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Academic literature on the topic 'African National Congress – Foreign economic relations'
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Journal articles on the topic "African National Congress – Foreign economic relations"
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Bratton, Michael. "Academic Analysis and U.S. Economic Assistance Policy on Africa." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 19, no. 1 (1990): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501218.
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Of all the policy issue areas that concern the U.S. government in its relations with Africa, economic assistance policy has attracted the deepest and widest involvement from U.S. university scholars. University-based analysts have enjoyed numerous avenues of access to officials who define, design, implement and evaluate U.S. foreign aid programs for sub-Saharan Africa. U.S. universities have stronger institutional linkages with the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) than with any other Washington institution discussed in this ISSUE, including the U.S. Congress and agencies within the the national security bureaucracy.
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Ngwane, Trevor, and Patrick Bond. "South Africa’s Shrinking Sovereignty: Economic Crises, Ecological Damage, Sub-Imperialism and Social Resistances." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-1-67-83.
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The development of contemporary South Africa political economy occurred within the context of a global capitalist order characterized by increasingly unequal political and economic relations between and within countries. Before liberation in 1994, many people across the world actively supported the struggle against apartheid, with South Africa’s neighbouring states paying the highest price. The ‘sovereignty’ of the apartheid state was challenged by three processes: first, economic, cultural and sporting sanctions called for by Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress and other liberation movements, which from the 1960s-80s were increasingly effective in forcing change; second, solidaristic foreign governments including Sweden’s and the USSR’s provided material support to overthrowing the Pretoria Regime; and third, military defeat in Angola and the liberation of neighbouring Mozambique (1975), Zimbabwe (1980) and Namibia (1990) signalled the inevitability of change. But that state nevertheless maintained sufficient strength - e.g. defaulting on foreign debt and imposing exchange controls in 1985 - to ensure a transition to democracy that was largely determined by local forces. Since 1994, the shrinkage of sovereignty means the foreign influences of global capitalism amplify local socio-economic contradictions in a manner destructive to the vast majority of citizens. This is evident when considering economic, ecological, geopolitical and societal considerations.
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Fourie, Andre. "Non‐alignment as a foreign policy orientation of the African National Congress." Politikon 19, no. 2 (June 1992): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589349208704969.
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wa Muiu, Mueni. "The African National Congress' Economic and Social Policy Changes in South Africa (1994-2004): Another African Straightjacket Independence?" African and Asian Studies 3, no. 3-4 (2004): 273–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569209332643656.
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Abstract In this article I argue that Liberal democracy in South Africa accommodated and left unresolved the contradictions of South African capitalism and the ANC's multiracial nationalist discourse. More specifically, the delivery of equal political rights in the new democracy is premised on the acceptance of the unequal economic relations among different classes, gender and race. Second, the multi-racial and multi-ethnic middle class is threatened from above and below. Popular demands from below sometimes lead it to partially satisfy the people's economic and social demands. Pressure from economic interests and the business community limits the middle class' room for maneuver and forces it to make compromises at the expense of the people's interests, priorities and needs (especially economic ones). Apartheid's inequality can only be addressed by a radical program based on the majority's economic and social needs. Liberal democracy does not allow for radical changes because it privileges the market rather than peoples' needs. Consequently, the ANC cannot meet its overseers' (business, bilateral institutions, white minority) interests as well as transform the economy. These realities will continue to inform ANC's economic and social policies as it tries to transform South Africa for the foreseeable future.
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Graham, Matthew. "Finding Foreign Policy: Researching in Five South African Archives." History in Africa 37 (2010): 379–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0026.
