 refugees to neighbouring countries.

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13

Amin, Julius A. "African American Officers in Liberia: A Pestiferous Rotation, 1910–1942." Journal of American History 106, no. 2 (September 1, 2019): 503–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaz450.

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14

Raley, J. "Colonizationism versus Abolitionism in the Antebellum North: The Anti-Slavery Society of Hanover College and Indiana Theological Seminary (1836) versus the Hanover College Officers, Board of Trustees, and Faculty." Midwest Social Sciences Journal 23 (November 1, 2020): 80–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.22543/0796.231.1030.

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In March 1836, nine Hanover College and Indiana Theological Seminary students, almost certainly including Benjamin Franklin Templeton, a former slave enrolled in the seminary, formed an antislavery society. The society’s Preamble and Constitution set forth abolitionist ideals demanding an immediate emancipation of Southern slaves with rights of citizenship and “without expatriation.” Thus they encountered the ire of Hanover’s Presbyterian trustees—colonizationists who believed instead that free blacks and educated slaves, gradually and voluntarily emancipated by their owners, should leave the United States and relocate to Liberia, where they would experience greater opportunity, equality, and justice than was possible here in the United States and simultaneously exercise a civilizing and Christianizing influence on indigenous West Africans. By separating the races on two different continents with an ocean between them, America’s race problem would be solved. The efforts of the colonizationists failed, in part because of a lack of sufficient resources to transport and resettle three million African Americans. Then, too, few Southern slaveholders were willing to emancipate their slaves and finance those former slaves’ voyages, and most free blacks refused to leave the country of their birth. In Liberia, left largely to their own resources, colonists encountered disease, the enmity of local tribes, the threat of slavers, and difficulties in farming that left these former slaves struggling for existence, even if free blacks who engaged in mercantile trade there fared well. In the United States, the trustees’ conviction that American society was racist beyond reform, together with their refusal to confront the system of slavery in the South in hope of preserving the Union and their refusal to allow even discussion of the subject of slavery on the Hanover campus, left their central question unanswered: Would it ever be possible for people of color and whites to reside together in the United States peaceably and equitably? The trustees’ decision exerted another long-term impact as well. Although today the campus is integrated, Hanover College would not admit an African American student until 1948.

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15

Patton,, Adell. "Civil rights in America's African diaspora: Firestone Rubber and segregation in Liberia." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 49, no. 2 (May 4, 2015): 319–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2015.1024438.

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16

Hayden, Wilburn. "Liberia, South Carolina: An African American Appalachian Community by John M. Coggeshall." Register of the Kentucky Historical Society 118, no. 1 (2020): 209–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/khs.2020.0012.

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17

Thorp, Daniel B. "Liberia, South Carolina: An African American Appalachian Community by John M. Coggeshall." Journal of Southern History 85, no. 2 (2019): 473–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/soh.2019.0121.

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18

Fain, Cicero M. "Liberia, South Carolina: An African American Appalachian Community by John M. Coggeshall." West Virginia History: A Journal of Regional Studies 15, no. 1-2 (2021): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wvh.2021.0002.

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19

Clegg, Claude A. "Brian G. Shellum. African American Officers in Liberia: A Pestiferous Rotation, 1910–1942." American Historical Review 125, no. 3 (June 1, 2020): 1044–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz079.

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20

Whyte, Christine. "Between empire and colony: American imperialism and Pan-African colonialism in Liberia, 1810–2003." National Identities 18, no. 1 (October 29, 2015): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2016.1095493.

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21

Weaver, William, and J. R. Oldfield. "Alexander Crummell (1819-1898) and the Creation of an African-American Church in Liberia." Journal of Religion in Africa 21, no. 2 (May 1991): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1580811.

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22

Bond. "“Love Him and Let Him Go”: The American Colonization Society's James Brown—Pioneering African-American Apothecary in the United States and Liberia, 1802-1853, Part II—Liberia." Pharmacy in History 60, no. 4 (2018): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.26506/pharmhist.60.4.0124.

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23

Van Herk, Gerard. "Letter Perfect." English World-Wide 29, no. 1 (January 25, 2008): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.29.1.04van.

