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Journal articles on the topic 'African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME Church)'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Davidson, Christina Cecelia. "Black Protestants in a Catholic Land." New West Indian Guide 89, no. 3-4 (2015): 258–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-08903053.

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The African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church, a black Church founded in the United States in 1816, was first established in eastern Haiti when over 6,000 black freemen emigrated from the United States to Hispaniola between 1824 and 1825. Almost a century later, the AME Church grew rapidly in the Dominican Republic as West Indians migrated to the Dominican southeast to work on sugar plantations. This article examines the links between African-American immigrant descendants, West Indians, and U.S.-based AME leaders between the years 1899–1916. In focusing on Afro-diasporic exchange in the Church and the hardships missionary leaders faced on the island, the article reveals the unequal power relations in the AME Church, demonstrates the significance of the southeast to Dominican AME history, and brings the Dominican Republic into larger discussions of Afro-diasporic exchange in the circum-Caribbean.

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2

ENGEL, ELISABETH. "Southern Looks? A History of African American Missionary Photography of Africa, 1890s–1930s." Journal of American Studies 52, no. 2 (May 2018): 390–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187581700192x.

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This article traces and analyzes the missionary photography of the African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME), the most important independent black American institution that began to operate in colonial South Africa at the onset of the politics of racial segregation in the 1890s. It argues that AME missionary photography presents a neglected archive, from which a history of black photographic encounters and a subaltern perspective on the dominant visual cultures of European imperialism and Christian missions in Africa can be retrieved. Focussing in particular on how AME missionaries deployed tropes of the culturally refined “New Negro” and the US South in their visual description of South Africa, this article demonstrates that photography was an important tool for black subjects to define their image beyond the representations of black inferiority that established visual traditions constructed.

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3

Klassen, Pamela E. "The Robes of Womanhood: Dress and Authenticity among African American Methodist Women in the Nineteenth Century." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 14, no. 1 (2004): 39–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2004.14.1.39.

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AbstractScholars of American religion are increasingly attentive to material culture as a rich source for the analysis of religious identity and practice that is especially revealing of the relationships among doctrine, bodily comportment, social structures, and innovation. In line with this focus, this article analyses the ways nineteenth-century African American Methodist women turned to dress as a tool to communicate religious and political messages. Though other nineteenth-century Protestants also made use of the communicative powers of dress, African American women did so with a keen awareness of the ways race trumped clothing in the semiotic system of nineteenth-century America. Especially for women entering into public fora as preachers and public speakers, dress could act as a passport to legitimacy in an often hostile setting, but it was not always enough to establish oneself as a Christian lady. Considering the related traditions of plain dress and respectability within the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) church, this essay finds that AME women cultivated respectability and plainness within discourses of authenticity that tried—with some ambivalence—to use dress as a marker of the true soul beneath the fabric. Based primarily on the autobiographical and journalistic writings of women such as Jarena Lee, Amanda Berry Smith, Hallie Q. Brown, and Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, as well as accounts from AME publications such as the Christian Recorder and the Church Review, and other church documents, the essay also draws on the work of historians of African American women and historians of dress and material culture. For nineteenth-century AME women, discourses of authenticity could be both a burden and a resource, but either way they were discourses that were often remarkably critical, both of selfmotivation and of cultural markers of class, race, and gender in a world that made a fetish of whiteness.

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4

Kachun, Mitch, and Lawrence S. Little. "Disciples of Liberty: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the Age of Imperialism, 1884-1916." Journal of American History 88, no. 2 (September 2001): 667. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2675170.

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5

Martin, S. D. "Review: Disciples of Liberty: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the Age of Imperialism, 1884-1916." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 71, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 187–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaar/71.1.187-a.

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6

Hale, Jon N. "Reconstructing the Southern Landscape: The History of Education and the Struggle for Civil Rights in Charleston, South Carolina." History of Education Quarterly 56, no. 1 (February 2016): 163–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hoeq.12158.

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The city of Charleston, South Carolina, illustrates how educators can use people- and place-based case studies as pedagogical tools to reconstruct a Southern public and historic landscape. Teaching the Foundations of Education course in the city of Charleston makes the history that frames contemporary educational issues such as (re)segregation more visible. In the wake of the recent tragedy at the historic African Methodist Episcopal (AME) church in Charleston that claimed nine lives at the hands of Dylann Roof, place and local history help make a silent history more pronounced. A history of resistance and an ongoing struggle for freedom is inscribed into Charleston's landscape as much as the colonial and antebellum grandeur that captures the imagination, and dollars, of a thriving tourism industry. The public and historic landscape, in short, is in and of itself an educative space that allows educators and students to disrupt popular narratives by making the invisible more visible.

