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Lipscomb, Trey L. "Pre-Colonial African Paradigms and Applications to Black Nationalism." Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/437079.
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African American StudiesM.A.
From all cultures of people arises a worldview that is utilized in preserving societal order and cultural cohesiveness. When such worldview is distorted by a calamity such as enslavement, the victims of that calamity are left marginal within the worldview of the oppressive power. From the European Enslavement of Africans, or to use Marimba Ani’s term, the Maafa, arose the notion of European or White Supremacy. Such a notion, though emphatically false, has left many Africans in the Americas in a psychological state colloquially termed as “mental slavery”. The culprit that produced this oppressive condition is Eurocentricity and its utilization of the social theory white supremacy, which has maturated from theory into a paradigm for systemic racism. Often among African Americans there exists a profound sense of dislocation with fragmentary ideas of the correct path towards liberation and relocation. This has engendered the need for a paradigm to be utilized in relocating Africans back to their cultural center. To be sure, many Africans on the continent have not themselves sought value in returning to African ways of knowing. This is however also a product of white supremacy as European colonialism established such atmosphere on the African continent. Colonization and enslavement have impacted major aspects of African cultural and social relations. Much of the motif and ethos of Africa remained within the landscape and language. However, the fact that the challenge of decolonization even for the continental African is still quite daunting only further highlights the struggles of the descendants of the enslaved living in the Americas. The removal from geographic location and the near-destruction of indigenous language levied a heavy breach in defense against total acculturation. Despite this, among the African Americans, African culture exists though languishes under the pressures of white supremacy. A primary reason for such deterioration is the fact that, because of the effects of self-knowledge distortion brought on by the era of enslavement, many African Americans do not realize the African paradigms from which phenomena in African American cultures derive. Furthermore, the lack of a nationalistic culture impedes the collective ability to hold such phenomena sacred and preserve it for the sake of posterity. Today, despite the extant African culture, African Americans largely operate from European paradigms, as America itself is a European or “Western” project. The need for a paradigm shift in African-American cultural dynamics has been the call of many, however is perhaps best illuminated by Dr. Maulana Karenga when he states that we have a “popular culture” and not a nationalistic one. Black nationalism has been presented to Black People for over a century however it has varied greatly between different ideological camps. The variation and many conflictions of these different ideologies perhaps helped the stagnation of the Black Nationalist movement itself. An Afrocentric investigation into African paradigms and the Black Nationalist movements should yield results beneficial to African people living in the Americas.
Temple University--Theses
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Largent, Mark Aaron. "Black Nationalism Reinterpreted." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278124/.
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Black nationalism responded to America's failure to examine the effects of slavery's legacy. Its aims represent those issues that were either unsupported by or in opposition to the goals of the civil rights leadership. In particular, the civil rights movement dismissed any claims that the history of slavery had a lasting effect on African-Americans. This conflict developed because of mainstream America's inability to realize that the black community is not monolithic and African-Americans were differentially affected by slavery's legacy. It is those blacks who are most affected by the culture of poverty created by America's history of slavery who make up today's inner-city populations. Despite successes by the civil rights movement, problems within lower-class black communities continue because the issues of the black underclass have not yet been fully addressed.
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Cohen, Andrew Peter. "Settler power, African nationalism and British interests in the Central African Federation, 1957-1963." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.734447.
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Murphy, Oliver Michael. "Race, violence, and nation : African nationalism and popular politics in South Africa's Eastern Cape, 1948-1970." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711668.
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Katjavivi, P. H. "The rise of nationalism in Namibia and its international dimensions." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.384743.
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Bosch, Stephanie. "Forms of Affiliation: Nationalism, Pan-Africanism, and Globalism in Southern African Literary Media." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17465321.
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Forms of Affiliation maps new literary geographies that cut across national, postcolonial, local, and global frameworks. Focusing on fiction from the 1950s to the present-day from South Africa, Malawi, Zambia, and Zimbabwe, it demonstrates how writers from these nations have developed new genres of fiction in popular media to imagine changing modes of interconnection across space. Popular media—including newspapers, magazines, and their digital iterations—are vital literary outlets in southern Africa and often the only means for underrepresented populations to find a voice in public discourse. Crucially, many of the genres in these publications do not fit neatly into European literary categories. They also envision Africanness and blackness within a variety of overlapping spatial scales, from the township to the diaspora, thus challenging the common conception of southern African literatures as tied primarily to nationalist projects. Through the analysis and translation of hundreds of stories from publications such as African Parade, Africa!, the Malawi News, and the Chimurenga Chronic, I identify four generic categories of southern African fiction: “migrant forms,” “township tales,” “newspaper short stories,” and “literary time-machines.” Across its chapters, Forms of Affiliation shows how these genres make visible combinations of form, meaning, and geography that are obscured by traditional literary categories.African and African American Studies
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Jacquin, Dominique. "Nationalism and seccession in the Horn of Africa : a critique of the ethnic interpretation." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273998.
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Boehmer, Elleke Deirdre. "Mothers of Africa : representations of nation and gender in post-colonial African literature." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:83a022a0-e965-4dc3-b88f-267ff6903b6a.