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This paper uses a multivariate analysis of 19th-century letters by semi-literate African American settlers in Liberia to investigate the frequency and distribution of the present perfect (PP) in earlier African American English (AAE). Despite descriptions elsewhere of the PP as marginal to AAE, it occurs here with great frequency, a finding attributed to the sensitivity of the form to genre differences. The linguistic factors conditioning choice between the PP and the preterite match those described for other varieties of English of that time period. This suggests that an English-like PP was part of the core grammar of the writers of these letters.

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24

Chinweizu. "432 Centuries of Recorded Science and Technology in Black Africa." African and Asian Studies 20, no. 1-2 (April 27, 2021): 9–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341482.

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Abstract During the 1970s and 1980s, American and European investigators discovered evidence of such African scientific achievements as the following: (1) the domestication of assorted plants in The Egyptian Nile Valley ca. 18000 BP; and domesticated cattle in the Kenyan Highlands, ca, 15000 BP. These were achieved thousands of years before plant and animal domestication in South west Asia, the hitherto presumed place where domestication first occurred; and (2) the making of Carbon steel in Tanzania, in the 1st c. BC, using techniques the discoverers called “semi-conductor technology – the growing of crystals”. These and other records of advanced scientific achievements, and at such dates, should prompt a profound revision of our understanding of the scientific knowledge developed by pre-20th century Africans before Europeans conquered and colonized and shattered African societies. They should also prompt a revision of the history of science in the world. In this article I shall present 13 exhibits drawing from the history of spectacular African achievements in science and technology. They range in time from ca. 43200 BC to 1952 AD. And they cover, geographically, Lesotho in Southern Africa; to Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania in East Africa; to the Democratic Republic of the Congo in Central Africa; to Egypt in North Africa; and to Liberia and Nigeria in West Africa.

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25

Fulop, Timothy E. "“The Future Golden Day of the Race”: Millennialism and Black Americans in the Nadir, 1877–1901." Harvard Theological Review 84, no. 1 (January 1991): 75–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000023968.

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At the turn of the century, Edward W. Blyden, resident of Liberia and former Presbyterian missionary from America, read to some African natives the following description from the New YorkIndependentof the burning of a black man in Georgia:Sam Hose was burned on Sunday afternoon in the presence of thousands of people. Before the fire had been kindled the mob amused themselves by cutting off the ears, fingers, toes, etc. to carry away as mementos. After the burning, and before the body was cool, it was cut to pieces, the heart and liver being especially cut up and sold. Small pieces of bone brought 25 cents, and “a bit of liver, crisply cooked, sold for 10 cents.” So eager were the crowd to obtain souvenirs that a rush for the stake was made, and those near the body were forced against and had to fight for their escape.

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26

Hodge, James G., Leila Barraza, Gregory Measer, and Asha Agrawal. "Global Emergency Legal Responses to the 2014 Ebola Outbreak: Public Health and the Law." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 42, no. 4 (2014): 595–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jlme.12179.

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From their relative obscurity over the past three decades, varied strains of Ebola disease have emerged as a substantial global biothreat. The current outbreak of Ebola, beginning in March 2014 in Guinea, is projected to infect tens of thousands of people before being brought under control. Some estimate the outbreak could exceed 100,000 cases and extend another 12-18 months. Ebola’s spread has the potential to extend across the globe, but is concentrated in several African countries (e.g., Democratic Republic of Congo, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Guinea, Nigeria, and Senegal). Collectively, these countries are home to nearly 290 million people. Among Liberia’s population of 4.1 million, over 1,100 people have already died from Ebola in less than 6 months; by comparison, if this same outbreak and death rate occurred in the United States, over 88,000 Americans would perish.

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27

Kieh, George Klay. "The American style of development aid to Liberia." Africanus: Journal of Development Studies 44, no. 2 (January 30, 2015): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0304-615x/71.

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There is a growing corpus of literature on the critical issue of the various styles used by donors in giving development aid to recipient states in various parts of the world, including Africa, Asia, Europe and Latin America. This article seeks to contribute to the body of literature by examining the nature and dynamics of the American style of development aid to Liberia and the resulting implications for the latterâ€™s social and economic development. Using the realpolitik model as its analytical framework, the article situates the American style of development aid giving within the broader context of Liberia-United States (US) relations. Based on this foundation, the article then interrogated the flows of US development aid to Liberia from 1946â€“2013. The findings indicate that the American style of aid giving is ostensibly designed to serve the economic, political, military and strategic interests of the US. In this vein, Liberia is required to serve as a foot soldier in the promotion of American national interests in the former and elsewhere. Accordingly, in terms of the implications for social and economic development, for the past six decades American development aid has not helped to advance the material conditions of Liberiaâ€™s subaltern classes. However, in order to change this situation, the US would need to rethink the realpolitik foundation of its development aid programme and the Liberian government would need to press for such a policy rethinking. However, both of these possibilities are highly unlikely, given the USâ€™ determination to prosecute its imperial project and its clientelist relationship with the Liberian government.