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7

Pinn, Anthony B. "Disciples of Liberty: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the Age of Imperialism, 1884-1916. Lawrence S. Little." Journal of Religion 81, no. 4 (October 2001): 648–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/490954.

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8

ETHERINGTON, NORMAN. "THE AME IN AMERICA AND SOUTH AFRICA Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa. By James T. Campbell. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995. Pp. xv+418. (ISBN 0-19-507892-6)." Journal of African History 39, no. 1 (March 1998): 147–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853797337165.

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9

Volkman, Lucas P. "Church Property Disputes, Religious Freedom, and the Ordeal of African Methodists in Antebellum St. Louis: Farrar v. Finney (1855)." Journal of Law and Religion 27, no. 1 (January 2012): 83–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400000539.

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In October 1846, the men and women of the African Methodist Episcopal Church in St. Louis (African Church) met to consider whether they would remain with the Methodist Episcopal Church (MEC) or align with the recently-formed Methodist Episcopal Church, South (MECS). Two years earlier, in 1844, amid growing conflict over the question of slavery within the national Methodist Church, its General Conference had adopted a Plan of Separation that provided for the withdrawal of the southern Methodists and the creation of their own ecclesiastical government. The Plan provided that each Border State congregation would have the right to determine for itself by a vote of the majority with which of the two churches it would affiliate.After the southern conferences had organized the new MECS in May 1845, the trustees of the all-white Fourth Street Methodist Church (Fourth Street Church), whose quarterly conference exercised nominal authority over the African Church, informed the black congregants that they could retain their house of worship only if they voted to join the southern Methodists. Throwing caution to the wind, and putting at risk a decade-and-a-half of patient efforts to achieve formal congregational independence within the Methodist Church, the black congregants voted decisively, by a 110 to 7 margin, to remain affiliated with the Northern Conference.

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10

Spencer, Jon Michael. "The Hymnody of the African Methodist Episcopal Church." American Music 8, no. 3 (1990): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3052097.

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11

Heatwole, Charles. "A Geography of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church." Southeastern Geographer 26, no. 1 (1986): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sgo.1986.0006.

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12

Martin, S. D. "Review: Social Protest Thought in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1862-1939." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 71, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 187–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaar/71.1.187.

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13

Harris, Paul W. "Dancing with Jim Crow: The Chattanooga Embarrassment of the Methodist Episcopal Church." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 18, no. 2 (March 8, 2019): 155–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000695.

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AbstractAfter the Civil War, northern Methodists undertook a successful mission to recruit a biracial membership in the South. Their Freedmen's Aid Society played a key role in outreach to African Americans, but when the denomination decided to use Society funds in aid of schools for Southern whites, a national controversy erupted over the refusal of Chattanooga University to admit African Americans. Caught between a principled commitment to racial brotherhood and the pressures of expediency to accommodate a growing white supremacist commitment to segregation, Methodists engaged in an agonized and heated debate over whether schools intended for whites should be allowed to exclude blacks. Divisions within the leadership of the Methodist Episcopal Church caught the attention of the national press and revealed the limits of even the most well-intentioned efforts to advance racial equality in the years after Reconstruction.

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14

Limbo, Ernest M., and Julius H. Bailey. "Around the Family Altar: Domesticity in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1865-1900." Journal of Southern History 72, no. 4 (November 1, 2006): 963. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649282.

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15

Best, W. D. "Around the Family Altar: Domesticity in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1865 -1900." Journal of American History 93, no. 2 (September 1, 2006): 543. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4486304.

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16

Dodson, Jualynne E. "Around the Family Altar: Domesticity in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1865-1900 (review)." Catholic Historical Review 93, no. 2 (2007): 452–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2007.0161.

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17

Butner, Bonita K. "The Methodist Episcopal Church and the Education of African Americans after the Civil War." Christian Higher Education 4, no. 4 (October 2005): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15363750500182596.

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18

Ranger, Terence, and James T. Campbell. "Songs of Zion. The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." Journal of Religion in Africa 27, no. 4 (November 1997): 426. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581911.

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19

Watson, R. L., and James T. Campbell. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 1 (1997): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221554.

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20

Gregg, Robert, and James T. Campbell. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." Journal of American History 83, no. 2 (September 1996): 638. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945017.

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21

Kunnie, Julian E., and James T. Campbell. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." African Studies Review 40, no. 2 (September 1997): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525164.

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22

Close, Stacey. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." History: Reviews of New Books 24, no. 3 (April 1996): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1996.9951344.

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23

Dodson, Jualynne E. "Julius H. Bailey, Around the Family Altar: Domesticity in the African Methodist Episcopal Church 1865-1900." Journal of African American History 91, no. 4 (October 2006): 476–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jaahv91n4p476.