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A protean doctrine, claiming cultural pride and demanding self-expression for those who espouse it, nationalism yet casts its defining symbols and reserves its privileges and powers according to gendered criteria. Nationalism, if seen as symbolically constructed, may be interpreted as a gendered discourse in which subjects in history and also in literature are assumed to be male. Especially in the Manichean worlds of colonial and newly post-colonial societies, nationalist narratives - such as those produced at the time of African independence - read as family dramas in which honour and duty are patrilineally bequeathed, and national sons honour iconic mothers. The invisibilities in nationalist discourse, often left obscure in the interests of an ironic 'liberation', may be redressed both through the displacement of dominant subject positions in literature - where 'non-nationals' tell their own fictions - and through the remoulding of inherited tropes and symbolic scenarios. In this way new plots are written into history; nationalist romances give way to literary fictions. An investigation of the status of nationalism as symbolic language of gender, this thesis concentrates first on the inscription of nationalist icons in post-colonial African literature and on the gendered tropic patterns which govern that inscription. Writers considered include Peter Abrahams, Leopold Senghor, Camara Laye, and Ngugi wa Thiong'o. The iconic role of artist as nationalist hero is explored in particular in a discussion of essays and plays by Wole Soyinka. In its latter half, the thesis looks at African women's writing - novels by Flora Nwapa, Buchi Emecheta, Mariama Bâ and Bessie Head - and the work of a second generation of African writers, considering the ways in which this literature has begun to rescript the dramas of nationalism, to redream its visions of wholeness and healing.
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Nombila, Ayanda Wiseman. "Christianity, education and African nationalism: an intellectual biography of Z.K. Matthews (1901-1968)." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/4306.
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Magister Artium - MAMy study begins by looking at the ways in which ZK Matthews has been remembered. I raise questions about his legacy in the post-apartheid period, in relation to the limited ways in which he has been studied and in relation to the broader politics of memory. What follows this is an analysis of ZK’s political and educational writings, as a new way of thinking about his intellectual contributions to nationalist thought. Chapter one of this thesis will raise questions about the legacy and memory of ZK in the postapartheid moment. I analyze both the popular and the scholarly representations of ZK as have been attempted by people and organizations to remember him. The popular representations of ZK have been produced by the University of Fort Hare, through an exhibition of his life and legacy and an Annual Memorial Lectures. ZK we must recall, was once a student, a lecturer and Rector of the university. On the scholarly side there is only one existing attempt to produce an auto/biography, one by ZK himself and edited with memoirs by Monica Hunter Wilson. The name of the book is Freedom For My People published in 1981. I analyze the circumstances of the production of this book. And secondly I point out that the interest here was on the liberal-Christian view of ZK. It focused on ZK’s relationships with people of different kinds, his service at Fort Hare and the public society, and the ANC. I also provide an analysis of two seminar papers by Paul Rich (1994) and Cynthia Kros (1990), and one long essay by William Saayman (1996). All these studies so not attempt to produce a discourse on the nationalist thought of ZK, rather they focus on limited archival work and they rely on the ambit of liberalism and Christianity to understand ZK.
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Muller, Stephanus Jacobus van Zyl. "Sounding margins : musical representations of white South Africa." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326962.
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Stahle, Noel Claire. "Crossing the 'Threshold of the thinkable' : the emergence of white African consciousness /." Digital version accessible at:, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Strauss, Michael. "Tropical Africa and Generation Kalashnikov: The AK47’s Role in Shaping an African Identity." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1302286908.
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Diemer, Andrew Keith. "Black Nativism: African American Politics, Nationalism and Citizenship in Baltimore and Philadelphia, 1817 to 1863." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2011. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/142098.
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HistoryPh.D.
This dissertation is a study of free African American politics, in the cities of Baltimore and Philadelphia, between 1817 and 1863. At the heart of this black politics were efforts to assert the right of free African Americans to citizenship in their native United States. Claims on the ambiguous notion of citizenship were important to free blacks both as a means of improving their own lives and as a way to combat slavery. The dissertation begins with the organized black protest against the founding of the American Colonization Society. The contest over the notion, advanced by the ACS, that free blacks were not truly American, or that they could not ever be citizens in the land of their birth, powerfully shaped the language and tactics of black politics. The dissertation ends with the enlistment of black troops in the Civil War, a development which powerfully shaped subsequent arguments for full black citizenship. It argues that in this period, free African Americans developed a rhetorical language of black nativism, the assertion that birth on American soil and the contribution of one's ancestors to the American nation, had won for African Americans the right to be citizens of the United States. This assertion was made even more resonant by the increasing levels of white immigration during this period; African Americans pointed to the injustice of granting to white immigrants that which was denied to native born blacks. This discourse of nativism served as a means of weaving the fight for black citizenship into the fabric of American politics. The dissertation also argues that the cities of Philadelphia and Baltimore were part of a distinctive borderland where the issues of slavery and black citizenship were particularly explosive, and where free African Americans, therefore, found themselves with significant political leverage.
Temple University--Theses
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Crawford, Meredith Meagan. "Envisioning Black Childhood: Black Nationalism, Community, and Identity Construction in Black Arts Movement Children's Literature." W&M ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626475.
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May, Cory J. "The racialized-politics within African-American studies as evidenced by the dismissal of the work of Jupiter Hammon and the conservative tradition of African-American slave Christianity." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2018. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=237582.
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My dissertation explores the minimizing, and often dismissal, of the evangelical conservative tradition of African-American Christianity within African-American studies. I argue that the primary cause of this development derives from the hermeneutics and methodologies employed by contemporary Black theologians and “Afrocentric-liberationist” scholars. Generally, these hermeneutics and methodologies were originally proposed by secular Black Nationalist and Black Power advocates during the Civil Rights Movement. This is seen in three areas: First, there is an interpretation of “Whiteness,” or European-Americans as completely corrupt and unredeemable. Second, there are calls for “Blackness,” or African-Americans to racially and socially segregate from Whiteness. Last, there are concepts of an “Ideal-Blackness,” a renewed or transformed Blackness created independently from Whiteness. These and other principles were employed by many contemporary Black scholars to various degrees. Furthermore, I argue that these principles sustain influential Black Nationalist/Black Power historiographies, and shape the dominant trends within the discipline. I maintain that there are two conflicting traditions within African American culture: the religious tradition of conservative evangelicalism that was established during colonialism, and the secularist tradition of Black Nationalism and Black Power which originated during the civil rights movement. These traditions opposed one another during the civil rights movement. Later, this conflict was grafted into the academy, where it continues through the scholarship of many Black theologians and Afrocentric-liberationist scholars. Finally, I discuss the theology of Jupiter Hammon, an 18th century Christian slave, as a representative of the conservative tradition of African American Christianity. I argue that it is essential that scholars explore Hammon's theology, and the conservative tradition of African-American Christianity during colonialism, for a variety of reasons: first, it is important to understand this tradition, as it has shaped African-American Christianity and the Black church more than any other; second, exploring the conservative tradition during colonialism provides the constructive theologies, and alternative conservative historiographies, that complement the Black Nationalist/Black Power historiographies advocated by many contemporary Black scholars.