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28

Oldfield, J. R. "The Protestant Episcopal Church, Black Nationalists, and Expansion of the West African Missionary Field, 1851–1871." Church History 57, no. 1 (March 1988): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3165901.

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One of the most boldly conceived assaults on benighted Africa during the nineteenth century was that undertaken by mainline Protestant denominations in the United States. With the brash confidence characteristic of the age, hundreds of American missionaries were dispatched from New York and Baltimore to convert the heathen tribes of Africa and wrest a continent from ruin. If the experience of the Protestant Episcopal church is at all typical, however, these efforts not infrequently aroused suspicion and open hostility. In fact, Episcopal penetration of Liberia in the second half of the second century was remarkable for a long and bitter contest with black nationalists who were intent on using the church as a vehicle for their own personal and racial ambitions.

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Young, Jason. ":An African Republic: Black and White Virginians in the Making of Liberia.(The John Hope Franklin Series in African American History and Culture.)." American Historical Review 113, no. 5 (December 2008): 1486–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.5.1486.

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BONATO, LUCIO, FABIO G. CUPUL-MAGAÑA, and ALESSANDRO MINELLI. "Mecistocephalus guildingii Newport, 1843, a tropical centipede with amphi-Atlantic distribution (Chilopoda: Geophilomorpha)." Zootaxa 2271, no. 1 (October 22, 2009): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.2271.1.2.

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Mecistocephalus guildingii Newport, 1843 (Chilopoda: Geophilomorpha: Mecistocephalidae) is redescribed, and its geographical distribution revised and updated, after examination of 28 specimens from different localities together with critical assessment of published accounts and records. Mecistocephalus guildingii Newport, 1843 (= Mecistocephalus punctilabratus Newport, 1845, n. syn.; = Lamnonyx leonensis Cook, 1896, n. syn.; = Mecistocephalus maxillaris guadeloupensis Demange and Pereira, 1985, n. syn.) is distinguished from other Mecistocephalus species, with which it has been often confused, mainly in head elongation and some features of the clypeus. M. guildingii has been reported hitherto from less than two dozen sites on the eastern side of tropical Americas, however it is actually established in islands and coastal sites on both sides of the tropical part of the Atlantic ocean: on the American side from Bermuda through the Antilles to southern Brazil; on the African side in the Cape Verde archipelago and from Gambia to Liberia. It is also established in a locality on the Pacific coast of Mexico, and has been found occasionally inland in Brazil and in European hothouses and other disturbed anthropic sites.

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AMASON, J. HOPE. "Liberia, South Carolina: An African American Appalachian Community. John M. Coggeshall. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2018. 296 pp." American Ethnologist 46, no. 3 (August 2019): 354–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/amet.12809.

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Rodriguez, Anthony Bayani. "John M. Coggeshall, Liberia, South Carolina: An African American Appalachian Community. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2018. Pp. 297. $29.95 (paper)." Journal of African American History 106, no. 2 (March 1, 2021): 352–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/713326.

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Manton, John, and Martin Gorsky. "Health Planning in 1960s Africa: International Health Organisations and the Post-Colonial State." Medical History 62, no. 4 (September 7, 2018): 425–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2018.41.

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This article explores the programme of national health planning carried out in the 1960s in West and Central Africa by the World Health Organization (WHO), in collaboration with the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). Health plans were intended as integral aspects of economic development planning in five newly independent countries: Gabon, Liberia, Mali, Niger and Sierra Leone. We begin by showing that this episode is treated only superficially in the existing WHO historiography, then introduce some relevant critical literature on the history of development planning. Next we outline the context for health planning, noting: the opportunities which independence from colonial control offered to international development agencies; the WHO’s limited capacity in Africa; and its preliminary efforts to avoid imposing Western values or partisan views of health system organisation. Our analysis of the plans themselves suggests they lacked the necessary administrative and statistical capacity properly to gauge local needs, while the absence of significant financial resources meant that they proposed little more than augmentation of existing structures. By the late 1960s optimism gave way to disappointment as it became apparent that implementation had been minimal. We describe the ensuing conflict within WHO over programme evaluation and ongoing expenditure, which exposed differences of opinion between African and American officials over approaches to international health aid. We conclude with a discussion of how the plans set in train longer processes of development planning, and, perhaps less desirably, gave bureaucratic shape to the post-colonial state.