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The turbulent modern history of South Africa, which includes notable events such as the Sharpeville Massacre in 1960, the banning and exile of the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC), and the dramatic transition from apartheid to democracy in the early 1990s, has drawn academics from a number of fields to studying the nation from a variety of angles. Two such topics which have attracted scholarly attention are the foreign policy of South Africa both during apartheid, and subsequently after its demise in 1994, and the multi faceted activities of the liberation movements fighting against it. When looking at the international relations of South Africa from the end of the Second World War, through until the present day, it is almost impossible to analyse this dimension of South Africa's past without examining the lasting effects that the political mindset of apartheid had upon foreign policy decision making, and the international community. Likewise, the history of the liberation movements such as the ANC and the PAC were shaped by their attempts to defeat apartheid and the eventual end to the struggle. The histories of the ANC and South African foreign policy are inextricably linked, demonstrating the importance of what has, and is occurring in the country, creating a complex, but truly intriguing area of research for academics.Conducting archival research on these two areas of interest is relatively easy in South Africa, with on the whole, well stocked, largely deserted, and easy to use archives located across the country.
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Liang, Haiming. "What Impact Will Hong Kong Face as an International Financial Center?" China and the World 03, no. 03 (September 2020): 2050009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2591729320500091.
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The National Security Law for Hong Kong has recently implemented by the Chinese National People’s Congress. What effects this action will bring to Hong Kong? The author will judge from the following four critical economic perspectives: stock market, property market, foreign exchange market, and the Sino-US relations. And also, the author will explain why at this moment the National People’s Congress deliberated such a National Security Law for Hong Kong. The conclusion that the implementation of National Security Law could be an outstanding chance for Hong Kong to restart again, if it is not as expected, Hong Kong still has the potential to cope with the challenges and look forward to a bright future will be drawn.
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Evans, Graham. "South Africa in Remission: the Foreign Policy of an Altered State." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 2 (June 1996): 249–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055324.
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This article examines the extent to which the foreign policy of South Africa has altered since the inauguration of the Government of National Unity (GNU), following the historic, non-racial multi-party elections in May 1994. Has the African National Congress (ANC)-led regime succeeded in its stated aims of ‘normalising’ relations with the outside world while simultaneously forsaking traditional assumptions and perspectives about the national interest, and how best to define, defend, and promote it? Or has the understandable preoccupation with, and demands of, internal reconstruction led to a situation where foreign policy is ‘on hold’, in the sense that little attention has so far been directed at substantive questions concerning the norms, values, and conventions implicit in the strategic culture and policy inclinations of the ‘ancien régime’? In other words, what are the elements of continuity and change?
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Harcourt, Mark, and Geoffrey Wood. "Is there a future for a Labour Accord in South Africa?" Capital & Class 27, no. 1 (March 2003): 81–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030981680307900106.
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Foreign experience suggests that strong unions with close connections to the state can use political exchanges to mould social and economic policies to more readily reflect the needs of labour. South African unions could conceivably form a similar pact with the African National Congress by agreeing to moderate their demands for wage increases and to cooperate in the restructuring of the economy in exchange for pro-labour policies. Given persistent inequality and a rich tradition of social protest, it could be argued that neo-corporatism represents an unnecessary compromise in the South African situation. Nonetheless, neo-corporatism's track record underscores the role institutions can play in redressing social inequality, yet creating the conditions for economic growth. However, the key actors—labour, capital and government—may be neither able nor willing to strike a comprehensive deal.
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Tsivatyi, V. "European Political and Diplomatic Dialogue in the Institutional Space of International Relations of Early New Age (XVI-XVIII centuries)." Problems of World History, no. 2 (December 1, 2016): 72–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2016-2-4.
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The article deals with the analysis of the foreign policy and diplomacy of the European states of the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII centuries). Particular attention is given to the institutional development of public and political opinion as well as to the institutional and diplomatic practices in Western and Central Europe. The author defines the directions of the theoretical and practical development of diplomacy and foreign policy in Europe of the early Modern period (XVI-XVIII centuries) as well as their formation peculiarities in the leading countries of Europe.
The Congress of Vienna (1814-1815) as an important historical event for political, diplomatic and institutional development of Europe is analyzed. The attention is paid to the diplomatic tools, national peculiarities of negotiations at the Congress. The results of the Congress of Vienna served as an important stimulus for the further socio-economic, political and diplomatic development of Europe. Practical achievements of the Congress of Vienna and the experience gained by the European diplomacy of the late XVIII – early XIX century determined the future institutional development of world diplomacy and international law, having its relevance for today.