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Bisschoff, Lizelle. "Women in African cinema : an aesthetic and thematic analysis of filmmaking by women in Francophone West Africa and Lusophone and Anglophone Southern Africa." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2337.
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This study focuses on the role of women in African cinema – in terms of female directors working in the African film industries as well as the representation of women in African film. My research specifically focuses on francophone West African and lusophone and anglophone Southern African cinemas (in particular post-apartheid South African cinema). This research is necessary and significant because African women are underrepresented in theoretical work as well as in the practice of African cinema. The small corpus of existing theoretical and critical studies on the work of female African filmmakers clearly shows that African women succeed in producing films against tremendous odds. The emergence of female directors in Africa is an important but neglected trend which requires more dedicated research. The pioneering research of African-American film scholar Beti Ellerson is exemplary in this regard, as she has, since the early 2000s, initiated a new field of academic study entitled African Women Cinema Studies. My own research is situated within this emerging field and aims to make a contribution to it. The absence of women in public societal spheres is often regarded as an indicator of areas where societies need to change. In the same sense the socio-political and cultural advancements of women are indicators of how societies have progressed towards improved living conditions for all. Because the African woman can be viewed as doubly oppressed, firstly by Black patriarchal culture and secondly by Western colonising forces, it is essential that the liberation of African women includes an opportunity for women to verbalise and demonstrate their own vision of women’s roles for the future. The study analyses a large corpus of films through exploring notions of nationalism and post/neo-colonialism in African societies; issues related to the female body such as health, beauty and sexuality; female identity, emancipation and African feminism in the past and present; the significance of traditional cultural practices versus the consequences and effects of modernity; and the interplay between the individual and the community in urban as well as rural African societies. Female filmmakers in Africa are increasingly claiming the right to represent these issues in their own ways and to tell their own stories. The methods they choose to do this and the products of their labours are the focus of this study. Ultimately, the study attempts to formulate more complex models for the analysis of African women’s filmmaking practices, in tracing the plurality of a female aesthetics and the multiplicity of thematic approaches in African women’s filmmaking.
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Fleming, Kenyatta Jay. "The history of black nationalism and internal factors that prevented the founding of an independent black nation-state." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2008. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/10.
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This thesis examined the political history of Black Nationalism in America in order to determine those internal organizational factors that have prevented Black Nationalists, specifically of the Black Power Era (1 966-1 975), from achieving selfdetermination, with the highest expression being the founding of an independent Black nation-state. The study was based on the premise that the goal of Black Nationalism was the founding of a Black nation-state for African-Americans. A historical comparative analysis was used to determine what internal factors prevented Black Nationalists from successfully founding a Black nation-state. The researcher found several internal factors that interfered with the founding of a Black nation-state. Factors which contributed to the unsuccessful movement were the immaturity of Black Nationalist leadership, the abandonment of political programs, shifts 1 in program strategies, and the antagonism and neglect of the Black Church as an ally in the movement. The conclusion drawn from the findings suggest that there are other internal factors which need further exploration.
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Alzoubi, Mamoun. "Richard Wright's Trans-Nationalism: New Dimensions to to Modern American Expatriate Literature." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1466409579.
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Bonnette, Lakeyta M. "Key dimensions of Black political ideology contemporary Black music and theories of attitude formation /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=osu1243623775.
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Griffin, Kamyle. "The Politics of Religious Black Nationalism: A Chronicle of the Missing Years 1930-1950." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1171.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Young, Kurt B. "Pan-African nationalism in the Post-Cold War Era: a grassroots-based analysis of the state of Pan-Africanism." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2002. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/437.
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The last quarter of the twentieth century has revealed the steady decline in the jubilation and promise embodied by symbols of Pan-Africanism, such as the Organization of African Unity and the Pan-African Congress formations. This reality has been consistent with a popular viewpoint at the end of the Cold War that Pan Africanism was declining as a viable instrument for progress. This study details the state of Pan-Africanism in the post-Cold War era in order to understand the nature of its evolution and utility. The research undertaken in this dissertation is based on the assumption that, rather than declining, Pan-Africanism has been readjusting to two dynamics: transformations in the international political economy and the unfolding conditions confronting African communities on the continent and in the Diaspora. The two central positions advanced in this study were that evaluating Pan-Africanism relied on applying a consistent theoretical approach and that conclusions about Pan-Africanism’s viability had to address contemporary grassroots-level perspectives on the movement. The multiple case study approach was employed, consisting of an examination of three grassroots Pan-African organizations located in different regions of the African world. The leaders of each organization were interviewed and questionnaires were administered to the members. A comparative historical analysis of the 6thand 7thPan-African Congresses was also conducted. The data generated revealed a significant level of Pan-African activism and commitment on the organizational and grassroots levels. Also, the contemporary elements of Pan-Afi-icanism demonstrated by the organizations in turn contributed to the development of a theory of Pan-African Nationalism. The conclusions reached emphasized three aspects of post-Cold War Pan Africanism: (1) rather than declining, Pan-Africanism was in a process of transformation and within this process a number of critical issues were emerging that are being confronted at the grassroots level; (2) although the organizations supported the basic assumptions of Pan-African Nationalism, their emphasis on grassroots organizing and recognition of cultural identity had to be adjusted and sharpened to reflect contemporary realities; and (3) finally, in addition to ongoing support for the unification of African states, the promotion of linkages between the grassroots-based organizations throughout the Diaspora has emerged as a critical aspect of Pan-Africanism.