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Jessica M. Parr. "An African Republic: Black and White Virginians in the Making of Liberia, and: Saltwater Slavery: A Middle Passage from Africa to American Diaspora (review)." Journal of the Early Republic 29, no. 1 (2009): 183–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.0.0068.

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35

Jalloh, Alusine. "African American Officers In Liberia: A Pestiferous Rotation, 1910–1942. By Brian G. Shellum. (Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2018. Pp. xxvii, 271. $21.95.)." Historian 81, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 473–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hisn.13201.

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CHRISMAN, LAURA. "American Jubilee Choirs, Industrial Capitalism, and Black South Africa." Journal of American Studies 52, no. 2 (May 2018): 274–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187581700189x.

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Focusing on the Virginia Jubilee Singers, an African American singing ensemble that toured South Africa in the late nineteenth century, this article reveals how the transnational reach of commercialized black music informed debates about race, modernity, and black nationalism in South Africa. The South African performances of the Jubilee Singers enlivened debates concerning race, labor and the place of black South Africans in a rapidly industrializing South Africa. A visit from the first generation of global black American superstars fueled both white and black concerns about the racial political economy. The sonic actions of the Jubilee Singers were therefore a springboard for black South African claims for recognition as modern, educated and educable subjects, capable of, and entitled to, the full apparatus, and insignia, of liberal self-determination. Although black South Africans welcomed the Jubilee Singers enthusiastically, the article cautions against reading their positive reception as evidence that black Africans had no agenda of their own and looked to African Americans as their leaders in a joint struggle.

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Geysbeek, Tim. "From Sasstown to Zaria: Tom Coffee and the Kru Origins of the Soudan Interior Mission, 1893–1895." Studies in World Christianity 24, no. 1 (April 2018): 46–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2018.0204.

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This article 1 underscores the key role that Tom Coffee, an ethnic Kru migrant from Sasstown, Liberia, played in founding the Soudan Interior Mission (SIM). Coffee journeyed with Walter Gowans and Thomas Kent up into what is now northern Nigeria in 1894 to help establish SIM. Gowans and Kent died before they reached their destination, the walled city of Kano. SIM's other co-founder, Rowland Bingham, did not travel with his friends, and thus lived to tell his version of their story. By using materials written in the 1890s and secondary sources published more recently, this work provides new insights into SIM's first trip to Africa. The article begins by giving background information about the Kru and Sasstown and the impact that the Methodist Episcopal Church had on some of the people who lived in Sasstown after it established a mission there in 1889. Coffee's likely connection with the Methodist Church would have helped him understand the goal and strategy of his missionary employers. The article then discusses the journey Coffee and the two SIM missionaries took up into the hinterland. The fortitude that Coffee showed as he travelled into the interior reflects the ethos of his heritage and town of origin. Coffee represents just one of millions of indigenous peoples – the vast number whose stories are now not known – who worked alongside expatriate missionaries to establish Christianity around the world. It is fitting, during SIM's quasquicentennial, to tell this story about this African who helped the three North American missionaries establish SIM.

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Rivers, Natasha M. "No Longer Sojourners: The Complexities of Racial Ethnic Identity, Gender, and Generational Outcomes for Sub-Saharan Africans in the USA." International Journal of Population Research 2012 (May 14, 2012): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2012/973745.

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Through individual and group testimonies from newly arrived, 1.5 and second generation sub-Saharan Africans (For this study sub-Saharan African refers to the countries located under Northern African countries, for example, Egypt and Morocco and, includes South Africa. There are over 50 countries represented by this region; however, the most populous groups from this region in Africa in the USA are Nigerian, Ethiopian, Kenyan, Liberian, Ghanaian, Cape Verdean, South African, and Somalian.), the diversity and complexity linked to their migration and integration experiences in the USA reveal that there is a gendered and generational element to their self identity. These elements are compounded by perceptions of being African American in a racialized society and deciding whether or not to stay connected to Africa, a continent that needs their financial, political, and social resources accumulated in the USA These “new” African Americans expand the definition of blackness in the USA. Many have created a transnational relationship to Africa and the USA, which provides important implications for Africa’s potential “brain gain” as well as socioeconomic, infrastructural, and political development.