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24

Seraile, William, and Annetta Louise Gomez-Jefferson. "In Darkness with God: The Life of Joseph Gomez, a Bishop in the African Methodist Episcopal Church." Journal of American History 87, no. 2 (September 2000): 743. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568902.

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25

Martin, Sandy Dwayne, and Annetta Louise Gomez-Jefferson. "In Darkness with God: The Life of Joseph Gomez, A Bishop in the African Methodist Episcopal Church." Journal of Southern History 67, no. 2 (May 2001): 482. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3069915.

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26

Harvey, Louis Charles. "Book Review: … Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." Missiology: An International Review 26, no. 2 (April 1998): 225–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969802600238.

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27

Ashcraft, William M. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa. James T. Campbell." Journal of Religion 77, no. 3 (July 1997): 475–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/490039.

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28

Bennett, James B. "“Until This Curse of Polygamy Is Wiped Out”: Black Methodists, White Mormons, and Constructions of Racial Identity in the Late Nineteenth Century." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 21, no. 2 (2011): 167–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2011.21.2.167.

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AbstractDuring the final quarter of the nineteenth century, black members of the Methodist Episcopal (ME) Church published a steady stream of anti-Mormonism in their weekly newspaper, the widely read and distributedSouthwestern Christian Advocate. This anti-Mormonism functioned as way for black ME Church members to articulate their denomination's distinctive racial ideology. Black ME Church members believed that their racially mixed denomination, imperfect though it was, offered the best model for advancing black citizens toward equality in both the Christian church and the American nation. Mormons, as a religious group who separated themselves in both identity and practice and as a community experiencing persecution, were a useful negative example of the dangers of abandoning the ME quest for inclusion. Black ME Church members emphasized their Christian faithfulness and American patriotism, in contrast to Mormon religious heterodoxy and political insubordination, as arguments for acceptance as equals in both religious and political institutions. At the same time, anti-Mormon rhetoric also proved a useful tool for reflecting on the challenges of African American life, regardless of denominational affiliation. For example, anti-polygamy opened space to comment on the precarious position of black women and families in the post-bellum South. In addition, cataloguing Mormon intellectual, moral, and social deficiencies became a form of instruction in the larger project of black uplift, by which African Americans sought to enter the ranks and privileges of the American middle class. In the end, however, black ME Church members found themselves increasingly segregated within their denomination and in society at large, even as Mormons, once considered both racially and religiously inferior, were welcomed into the nation as citizens and equals.

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29

Hackett, David G. "The Prince Hall Masons and the African American Church: The Labors of Grand Master and Bishop James Walker Hood, 1831–1918." Church History 69, no. 4 (December 2000): 770–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169331.

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During the late nineteenth century, James Walker Hood was bishop of the North Carolina Conference of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church and grand master of the North Carolina Grand Lodge of Prince Hall Masons. In his forty-four years as bishop, half of that time as senior bishop of the denomination, Reverend Hood was instrumental in planting and nurturing his denomination's churches throughout the Carolinas and Virginia. Founder of North Carolina's denominational newspaper and college, author of five books including two histories of the AMEZ Church, appointed assistant superintendent of public instruction and magistrate in his adopted state, Hood's career represented the broad mainstream of black denominational leaders who came to the South from the North during and after the Civil War. Concurrently, Grand Master Hood superintended the southern jurisdiction of the Prince Hall Masonic Grand Lodge of New York and acted as a moving force behind the creation of the region's black Masonic lodges—often founding these secret male societies in the same places as his fledgling churches. At his death in 1918, the Masonic Quarterly Review hailed Hood as “one of the strong pillars of our foundation.” If Bishop Hood's life was indeed, according to his recent biographer, “a prism through which to understand black denominational leadership in the South during the period 1860–1920,” then what does his leadership of both the Prince Hall Lodge and the AMEZ Church tell us about the nexus of fraternal lodges and African American Christianity at the turn of the twentieth century?

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30

Geysbeek, Tim. "From Sasstown to Zaria: Tom Coffee and the Kru Origins of the Soudan Interior Mission, 1893–1895." Studies in World Christianity 24, no. 1 (April 2018): 46–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2018.0204.