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Gaines, Rondee. "I am a Revolutionary Black Female Nationalist: A Womanist Analysis of Fulani Sunni Ali's Role as a New African Citizen and Minister of In-formation in the Provisional Government of the Republic of New Africa." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2013. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/communication_diss/44.
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Historically, black women have always played key roles in the struggle for liberation. A critical determinant of black women’s activism was the influence of both race and gender, as these factors were immutably married to their subjectivities. African American women faced the socio-cultural and structural challenge of sexism prevalent in the United States and also in the black community. My study examines the life of Fulani Sunni Ali, her role in black liberation, her role as the Minister of Information for the Provisional Government for the Republic of New Africa, and her communication strategies. In doing so, I evaluate a black female revolutionary nationalist’s discursive negotiation of her identity during the Black Power and Black Nationalist Movement. I also use womanist criticism to analyze interviews with Sunni Ali and archival data in her possession to reveal the complexity and diversity of black women’s roles and activities in a history of black resistance struggle and to locate black female presence and agency in Black Power. The following study more generally analyzes black female revolutionary nationalists’ roles, activities, and discursive identity negotiation during the Black Power Movement. By examining Sunni Ali’s life and the way she struggled against racism and patriarchy to advocate for Black Power and Black Nationalism, I demonstrate how her activism was a continuation of a tradition of black women’s resistance, and I extrapolate her forms of black women’s activism extant in the movement.
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Alvarado-Salas, Eric L. SoRelle James M. "The mind of Malcolm." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5045.
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Adams, Tyler Anthony. "“We Do Not Want This Sickness!”: Religion, Postcolonial Nationalism and Anti-Homosexuality Politics in Uganda." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306889389.
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Vickers, Edward Jason. "To "Plant Our Trees on American Soil, and Repose Beneath their Shade": Africa, Colonization, and the Evolution of a Black Identity Narrative in the United States, 1808-1861." Scholar Commons, 2015. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6045.
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This work explores the role that ideas about Africa played in the development of a specifically American identity among free blacks in the United States, from the early nineteenth century to the Civil War. Previous studies of the writings of free blacks in the Revolutionary period, and of the American Colonization Society (ACS), which was devoted to removing them back to an African homeland, have suggested that black discussions of Africa virtually disappeared after 1816, when the colonization movement began. However, as this work illustrates, the letters, books, newspapers, and organizational records produced by free blacks in the antebellum era tell a different story. The narrative of the ancestral homeland free blacks created in the late eighteenth century, when the Atlantic slave trade still supplied slaves to the United States, was one that emphasized the connections between Africa and its scattered descendants throughout the Americas. After the establishment of the ACS in 1816 free blacks’ dialogue related to the land of their ancestors did not disappear, but it did change dramatically. As this study reveals, the overarching impact of colonization, racial pseudo-science, and racism generally in the antebellum period, made Africa a subject that free black leaders and writers could not avoid. They had to talk about it. Paradoxically, they found that they needed to validate Africa, even as they rejected it. Free black Americans found themselves faced with the tasks, ultimately, of legitimizing their African origins, even as they spurned the idea of Africa as home.
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Melanye, Price Tarea. "Warring Souls, Reconciling Beliefs: Unearthing the Contours of African American Ideology." The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1046194786.
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McWilliams, Weldon Merrial. ""To Proclaim Liberty to the Captives": The Pan African Orthodox Christian Church and Its Relationship to Black Liberation Theology." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2010. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/79196.
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African American StudiesPh.D.
While examining the theology of Black Liberation and its contemporary relevance there are several questions that must be explained. Is there still a need for Black Liberation Theology within Christianity? What makes Black Liberation theology different from other Christian theologies? In recent years Christianity has had to dispute the notion that it is the "White Man's religion" and that Black People cannot benefit from the faith. How is this so if the majority of Black people in the United States identify Christianity as their faith? How have Black people benefited from this religion in the past and present? My research is two-fold. The first part of my research will focus on the history of Black Liberation Theology, its concepts and the historical and contemporary relevance. Black Liberation Theology, as an intellectual enterprise began in the late 1960's. Many credit James Cone with bringing a theology of Black Liberation into the forefront of intellectual discussions at educational institutions. Black Liberation theology seeks to answer the question "What does it mean to be Black and Christian in America?" James Cone posed the question and attempted to answer it in his first two books, Black Theology and Black Power, (1969), and A Black Theology of Liberation, (1970). Although Cone is often times seen as one of the pioneers of the Black Theology of Liberation, in actuality this movement has a very long history and its beginnings can be found in the freedom acts of Black people and the Black Religious experience in America from the time of enslavement (David Walker, Nat Turner, Denmark Vesey, Gabriel Prosser to name a few), through the abolitionist movements (James Forten, Henry Highland Garnett, William Wells Brown, Harriet Tubman, Richard Allen, Absalom Jones), continuing through the early to mid 1900's (Noble Drew Ali of the Moorish Science Temple, Elijah Muhammad of the Nation of Islam and Malcolm X of the Muslim Mosque Incorporated), the Civil Rights Era (Martin Luther King, Vernon Jones, Fred Shuttlesworth, Pastors of Baptist Churches in the American South), the Black Power/Black Arts Movements (Albert Cleage, Jr. of the Shrine of the Black Madonna). It stills functions in contemporary times with the recent resurgence of interest in the subject matter through the media's emphasis on the rhetoric of Rev. Jeremiah Wright and his congregation at Trinity United Church of Christ in the south side of Chicago, whose remarks were seen as controversial and almost jeopardized the candidacy of Senator Barack Obama to the Presidency. Black Liberation Theology holds the position that one's faith should encourage one to fight injustice and oppression on behalf of those who are oppressed and downtrodden. Christianity must be examined