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Ngovo, Bernard L. "English in Liberia." English Today 14, no. 2 (April 1998): 46–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078400010191.

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Cason, J. Walter. "Book Review: Alexander Crummell (1819–1898) and the Creation of an African-American Church in Liberia, Alexander Crummell: A Study of Civilization and Discontent, Alexander Crummell: Pioneer in Nineteenth-Century Pan-African Thought." Missiology: An International Review 19, no. 3 (July 1991): 360–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969101900323.

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Gregory Bond. "“Love Him and Let Him Go”: The American Colonization Society's James Brown—Pioneering African-American Apothecary in the United States and Liberia, 1802–1853, Part I—The United States." Pharmacy in History 60, no. 3 (2018): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.26506/pharmhist.60.3.0077.

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Dunn, Chandra. "Claude A. CleggIII. The Price of Liberty: African Americans and the Making of Liberia. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 2004. 344 pp. Photographs. Maps. Figures. Tables. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $59.95. Cloth. $21.95. Paper." African Studies Review 50, no. 2 (September 2007): 231–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2007.0091.

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Gifford, Paul. "Liberia' Never–Die Christians." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 2 (June 1992): 349–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010764.

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In Monrovia, the capital of the West African state of Liberia, Richard K. Sleboe, a Kru tribesman from Sinoe County and previously a Jehovah's Witness, founded in June 1970 the Kingdom Assembly Church of Africa. This came to be popularly known as the ‘Never—Die Church’ from its most distinguishing belief, namely that a true believer will never physically die but will live on this earth forever.

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Weaver, William. "OLDFIELD, J. R., Alexander Crummell (1819-1898) and the Creation of an African-American Church in Liberia, Lewiston, N.Y., The Edwin Mellen Press, 1990, 180 pp., $ 49.95, 0-88946-074-4." Journal of Religion in Africa 21, no. 2 (1991): 184–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006691x00357.

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Jordan, Richard. "A Militant Crusade In Africa: The Great Commission And Segregation." Church History 83, no. 4 (December 2014): 957–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640714001188.

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During the Cold War and in the aftermath of the Brown v. Board of Education decision, the Calvinist and political fundamentalists of North America opposed the integration of American society and the extension of civil rights to African-Americans. Both were viewed as contrary to God's plan for humankind and omens for the end times. At the same time, these militant clerics spread reformed theology and eschatology to non-white societies across the globe. An important missionary field was Africa, where American and British racial mores influenced the cultural and political struggle. western, capitalistic and democratic principles, white minority-rule, and British imperialism faced African nationalism and communist aid to independence movements. Accordingly, the contrast between militant theology and liberal, modernist Protestantism was interjected into the conflict. Two American crusaders, Carl McIntire and Billy James Hargis, made Africa an important battleground to defend segregation and western influence. Both pursued individual ministries and had differing theological agendas towards race. The International Council of Christian Churches, an organization that McIntire led, spread God's word to black Africans, while Hargis' Christian Crusade Against Communism worked with Rhodesia's white minority government. Their efforts provide insight into the militant theological and political crusade in North America and how they projected their Calvinist ideals into the international arena and into Africa.

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Kofron, Christopher P. "Status and habitats of the three African crocodiles in Liberia." Journal of Tropical Ecology 8, no. 3 (August 1992): 265–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266467400006490.

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ABSTRACTA representative sample of waterways in Liberia was surveyed for crocodiles, and all three species of African crocodiles were observed. Contrary to previous reports, only Nile crocodiles inhabit the Monrovia mangrove swamps and brackish-water mouths of rivers; there are no slendersnouted or dwarf crocodiles in these habitats. There is partitioning of habitats among the three species in Liberia: Nile crocodiles in mangrove swamps and river mouths (brackish water); slendersnouted crocodiles in rivers through rain forest (freshwater); and dwarf crocodiles in small streams through rain forest (freshwater), some entering the adjacent river. Dwarf crocodiles utilize burrows in the stream banks.Nowhere are crocodiles abundant, and there is an apparent absence of adults. Although 40% of Liberia is forested, deforestation is occurring rapidly by foreign timber companies and slash-and-burn agriculture practised by the largely rural population. Hunting with firearms, although illegal, is widespread, both for subsistence and commercially, without concern for depletion. Mangrove ecosystems near human population centres are being destroyed. The combination of the above factors has apparently depleted the crocodile populations in Liberia.