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Oppong, Richard Frimpong. "Private International Law and the African Economic Community: A Plea for Greater Attention." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 55, no. 4 (October 2006): 911–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei134.
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Private international law deals with problems that arise when transactions or claims involve a foreign element. Such problems are most frequent in a setting that allows for the growth of international relationships, be they commercial or personal. Economic integration provides such a setting and allows for the free movement of persons, goods, services and capital across national boundaries. The facilitation of factor mobility resulting from economic integration and the concomitant growth in international relationships results in problems which call for resolution using the tools of private international law. An economic community cannot function solely on the basis of economic rules; attention must also be paid to the rules for settling cross-border disputes. Consequently, considerable attention is given to the subject within the European Union (EU)1 and other economic communities.2
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "African National Congress – Foreign economic relations"
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Carim, Xavier. "Formulating the African National Congress' foreign investment policy in the transition to a post-apartheid South Africa: problems, pressures and constraints." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002974.
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This study examines the wide-ranging and critical factors which have impacted on the African National Congress' (ANC) emerging foreign investment policy. It identifies and analyses the matrix of political and socio-economic factors which have combined at global and national levels to shape ANC policy perspectives towards foreign direct investment (FDI). In so doing, the study adopts an eclectic theoretical and methodological approach. It draws on various theoretical traditions to propose a framework that is heuristic and contingent, rather than axiomatic. With regard to foreign investment, in particular, it recommends a theoretical pluralism emphasising 'engagement' through praxis and sound political (state) action. The study argues that the ANC has reconsidered many of its basic assumptions on the nature of the post-apartheid economy and discusses the reasons for those shifts. The reasons include, in particular, global political and economic trends and the balance of forces in South Africa. These have combined to ensure the ANC's broad acceptance of an 'open-door policy' towards FDI so long as it occurs on terms not inconsistent with national objectives. The emerging policy sees the state playing an active role in encouraging and guiding FDI to specific areas and sectors supportive of broad-based development. Foreign investors will be encouraged to form joint ventures with emerging black businesses and agree to foster training, skills development and affirmative action. Harnessing the benefits of FDI will be important for the success of wider strategies designed to place the economy on a firmer, more sustainable growth path.
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Sarmiento, Oddveig Nicole. "A postcolonial analysis of Cuban foreign policy towards South African liberation movements, 1959-1994." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4300.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a postcolonial analysis of Third World foreign policy, looking at an atypical case of state relations with national liberation movements. It is also an empirical contribution to an area of recent South African history through interrogating Cuba’s foreign policy towards South Africa’s liberation movements from 1959 until 1994. My starting point has been that meagre scholarship exists within the field of International Relations on this important area of South African history and on Cuban foreign policy. Mainstream scholars have largely overlooked relations between the Cuban state and civil society and liberation movements such as the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and Umkhonto we Sizwe. By interrogating an ignored area of Third World foreign policy, this thesis furthermore aims to probe into the field of International Relations and analyses of foreign policy. Applying the methodology of a postcolonial theoretical critique, I highlight the ontological assumptions within the field that make theorising foreign policy from states and societies in the Third World peripheral within IR, as well as render states and civil society in the Third World as objects rather than subjects of the theoretical endeavour. The conceptualisation of the Cold War as a mere Superpower affair, with states in the Third World as mere sites of conflict between the Superpowers and divorced from the causal dynamics of the conflict, exemplifies the ontological assumptions that exist within the field of International Relations theory. I use the case study of Cuba’s foreign policy towards South African liberation movements in carrying out a qualitative analysis of the available literature and well as conducting interviews with senior participants of South Africa’s various liberation movements. A broad reconstruction of relations between 1959 and 1994, as