holistically which means that the religion carries a socio-political component as well as a spiritual one. Black Liberation Theologians believe that one cannot be concerned with reaching a "heavenly ever after" if he/she has not worked to heal his/her society from the social ills that exist. Working toward freedom and liberation is Christian work. These two must be seen as one and the same; you can't have one without the other. The second part of this study aims to examine a church that has made claims to preaching and putting Black Liberation Theology into practice. The Pan African Orthodox Christian Church (PAOCC) is a Christian denomination that seeks to utilize its religious institution as a tool to implement social change. Followers of this denomination believe the Black Church must utilize its resources and take advantage of its independent position, in order to bring forth freedom and liberation for people of African descent, and they attempt to do this within their place of worship. Dr. Martin Luther King best summarized the mission of the PAOCC best when he stated: [A]ny religion that professes concern for the souls of men and is not equally concerned about the slums that damn them, the economic conditions that strangle them, and the social conditions that cripple them is a spiritually moribund religion only waiting for the day to be buried. It well has been said: "A religion that ends with the individual ends (Clayborne, 18). My research aims to indicate that there is still a need for a theology of Black Liberation in the United States. Through careful analysis of Black Liberation Theology and the Pan African Orthodox Christian Church (PAOCC) this research will demonstrate how Black Liberation Theology has been the way that most men and women of African descent have traditionally accepted Christianity on those terms until two important events in African American history occurred: the end of the institution of enslavement; and the end of the Civil Rights Era. My research demonstrates how the PAOCC exemplifies a Black Liberation Theology. Lastly my research will also show that it is possible to be Christian and Afrocentric, which goes against the prevailing dictation of Afrocentric thought. There are Afrocentric scholars who make the claim that one cannot be both Afrocentric and Christian. My research ultimately intends to state that Afrocentricity should not antagonize the faith, but the Western practice of Christianity and its dominant theology as well as its practice.
Temple University--Theses
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Praud, Julia Marie. "Nationalism's discontents postcolonial contestations in the writings of Mariama Ba, Assia Djebar, Henri Lopes, and Ousmane Sembene /." Connect to resource, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1117566472.
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Donley, Genie A. "The Gathering Storm: The Role of White Nationalism in U.S. Politics." Cleveland State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1526041792631243.
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Cozza, Nicola. "Singing like wood-birds : refugee camps and exile in the construction of the Saharawi nation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d9ee198d-3275-4d6e-ae7f-34eb9a2aa101.
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Farmer, Ashley Dawn. "What You've Got is a Revolution: Black Women's Movements for Black Power." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10817.
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This dissertation examines African American women's gender-specific theorizing and intellectual production during the black power era. Previous histories of this period have focused primarily on the theoretical and activist roles of African American men. This study shows how black women radicals shaped the movement through an examination of their written and cultural production within various black power political ideologies, including cultural nationalism, revolutionary nationalism, and black power feminism.African and African American Studies
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Wooten, Terrance. "Towards a New Black Nation: Space, Place, Citizenship, and Imagination." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306945797.
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O'Connell, Grainne Marie Teresa. "A comparative analysis of HIV/AIDS, transnationalism, sexuality, gender and ethnicity in selected Anglophone Caribbean and South African literature and film." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2014. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/48857/.
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In this thesis, I demonstrate that the historical, and ideological, trajectories of HIV/AIDS discourses mirror the tensions between the local, global and transnational in my analysis of selected Anglophone Caribbean and South African literature and film. My methodology is adamantly a comparative studies approach as I overview the broader socio-historical narrative of HIV/AIDS whilst concurrently incorporating the idea of texts as always inflected by the wider historical and ideological processes behind transnationalism. I then link the competing histories of HIV/AIDS with textual depictions of HIV/AIDS, Indo-Caribbean histories, black Atlantic histories, and same-sex desire whilst foregrounding the socio-historical backdrop of transnationalism since the colonial period. A central thread running throughout is that transnational dialectics signify both the effects of the past on the present and the importance of comparative analyses for transnational textual engagements. Texts under discussion are the feature film Dancehall Queen by Rick Elgood and Don Letts, the novel The Swinging Bridge by Ramabai Espinet, the documentary film The Darker Side of Black by Isaac Julien, the feature film Children of God by Kareem Mortimer, the novella Welcome to Our Hillbrow by Phaswane Mpe, and the feature film The World Unseen by Shamim Sarif. Given the concurrent focus in postcolonial/queer around specific regional histories, I pinpoint that the dialectics between local, global and transnational discourses convey more nuanced, yet also more contradictory, textual engagement(s) with HIV/AIDS, transnationalism, sexuality, gender and ethnicity than some of the dominant narrative threads and debates surrounding postcolonial/queer. This point is particularly stressed in light of how many postcolonial/queer discussions readily fix the idea of the local as distinct from the global and the transnational. I thus re-read the contradictory registers of these discourses whilst foregrounding the relationship between these and HIV/AIDS discourses since the 1970s. I concurrently situate ny transnational comparative approach within the broader field of postcolonial/queer theory and approaches.
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Williams, Darius Omar. "The Negro Ensemble Company: Beyond Black Fists from 1967 to 1978." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337951143.
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McCoy, Austin C. "The Creation of an African-American Counterpublic: The Impact of Race, Class, Gender, and Sexuality on Black Radicalism during the Black Freedom Movement, 1965-1981." [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1239641963.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Kent State University, 2009.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Nov. 16, 2009). Advisor: Elizabeth Smith-Pryor. Keywords: Civil Rights Movement; Black Power; Black Feminism; Gender; Race; Class; Sexuality; Nationalism; Black Radicalism. Includes bibliographical references (p. 132-139).