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Trčková, Dita. "Representations of Ebola and its victims in liberal American newspapers." Topics in Linguistics 16, no. 1 (December 1, 2015): 29–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/topling-2015-0009.

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Abstract Combining critical discourse analysis and the cognitive theory of metaphor, the study analyses hard news on Ebola from two American newspapers of a liberal political orientation, The New York Times and The New York Daily News, to investigate metaphoric representations of the disease and portrayals of its victims. It is revealed that both newspapers heavily rely on a single conceptual metaphor of EBOLA AS WAR, with only two alternative metaphors of EBOLA AS AN ANIMATE/HUMAN BEING and EBOLA AS A NATURAL CATASTROPHE employed. All three metaphoric themes assign the role of a culprit solely to the virus, which stands in contrast to non-metaphoric discursive allocations of blame for the situation in Africa, assigning responsibility mainly to man-made factors. African victims tend to be impersonalized and portrayed as voiceless and agentless, rarely occupying the role of a “fighter” in the military metaphoric representation of the disease, which runs counter to the findings of recent studies detecting a change towards a more positive image of Africa in the media. Both newspapers fail to represent infected ordinary Africans as sovereign agents, hindering readers from reflexively identifying with them.

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Harris, David. "Liberia 2005: an unusual African post-conflict election." Journal of Modern African Studies 44, no. 3 (August 3, 2006): 375–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x06001819.

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The 2003 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and the ensuing two-year-long National Transitional Government of Liberia (NTGL), which brought together two rebel forces, the former government and members of civil society, justifiably had many critics but also one positive and possibly redeeming feature. In spite of, or perhaps because of, the realpolitik nature of the CPA and the barely disguised gross corruption of the members of the coalition government, the protagonists in the second Liberian civil war (2000–03) complied with the agreement and the peace process held. The culmination of this sequence of events was the 11 October 2005 national elections, the 8 November presidential run-off and the 16 January 2006 inauguration. In several ways, this was the African post-conflict election that broke the mould, but not just in that a woman, Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, won the presidential race, and a football star, George Weah, came second. The virtual absence of transformed rebel forces or an overbearing incumbent in the electoral races, partially as a result of the CPA and NTGL, gave these polls extraordinary features in an African setting.

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Sesay, Max Ahmadu. "Politics and Society in Post-War Liberia." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 3 (September 1996): 395–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005552x.

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The brutal civil war that engulfed Liberia, following Charles Taylor's invasion in December 1989, has left an indelible mark in the history of this West African state. The six-year old struggle led to the collapse of what was already an embattled economy; to the almost complete destruction of physical infrastructure built over a century and half of enterprise and oligarchic rule; to the killing, maiming, and displacement of more than 50 per cent of the country's estimated pre-war population of 2·5 million; and to an unprecedented regional initiative to help resolve the crisis. Five years after the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas) intervened with a Cease-fire Monitoring Group (Ecomog), an agreement that was quickly hailed as the best chance for peace in Liberia was signed in August 1995 in the Nigeriancapital, Abuja.

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Tarr, S. Byron. "The ECOMOG Initiative in Liberia: A Liberian Perspective." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 21, no. 1-2 (1993): 74–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050167x.

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This is a Liberian perspective on the unique initiative by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) to resolve the Liberian conflict by organizing and deploying a Peace Monitoring Group in Liberia. It considers whether ECOWAS’ initiative can become a self-reliant security system that can end a civil war and institutionalize deterrence to subregional inter-state and internal conflicts. Can this self-generated, West African initiative set the stage for democratization? Is the initiative the start of an inter-African cooperative security system? Is the model of Nigerian leadership a harbinger of a regional hegemony in the making? Is the modest role of the USA constructive in resolving the conflict, in light of the fact that Liberia is a country with which the USA has had an historic relationship?

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