well as post-1994, reveals extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements involving the Cuban state and civil society. The findings of my research include an overview of relations between Cuba and various liberation movements at the political and military level, as well as the role of Cuban civil society in areas such as education and strengthening the role of women in the liberation struggle. Respondents reveal that relations between the two spheres are not uni-directional, but in fact reveal a complex interaction in which the agency of South Africa’s liberation movements in determining the content of relations is central. In conceptualising foreign policy using a postcolonial theoretical framework, I look not only at the Cuban state but also at the role of civil society in Cuba in constructing and carrying out foreign policy towards South African liberation movements. This theoretical framework rejects a strict dichotomy between the foreign and the domestic by looking at social forces within the state as well as the role of ideology in the making foreign policy domestically. Lastly, the extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements that my research reveals points to possibilities for further theoretical investigations within the field of International Relations from a postcolonial theoretical critique.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is ‘n post-koloniale analise van Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid, dit kyk na die atipiese geval van staats verhoudinge met nasionale vryheidsbewegings. Dit is ook ‘n empiriese bydrae tot ‘n area in onlangse Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis deurdat dit Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings tussen 1959 tot 1994 ondervra. My beginpunt is dat daar skamele vakkundigheid tans bestaan binne die studieveld Internasionale Betrekkinge met betrekking tot hierdie belangrike area van Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis en Kubaanse buitelandse beleid. Hoofstroom deskundiges hanteer tot ‘n groot mate die verhoudinge tussen staat en burgerlike samelewing van Kuba met vryheidsbewegings soos die African National Congress, die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party, die Congress of South African Trade Unions en Umkhonto we Sizwe met min aandag. Deur hierdie geïgnoreerde area binne Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid te ondervra, is dit ook ‘n verdere oogmerk van hierdie tesis om die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge en die gepaardgaande analises van buitelandse beleid te ondersoek. Deur die toepassing van die metodologie van post-koloniale kritiek, beklemtoon ek die ontologiese aannames binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge wat die teoretisering van buitelandse beleid van state en samelewings in die Derde Wêreld marginaliseer, asook om hierdie state en burgerlike samelewings in die Derde Wêreld tot objekte in plaas van subjekte van ‘n teoretiese onderneming te reduseer. Die konseptualiseering van die Koue Oorlog as bloot ‘n supermag aangeleentheid, met state in die Derde Wêreld as blote ligging vir konflikte tussen die supermagte asook terselfdertyd vervreemd van die oorsaaklike dynamiek van die konflik, beliggaam die ontologiese aannames wat binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge bestaan. Ek maak gebruik van Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid-Afrkaanse vryheidsbewegings as gevallestudie om ‘n kwalitatiewe analise te maak op die bestaande literatuur asook om onderhoude te hê met senior deelnemers in Suid Afrika se verskeie vryheidsbewegings. ‘n Uitgebreide rekonstruksie van verhoudinge tussen 1959 en 1994, sowel as post-1994, openbaar diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat die Kubaanse staat en burgerlike samelewing behels. Die bevindinge in my navorsing sluit in ‘n oorsig van verhoudinge tussen Kuba en verskeie vryheidsbewegings op politiekeen militêre vlak asook die rol van Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in areas soos opvoeding en die verstewiging van die rol van vroue in die vryheidstryd. Respondente openbaar dat verhoudinge tussen die twee sfere nie in een rigting geloop het nie, maar dat dit eintlik ‘n komplekse interaksie openbaar in wie die agentskap van die Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings om die inhoud van die verhoudinge te bepaal ‘n sentrale deel speel. Deur buitelandse beleid te konseptualiseer deur gebruik te maak van ‘n v post-koloniale raamwerk kyk ek nie net bloot na die Kubaanse staat nie, maar ook na die rol van die Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in die konstruksie en uitvoering van buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings. Hierdie teoretiese raamwerk verwerp ‘n eng tweeledigheid tussen die buitelandse en binnelandse deur te kyk na die sosiale magte binne die staat sowel as die rol van ideologie in die binnelandse skepping van buitelandse beleid. Ten slote, die diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat my navorsing openbaar dui in die rigting van moontlike verdere teoretiese ondersoeke binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge vanaf ‘n perspektief van post-koloniale kritiek.
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Machesa, Aubrey Mpho John Refiloe. "The African National Congress' foreign policy in transition: change or continuity, 1989-1994." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003007.