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Macaia, Fernando Hélder Panzo. "Os movimentos religiosos africanos e a luta anti-colonial na África Austral - O caso do Tocoísmo em Angola (1949-1975)." Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/28738.
Full textAbstract:
Este é um estudo histórico sobre o Nacionalismo Religioso Africano centrado em
Simão Toco e no Tocoísmo. Com base nos fundos documentais coloniais, procuramos restituir a
trajectória de Simão Toco, a organização e expansão do Tocoísmo, e as suas interacções com o
Nacionalismo Político Angolano e os movimentos de libertação no período compreendido entre
1949 e 1975.
Para cumprir o desiderato acima exposto, o alicerce deste trabalho tem no essencial
fontes primárias, provenientes de três fundos, reunidos no âmbito do Ministério do Ultramar
(Arquivo Histórico Diplomático; PIDE-ANTT e SCCIA). No seu conjunto, estes fundos
proporcionaram informações diversas, proveniente de correspondência, informes, relatórios
militares/policiais, administrativos, religiosos e estudos encomendados pela Administração
colonial.
Mas, talvez a sua componente mais importante pela sua abundância e variedade, são os
“documentos tocoístas”, num abundante e variado conjunto de peças (correspondências, relatos,
manuais de catequese…), produzidas por membros do movimento no âmbito das atividades da
Igreja, apreendidas pela PIDE ou outros serviços coloniais e que estão dispersos pelos vários
fundos acima referidos. A distinção no corpus documental entre os documentos coloniais e os
documentos tocoístas e a triangulação da informação nelas contidas proporcionou a construção
de uma narrativa polifónica e mais complexa sobre a trajectória histórica de Simão Toco e do
Tocoísmo na emergência, evolução expressão das formas e soluções do Nacionalismo Angolano; ABSTRACT:
African Religious Movements and the Anti-Colonial Fight in Southern Africa - The Case of Tocoism in Angola
(1949-1975)
This is a historical study of the African Religious Nationalism centered on Simão Toco
and Tocoism. Based on colonial documentary funds, we seek to restore the trajectory of Simão
Toco, the organization and expansion of Tocoism, and his interactions with Angolan political
nationalism and liberation movements in the period between 1949 and 1975.
In order to attain the above-mentioned goal, the foundation of this work has essentially
primary sources, from three funds, gathered under the Ministry of Overseas Territories
(Diplomatic Historical Archive; PIDE - ANTT and SCCIA). As a whole, these funds provided
innumerable information, from correspondences, reports, military/police, administrative and
religious reports and studies commissioned by the colonial administration.
However, perhaps the most important component, due to its abundance, the "Tocoist
documents" are in a varied set of pieces such as correspondence, reports, catechetical manuals
etc. produced by the members of the movement within the scope of the Church's activities,
seized by the PIDE or other colonial services which are dispersed through the various funds
mentioned above. The distinction in the corpus of documents between the colonial and tocoist
documents and the triangulation of the information contained therein provided the construction
of a more complex and polyphonic narrative on the historical trajectory of Simão Toco and
Tocoism in the emergence, evolution and expression of forms and solutions of the Angolan
Nationalism.
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Stavrianou, Jennifer Dawn. "Yinka Shonibare. Post Colonial Discord and the Contemporary Social Fabric of 2017." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1492814338595612.
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Maritz, P. J. (Petrus Jacobus). "Ben Marais (1909-1999) : the influences on and heritage of a South African Prophet during two periods of transformation." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/25204.
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This thesis in Church History presents a biographic study on the life of Ben Marais against the political and ecclesiastic background of South Africa of the 20th century. The significance of Ben Marais’ life is approached through his correspondence with the secretaries of the World Council of Churches during the 1960s and 1970s. The letters, pertaining to the World Council of Churches financial and moral support for the organisations fighting against Apartheid, reflect on Ben Marais’ involvement with the World Council and his particular concerns. Through a study on the life of Ben Marais insight can be gained into the thinking of the leadership of the NG Kerk. The study presents Ben Marais as a prophet who challenged the then popular tendencies in the NG Kerk theology on policy justification and on the relation between religion and nationalism. The central question in this study asks, what led an ordinary man, of humble background, to the insights he reflected, and guided him through times of transparent opposition to maintain his belief in what was right and just? What was the essence of his theology and understanding of the South African problem? To what extent could the church leaders of the present, and the future learn from his example and life, in terms of the tribulations faced, different schools of thought, and sentiments, both nationalistic and spiritual? The study then wishes to test the following hypothesis: Ben Marais can be considered as one of the steadfast and humble prophets of the church in Southern Africa during the 20th century, who serves as an example of Christian Brotherhood, regardless of the perplexities, for present and future generations on relations between the affairs of faith, state and society. The thesis presents a broader introduction on Church Historiography. Ben Marais’ own historiographical reflection is considered. The approaches to history are summarised as background to the periodisation model adopted by the study. The study wishes to work with a thematic model set against a chronological framework. Sensitivity to geographical concerns is also expressed. Afrikaner Nationalism is not seen in isolation, but in relation to African, English and Indian Nationalism.Thesis (DD)--University of Pretoria, 2005.
Church History and Church Policy
unrestricted
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Ngoie, Jennifer. "Before It Was History Someone Had to Live It: An Assesment of Malcolm X's Impact on Today's College Students." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1182.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Meyer, Dwight R. "Employing Masculinity as an Agent of Social Change: An Examination of the Writings and Tactics of Robert F. Williams." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1291064202.