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This article 1 underscores the key role that Tom Coffee, an ethnic Kru migrant from Sasstown, Liberia, played in founding the Soudan Interior Mission (SIM). Coffee journeyed with Walter Gowans and Thomas Kent up into what is now northern Nigeria in 1894 to help establish SIM. Gowans and Kent died before they reached their destination, the walled city of Kano. SIM's other co-founder, Rowland Bingham, did not travel with his friends, and thus lived to tell his version of their story. By using materials written in the 1890s and secondary sources published more recently, this work provides new insights into SIM's first trip to Africa. The article begins by giving background information about the Kru and Sasstown and the impact that the Methodist Episcopal Church had on some of the people who lived in Sasstown after it established a mission there in 1889. Coffee's likely connection with the Methodist Church would have helped him understand the goal and strategy of his missionary employers. The article then discusses the journey Coffee and the two SIM missionaries took up into the hinterland. The fortitude that Coffee showed as he travelled into the interior reflects the ethos of his heritage and town of origin. Coffee represents just one of millions of indigenous peoples – the vast number whose stories are now not known – who worked alongside expatriate missionaries to establish Christianity around the world. It is fitting, during SIM's quasquicentennial, to tell this story about this African who helped the three North American missionaries establish SIM.

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31

Baruth, Meghan, and Sara Wilcox. "Psychosocial mediators of physical activity and fruit and vegetable consumption in the Faith, Activity, and Nutrition programme." Public Health Nutrition 18, no. 12 (December 8, 2014): 2242–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980014002808.

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AbstractObjectivePerforming and publishing mediator analyses, whether significant or null, provides insight into where research efforts should focus and will assist in developing effective and powerful behaviour change interventions. The present study examined whether self-efficacy, social support and church support mediated changes in leisure-time physical activity (PA) and fruit and vegetable (F&V) consumption in a faith-based intervention.DesignA 15-month PA and F&V intervention, guided by the structural ecological model, targeted the social, cultural and policy influences within the church. Outcomes and mediators were measured at baseline and follow-up. Data were collected from 2007 to 2011. MacKinnon’s product of coefficients tested for mediation.SettingSixty-eight African Methodist Episcopal churches in South Carolina, USA.SubjectsFive hundred and eighty-two (PA) and 588 (F&V) church members.ResultsDespite the significant increases in PA and F&V consumption, none of the hypothesized mediators were significant mediators of change in PA or F&V consumption. When examining each path of the mediation model, the intervention did not change any of the hypothesized mediators. However, changes in some mediators were associated with changes in outcomes.ConclusionsAlthough there was no significant mediation, the association between changes in mediators and changes in PA and/or F&V consumption suggest that these variables likely play some role in changing these behaviours. Future studies should consider mediation analyses a priori, putting careful thought into the types of measures used and the timing of those measures, while also being cognizant of participant and staff burden. Finding a balance will be fundamental in successfully understanding how interventions exert their effects.

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32

Davidson, Christina Cecelia. "The African Methodist Episcopal Church: A History. By Dennis C. Dickerson. Studies in Reformation Studies 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020. xii + 602 pp. $34.99 paper." Church History 90, no. 2 (June 2021): 479–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640721001967.

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33

Sernett, Milton C. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa. By James T. Campbell. New York: Oxford University Press, 1995. xv + 418 pp. $55.00." Church History 66, no. 1 (March 1997): 159–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169688.

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34

Baldwin, L. V. "Social Protest Thought in the African Methodist Episcopal Church. Edited by Stephen W. Angell and Anthony B. Pinn. Knoxville, Tenn.: The University of Tennessee Press, 2000. 357 pp. $22.50." Journal of Church and State 42, no. 3 (June 1, 2000): 589–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/42.3.589.

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35

Baldwin, Lewis V. "Around the Family Altar: Domesticity in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1865–1900. By Julius H. Bailey. The History of African-American Religions. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005. xii + 153 pp. $59.95 cloth." Church History 75, no. 3 (September 2006): 684–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700098899.

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36

Greene-Hayes, Ahmad. "The African Methodist Episcopal Church. A history. By Dennis C. Dickerson. Pp. xii + 602 incl. 22 ills. Cambridge–New York: Cambridge University Press, 2020. £89. 978 0 521 19152 4." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 72, no. 3 (June 25, 2021): 684–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046921000208.

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37

Harvey, Paul. "Social Protest Thought in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1862–1939. Edited by Stephen W. Angell and Anthony B. Pinn. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2000. xxxii + 357 pp. $50.00 cloth; $22.50 paper." Church History 72, no. 1 (March 2003): 224–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700097250.

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38

"Disciples of liberty: the African Methodist Episcopal Church in the age of imperialism, 1884-1916." Choice Reviews Online 38, no. 06 (February 1, 2001): 38–3281. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.38-3281.

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39

"Social protest thought in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1862-1939." Choice Reviews Online 38, no. 06 (February 1, 2001): 38–3281. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.38-3281a.

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40

"Songs of Zion: the African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." Choice Reviews Online 33, no. 06 (February 1, 1996): 33–3255. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.33-3255.

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41

"THE AFRICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH: A HISTORY. By Dennis C.Dickerson. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2020. Pp. xii + 602. Hardback, $120; Paper $34.99." Religious Studies Review 46, no. 4 (December 2020): 550–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rsr.14961.

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