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But the central focus will be to explore the foreign policy transition by reflecting the theory that even though international and regional political developments had an impact on the foreign policy transition of the ANC, the internal and domestic political struggles that had evolved during the same time-frame as both the international and regional political developments also had major contributions to the foreign policy transition of the movement. Within this context, the study will also explore the preliminary contours of a post-apartheid foreign policy as perceived by the ANC as to how the country will be reintegrated into the political and economic world order.
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Du, Toit Gerda Maria. "Political risk and Chinese investments in the African oil and gas industry : the case of China National Petroleum Corporation in South Sudan." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/79944.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.Bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Chinese national oil corporations have increased their foreign direct investments over the last decade in Africa, where the political environment of oil producing countries often expose the firms to high political risk. The analysis of political risk is increasingly relevant for the investment decision-making process of Chinese corporations, as changes in political dynamics of host countries can affect the opportunities and profitability of investments. The study emphasises the need for firm-specific political risk analysis as a decision-making tool for international businesses operating in foreign countries. The main research question of the study is concerned with the main indicators of political risk that Chinese corporations may face in the African oil and gas industry. Chinese oil corporations may be affected by political instability, international and internal conflict, corruption, and poor economic and social development in African countries. The political risk they face may be influenced by indicators such as the location of the oil operations, the relative importance of the Chinese oil firm to the host country’s oil industry, the competitive advantage and technical abilities of Chinese oil firms, the support of the Chinese government to state-owned firms, and economic relations that the host government have with China and the oil firm. The study follows a qualitative research approach by way of an empirical case study of the political risk faced by one of China’s national oil corporations, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), in South Sudan. A major part of CNPC’s business operations in Sudan was transferred to South Sudan after the country seceded from Sudan in July 2011. The political risk for CNPC in South Sudan is analysed and measured in accordance with an industry-specific political risk model for the oil and gas industry. The study finds that CNPC faces a high level of political risk in South Sudan since independence. An examination of the political risk analysis is done to serve as a basis for answering the main research question. The hostile relationship between South Sudan and Sudan in particular may expose CNPC to high political risk as it led to the shutdown of the oil industry and violent interstate conflict. However, CNPC’s political risk exposure may be mitigated by certain indicators, such as CNPC’s significance in the operation of the South Sudanese oil industry, CNPC’s attributes of being a Chinese state-owned enterprise, the availability of support from the Chinese government in the form of economic cooperation packages and CNPC’s technical abilities in exploration operations. Furthermore, while negative sentiments on the part of the South Sudanese government towards China and CNPC due to the latter’s close relations with Sudan might expose CNPC to high risk, the risk is mitigated by the high level of economic dependency of South Sudan on both China and CNPC.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die laaste dekade het Chinese nasionale oliekorporasies hulle buitelandse direkte beleggings in Afrika uitgebrei. Die politieke omgewing van hierdie lande veroorsaak egter dikwels dat hierdie firmas aan hoë politieke risiko blootgestel word. Omdat politieke dinamiek in gasheerlande die geleenthede en winsgewendheid van beleggings kan affekteer, is die analise van politieke risiko toenemend relevant in die beleggingsbesluitnemingsproses van Chinese oliekorporasies. Die hoof-navorsingsvraag in hierdie studie handel oor die hoofindikatore van politieke risiko waaraan hierdie korporasies in Afrika se olie- en gasindustrie blootgestel kan word. Politieke onstabiliteit, internasionale en nasionale konflik, korrupsie, asook swak ekonomiese en sosiale ontwikkeling in Afrikalande kan Chinese oliekorporasies affekteer. Die politieke risiko waaraan hulle blootgestel word, kan beïnvloed word deur faktore soos die ligging van oliebedrywighede, die relatiewe belangrikheid van die Chinese oliekorporasie vir die gasheerland se olie-industrie, die kompeterende voordeel en tegniese vermoëns van die Chinese oliekorporasies, die Chinese regering se ondersteuning van staatskorporasies en die ekonomiese verhoudings wat die