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Berge, Lars. "The Bambatha Watershed : Swedish Missionaries, African Christians and an Evolving Zulu Church in Rural Natal and Zululand 1902-1910." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2000. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-743.
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This study examines the Church of Sweden Mission and the encounter between Swedish missionaries, African Christians and evangelists in Natal and Zululand in the early twentieth century. The ambition with the present study is to demonstrate that the mission enterprise was dependent on and an integral part of developments in society at large. It attends to the issue of how the idea of folk Christianisation and the establishing of a territorial folk church on the mission field originated in the Swedish society and was put into practice in South Africa. It describes how the goals implied attempted to both change and preserve African society. This was a task mainly assigned the African evangelists. By closely focusing on the particular regions where the Church of Sweden Mission was present, conflicts between pre-capitalistand capitalist, black and white societies are revealed. The 1906 Bambatha uprising became a watershed. The present study demonstrates how the uprising differently affected different regions and also the evolving -Zulu church. in the one region where Christianity was made compatible with African Nationalist claims, it was demonstrated that it was possible to be both a nationalist and a Christian, which paved the way for both religious independency and nationalist resistance and, eventually, large scale conversions.
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Caplin, Nathan G. "Jewish Ethnic Identity and the Dissolution of the Black-Jewish Alliance." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2012. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/3574.
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Since the early 20th century, Jews promoted civil rights for Black Americans in law, society, and employment. The Jewish hand of friendship developed into a natural alliance of African-American and Jewish leaders committed to racial equality that blossomed in the 1950s and 1960s and culminated with the passage of the Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act. Despite their long term mutual efforts towards racial equality, the Black-Jewish Alliance faltered after Jews and Blacks cooperated to achieve these victories, and their alliance lay in ruins by the late 1960s and early 1970s. The Black-Jewish Alliance began to wane as government institutionalized racial preferences in education and employment. While observers argue affirmative action ended these communities' cooperation, government-mandated racial preferences merely highlighted the underlying cause of the disintegration of Black-Jewish Alliance: the transformation of Jewish American identity from racial minority to "white ethnic." The Jewish racial transformation-a gradual shift in their association with ethnic communities-augmented racial disputes between Blacks and Jews. As Jewish identity shifted from perceived racial minority to American white ethnicity, the Black-Jewish racial fault line shook along the fronts of Black Nationalism and neoconservatism. These racial cleavages-spurred by the fluidity of Jewish ethnic identity-highlighted divergent Black and Jewish conceptions of the meaning and purpose of civil rights. The chasm separating Black and Jewish conceptions of civil rights manifested itself in the 1970s when the champions of racial equality advocated competing sides of a still contentious philosophical war fought on the battlefields of the U.S. Supreme Court in University of California Regents v. Bakke (1978) and DeFunis v. Odegaard (1974).
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Frahm, Ole. "“How a state is made” – statebuilding and nationbuilding in South Sudan in the light of its African peers." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Kultur-, Sozial- und Bildungswissenschaftliche Fakultät, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17648.
Full textAbstract:
Afrikanische Staaten werden oft mit einem ideal-typischen westeuropäischen Nationalstaat verglichen und unweigerlich für unzureichend befunden. Diese Arbeit begegnet diesem theoretischen Missstand, indem sie eine neue Typologie des territorialen afrikanischen Nationalstaats in Abgrenzung vom europäischen Model entwickelt. Die Typologie fungiert als theoretisches Prisma für eine ausführliche Analyse des Südsudan für die Jahre 2005-2014. Gleichzeitig liefert der Vergleich mit dem Sonderfall Südsudan neue Erkenntnisse zum Wandel von Staat und Nation in Afrika. Ausgehend von einer historisch-philosophischen Querschau auf Staat und Nation in Europa, werden die grundverschiedenen Umstände von Nationalstaatsbildung im postkolonialen Afrika dargestellt. Der Autor schöpft aus einer umfangreichen Literatur, die fast sämtliche Staaten in Sub-Sahara Afrika abdeckt, um typisierte Aspekte von Staat und Nation herauszuarbeiten. Für den afrikanischen Staat sind dies der hybride Quasi-Staat, der illegitime Staat, der privatisierte neopatrimoniale Staat und der aufgedunsene Zentralstaat. Die Typologie der afrikanischen Nation besteht aus inklusivem Staatsnationalismus, dem Wiedererstarken politischer Ethnizität sowie dem ausgrenzenden neuen Nationalismus. Auf der Basis von Primär- und Sekundärquellen sowie Feldforschung, haben sich südsudanesischer Staat und Nation als überwiegend kongruent mit der Typologie erwiesen. Abweichungen bestehen jedoch im Ausmaß der Übernahme von Dienstleistungen durch ausländische NGOs, in der Struktur der neopatrimonialen Netzwerke sowie in der Rolle, die Sprache für die nationale Identität spielt. Zudem weist der Südsudan sämtliche Entwicklungstrends des postkolonialen Nationalismus parallel zueinander und nicht aufeinander folgend auf. Dies deutet darauf hin, dass sich die Bedingungen für Nationenbildung im heutigen Afrika dank Urbanisierung, moderner Kommunikationswege und dem Vorherrschen von Bürgerkriegen sehr von der Vergangenheit unterscheiden.African states are often judged by comparison to an ideal-typical Western European nation-state, which inevitably finds the African state wanting. This thesis challenges this theoretical drawback by developing a novel typology of the African territorial nation-state in juxtaposition to the European model. The typology is then applied as a theoretical prism for an in-depth analysis of the case of South Sudan, the world’s newest state, for the period 2005-2014. At the same time, comparison to the anomalous case of South Sudan provides new insights into the changing nature of statehood and nationalism in Africa. Starting out from a historical-philosophical overview of state and nation in the European context, the very different circumstances of nation-state formation in postcolonial Africa are depicted. The author then draws on a large body of literature covering almost all of Sub-Saharan Africa to distil typified facets of state and nation. For the African state, these components are the hybrid quasi state, the illegitimate state, the privatized neopatrimonial state and the swollen centralized state. The typology of the African nation consists of inclusive state-nationalism, the resurgence of political ethnicity and exclusionary new nationalism and the politics of autochthony. Based on primary and secondary sources including fieldwork in South Sudan, the empirical reality of South Sudan’s nascent nation-state is shown to largely match the typology. Important divergences exist however in the degree of service delivery by foreign NGOs, in the dispersed nature of the neopatrimonial networks, and the role of language in nationbuilding. Crucially, South Sudan exhibits all three trends of postcolonial African nationalism at the same time rather than in successive periods. This indicates that in contemporary Africa rapid urbanization, modern communications and the prevalence of civil wars create very different conditions for nationbuilding than in decades past.