gasheerland met China en die oliefirmas het. Die studie volg ‘n kwalitatiewe navorsingsbenadering by wyse van ‘n empiriese gevallestudie van die politieke risiko waaraan een van China se nasionale oliekorporasies, China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), in Suid-Soedan blootgestel word. Sedert Suid-Soedan se onafhanklikheidswording in Julie 2011 is die grootste gedeelte van CNPC se bedrywighede in Soedan na Suid-Soedan oorgedra. Die politieke risiko vir CNPC is volgens ‘n industrie-spesifieke politieke risiko-model geanaliseer en bereken. Die studie toon dat CNPC inderdaad aan ‘n hoë vlak van politieke risiko blootgestel is sedert onafhanklikheid. Die politieke risiko-analise word ondersoek ten einde as basis te dien vir die beantwoording van die hoof-navorsingsvraag. In die besonder kan die vyandiggesinde verhouding tussen Suid-Soedan en Soedan CNPC blootstel aan hoë politieke risiko, onder andere vanweë die sluiting van die olie-industrie en die gewelddadige interstaat-konflik wat dit meegebring het. CNPC se blootstelling aan politieke risiko kan egter verminder word deur sekere faktore soos CNPC se beduidende belangrikheid in die bedryf van die Suid-Soedanese olieindustrie, CNPC se kenmerke as ‘n Chinese staatsonderneming, die beskikbaarheid van die ondersteuning van die Chinese regering in die vorm van ekonomiese samewerkingspakette asook CNPC se tegniese vermoëns in die veld van eksplorasiebedrywighede. Alhoewel die negatiewe sentiment in die Suid-Soedanese regering teenoor China en CNPC as gevolg van hulle noue verbintenis met Soedan vir CNPC aan hoë risiko kan blootstel, word hierdie risiko verminder deur Suid-Soedan se hoë vlak van ekonomiese afhanklikheid van CNPC en China.
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Makin, Michael Philip. "An analysis of South Africa's relationship with the Commonwealth of Nations between 1945 and 1961." Thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17305.
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This thesis provides a survey and an analysis of South Africa's relations with the British Commonwealth (Commonwealth of Nations) between the years 1945 and 1961. It outlines and explains the deterioration of this relationship in the context of the crisis in South Africa's foreign relations after World War II. Documentary evidence is produced to throw more light on the relationship with Britain and, to a lesser extent, other Commonwealth countries. This relationship is analysed in the context of political, economic and strategic imperatives which
made it necessary for Britain to continue to seek South Africa's co-operation within the Commonwealth.
This thesis also describes how the African and Asian influence began to be felt within the Commonwealth on racial issues. This influence was to become particularly important during the crucial period after the Sharpeville incident. The attitudes of Britain and other Commonwealth countries at the two crucial conferences of 1960 and 1961 are re-examined. The attitude of extra-parliamentary organisations in South Africa towards the Commonwealth connection is an important theme of this thesis in addition to the other themes mentioned above. It is demonstrated how Indian and African opinions became increasingly hostile towards what was seen as British and "white" Commonwealth "appeasement" of South Africa. These attitudes are surveyed in the context of an increasing radicalisation of black politics in South Africa. The movement by English and Afrikaans-speaking white South Africans toward a consensus on racial and foreign policy is also examined. Finally, the epilogue to this thesis discusses the return of South Africa to the Commonwealth in 1994. It includes a brief survey of developments in the Commonwealth attitude to South Africa since 1961.History
D. Litt. et Phil. (History)
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Siko, John Alan. ""Democratic" foreign policy making and the Thabo Mbeki presidency : a critical study." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/13360.
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South African foreign policy is not made in a bubble; as a democracy since 1994, its outward orientation is theoretically subject to lobbying and pressure from outside groups as well as jockeying among bureaucratic entities. This study applies the principles of Foreign Policy Analysis, a theoretical framework that attempts to unpack the processes through which governments’ foreign policies are made, to South Africa to determine whether foreign policy making is in reality open to outside inputs, or whether the foreign policy arena—as in many countries globally—is an elite reserve. The thesis has a specific focus on the 1994-2008 period, during which time Deputy President (1994-99) and later President (1999-2008) Thabo Mbeki dominated government’s foreign policy formulation, to determine whether South Africa’s democratic transition was accompanied by “democratization” of the foreign policy making process compared to the apartheid government. In addition, the thesis sought to disaggregate the various actors involved in the process—both from the influencing and decision making sides of the coin—to analyze their individual roles in influencing foreign policy, both pre- and post-1994.
The thesis found that the dominant actor in South African foreign policy, both before and after 1994, was the national leader (Prime Minister before 1984; President thereafter) or, on occasion, his chosen delegate if the leader was disinterested in the external realm. This is in part because South African Constitutions vest most decision-making power in the executive, in line with international norms, but also due to a lack of pressure by non-governmental actors. While South Africa’s post-apartheid dispensation allows for greater inputs by the public and other outside actors, the practice of influencing foreign policy—either through the ballot box or through concerted pressure between elections—changed very little. Public engagement on foreign policy, already weak, did not improve after 1994. Parliament, despite having a dedicated committee on the issue, showed itself largely disinterested, as did the broader ANC. The press, business, the ANC, and most civil society organizations similarly showed little desire to weigh in on foreign policy beyond isolated instances. Only academia consistently attempted to influence policy during the Mandela and Mbeki administrations, with mixed results. Ultimately, blame for this lack of change appears to lie mostly with outside actors themselves, who during the first 14 years of democracy failed to take advantage of political space opened to them.
In examining Thabo Mbeki specifically, the thesis found that he took advantage of this leeway to dominate the foreign policy debate and rarely went out of his way to open the foreign policy debate any more than he had to. He gave short shrift to the inputs of pressure groups; had no time for the press or business; and dominated the ANC and its parliamentary caucus. Mbeki had a clear and well-defined worldview, and he had little time for people or organizations with decidedly different views. That said, those close to Mbeki, and even outsiders—notably from the academic community—paint a far more nuanced picture of the man, as someone who would listen and engage with others on foreign policy, at least if he believed they had done their homework on the issues in question. Hence, portrayals of Mbeki as a “dictator” in the foreign policy realm appear to be overstated.Political Sciences
D. Litt. et Phil. (African Politics)
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Naidoo, Varusha. "South African foreign policy in a post-apartheid, post-cold war era : a case of human rights versus national economic interests." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/4387.
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The clash between South Africa's dual need of a new political identity and economic viability
reflects not only the difficulty in conducting a traditional foreign policy with a strong
ideological overlay but also has spurred the debate over whether her foreign policy is to be
conducted on the basis of expediency or principle. This study argues that although the shift to
a post-apartheid society has created the context for South African foreign policy to be shaped
by a new culture of human rights, it remains an interest-based pragmatic activity rather than
an exercise in the projection of ethical values or ideological principles. It seems that the
African National Congress (ANC)-led government has not yet resolved the basic
contradictions that have bedevilled its international thinking since it came into power. Faced
with this dilemma, South Africa is often reduced to straddling the fence by half-heartedly
supporting principles on one occasion (as in its relationship with the Republic of China), and
on another pursuing its economic interests (as her intention to sell arms to the People's
Republic of China attests). The government's basic goal of developing fruitful political and
economic linkages without sacrificing the principles which underpin wider policy has proved
elusive. The central proposition of this study is that the defining parameters of South African
foreign policy have remained largely indeterminate because of the realities of the conflicting
interests posed by its domestic and external concerns. In essence, the inability to reconcile
primary foreign policy goals (preservation of national economic interest) with new foreign
policy aspirations (promotion of human rights and peace through the pursuit of justice and
fair-play) reflects a tense ambivalence in the founding principles of post apartheid South
African foreign policy.Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2001.
8
Jacobs, Mzamo Wilson. "Zambia, the ANC and the struggle against apartheid, 1964-1990." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/13401.
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9
Ceruti, Claire. "How and why the ANC's nationalisation policy changed." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/22110.
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SubmItted In fulfilment of the Master of Arts DegreeThe study traces and explains reformulation of ANC natlonatlsatlon policy between 1990 and early 1994. In doing so It develops the sociology of natlonallsatlon. It argues that natlonallsatlon is a nexus of particular social relations. First, since these relations are dynamic, nationalisation can only be fully understood through a concrete rather than an abstract approach to its study. Second, the nature of the relations which natlonallsatlon expresses are both political and economic. Therefore changes in ANC nationallsatlon policy cannot be analyzed only from an economic or pragmatist perspective. Finally, nationalisation reflects and expresses class relations. It is necessary to understand the class character of the major actors Involved and the balance of class forces to analyze any particular instance or absence of natlonallsatlon, The ANC's natlonallsatlon policy gradually rejected wlde-scalo natlonalleatlon. Nationallsatlon represents one form of the state-capital relation. The ANC's olass character as a nationalist organisation constrains It to act within the broad framework given by global trends in capitalism, since Its aim Is to get hold of a nation state (ttle characteristic political form of capitalism). As a government-in-waltlng' during the transition, It was Increasingly concerned to find the optimum relation between Itself (a future state) and capital In Its economic policy, the aim being to safeguard the national economy. The advancing lnternatlonallsatlon of capital has created a tendency for a multi-polar relation between individual capitals and various nation-states. Nationallsatlon (a close link between Individual capitals and a rjngle nation state) is out of line with these trends. However, these trends were not directly, unproblematlcally or even consciously assimilated Into ANC policy. The ANC's contradictory relation to its mass base Is key in understanding the ANC's increased sensitivity to such questions. The prolonged nature of the transition revealed the political limitations on nationalism In the present global context, in the ANC's vacillation between its mass base and other political actors. This constrained the ANC's ability to drive home an economic and political programme of Its own Initial choice and increased its sensitivity to capital and other major actors. Research Into the South African economy and the experience of other countries was Interpreted from the ideological framework given by the Eastern European revolutions and the collapse of command 1st economies, which themselves were interpreted from the framework of nationalist polit!cs. The study concludes that natlonallsatlon must be understood to express social relations. Its disappearance from ANC economic policy expresses the dynamic of the prevailing capitalist system, through the agency of a nationalist organisation.
AC2017
Books on the topic "African National Congress – Foreign economic relations"
1
The diplomacy of liberation: The foreign relations of the African National Congress since 1960. London: Tauris Academic Studies, 1996.
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2
Africa, United States Congress House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Middle East and North. United States-Jordan Defense Cooperation Act of 2014: Markup before the Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Thirteenth Congress, second session on H.R. 5648, November 19, 2014. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2014.
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3
United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Foreign Relations. Subcommittee on International Economic Policy, Export and Trade Promotion. U.S. energy security: West Africa and Latin America : hearing before the Subcommittee on International Economic Policy, Export and Trade Promotion of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundred Eighth Congress, first session, October 21, 2003. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2004.
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4
National Seminar on TLS (2nd 1992 Kano, Nigeria). The trade liberalisation scheme (TLS) of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS): Papers presented at the 2nd National Seminar on TLS. [Kaduna, Nigeria]: Kaduna Chamber of Commerce, Industry, and Agriculture, 1992.
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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Foreign Relations. Subcommittee on African Affairs. Crisis in Central Africa: Hearing before the Subcommittee on African Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundred Third Congress, second session, July 26, 1994. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1994.
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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Foreign Relations. Subcommittee on African Affairs. Crisis in Central Africa: Hearing before the Subcommittee on African Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundred Third Congress, second session, July 26, 1994. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1994.
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7
United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Foreign Relations. Subcommittee on African Affairs. Crisis in Central Africa: Hearing before the Subcommittee on African Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundred Third Congress, second session, July 26, 1994. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1994.
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8
United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on Africa. The ongoing civil war and crisis in Liberia: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Africa of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Second Congress, second session, November 19, 1992. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1993.
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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Foreign Relations. Subcommittee on African Affairs. The escalating international wildlife trafficking crisis: Ecological, economic and national security issues : joint hearing before the Subcommittee on African Affairs and the Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundred Thirteenth Congress, second session, May 21, 2014. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2014.
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10
Affairs, United States Congress Senate Committee on Foreign Relations Subcommittee on African. Security and governance in Somalia: Consolidating gains, confronting challenges, and charting the path forward : hearing before the Subcommittee on African Affairs of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, One Hundred Thirteenth Congress, first session, October 6, 2013. Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 2014.
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