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Coleman, Darrell Edward. "THE TROPE OF DOMESTICITY: NEO- SLAVE NARRATIVE SATIRE ON PATRIARCHY AND BLACK MASCULINITY." Cleveland State University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1371724364.
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Shongwe, Acquirance Vusumuzi. "King Dingane : a treacherous tyrant or an African nationalist?" Thesis, University of Zululand, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1123.
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A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2004.This thesis focuses on the reasons why King Dingane of the Zulu nation has been portrayed predominantly as a treacherous tyrant in South Africa's Eurocentric historical databases and poses the question whether he should, instead, not be regarded as the forerunner of African nationalism. It also examines the roots of European imperialism in South Africa, as recorded in governmental, geographical, trade and missionary records, and points out that, as with the first colonial invasion by Islam that resulted in the Tarikh chronicles, European imperialism was also inherently based on foreign and nationalistic biases. The study concludes that these preconceived notions have adulterated and overwhelmed the purer African voice that is uniquely represented by the oral tradition. Because the subdued African voice is regarded as more reliable than the written Eurocentric records, this study attempts to augment the Africa- centered work of Africanist historians who have, for several decades, revisited the oral history of Africa in order to recover, rehabilitate and represent a point of view and perspective intrinsic and special to Africa. The history of King Dingane of the Zulus encapsulates the problem of African historiography best because most of the sources from which accounts of his reign are reconstructed are European, and for this reason, propagate a Eurocentric bias. For example, while Eurocentric White historians are able to present, in print, three eyewitness accounts of the death of Piet Retief, the African point of view based on oral history is largely disregarded. This study seeks to redress this imbalance by championing the African point of view, which is considered to be not only sensible but also plausible and justifiable. Likewise, much attention has been given to the many studies that demonise King Dingane for the single act of viciously killing the purportedly innocent and innocuous Voortrekkers, while the broad contours of context against which his actions should be judged are disregarded. The purpose of this thesis is to debunk the myth of King Dingane's unfairness and criminality. It can therefore be interpreted as an effort at decriminalizing King Dingane's actions - a dimension that earlier as well as contemporary scholars of African history have hitherto ignored. It is hoped that in time similar studies on other issues will broaden this perspective and help to create the balance so sorely missing in Zulu history. A theoretical framework for historical representation is provided in chapter one of the study, while chapter two examines the mindset of the White explorers that arrived in Africa, and their imperial agenda that sought to control, drastically change and re-order everything. Chapter three attempts to portray the greatness of King Dingane in dealing with matters of governance as well as other issues that were to have a profound impact on the way in which he came to be portrayed in history books. Chapter four discusses the relationship between King Dingane and the British Settlers at Port Natal, while chapter five deals with the relationships between King Dingane and the Voortrekkers, who sought the very freedom from the British in the Cape Colony that they were prepared to destroy among Africans in the Zulu Kingdom. The final chapter deals with public history and perceptions about King Dingane in the 21^' century. The two museums that commemorate Impi yase Ncome/the Battle of 'Blood River' on 16 December are contrasted with each other and their potential for nation building is examined in a critical light. The central thesis of this study is that the historiography of the early years of the 19'^ century inevitably, and perhaps even deliberately, represented King Dingane as a tyrant with neither nationalistic proclivities nor stately qualities. The popularity of this historiographic perspective is arguably symptomatic of a hegemonic disciplinary praxis that seeks to privilege the principles of selection, preference and bias in the use of the vast archive of sources available to the historian, from the written to the oral source. To all intents and purposes, this principle, which interpolates the discourse of history as well as the producers and consumers of historical scholarship, has led to a limited, over-determined and totalizing view of King Dingane. It is this biased discourse that articulates with the dominant ideology that not only informed scholarship, but also reflected the ideology of the institutions responsible for shaping historiography. A full analysis of the circumstances surrounding King Dingane at the time, including the history, the culture, the political dynamics and the personalities of the actors, leads one to the inexorable conclusion that this thesis arrives at - namely that the king did what 'a king had to do.' It is furthermore concluded that the evidence leads one to believe that King Dingane should be seen as a forerunner of Black Nationalism, instead of being branded as a treacherous, bloodthirsty tyrant.
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Berry, Neil Alexander. "Resource nationalism in Southern Africa : ethnic control and political ideology." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13666.
Full textAbstract:
In the West nationalisation and privatisation have been explained mostly in relation to the political ideologies of capitalism and socialism. The privatisations that began in the 1980s, and accelerated after the collapse of socialism across Eastern Europe, have generally been considered to be developmentally linear. Postcolonial nationalisation-privatisation cycles in South East Asian and Latin American countries, by contrast, have been explained by scholars such as Chua as related to ethnicism, nationalism and indigenism and above all the presence of a 'emarket dominant ethnic minority f (MDM). This paper reviews the cycles of nationalisation and privatisation in the mining industries in Zambia and South Africa (SA), in order to examine the respective roles that ethnicity and political ideology have played. It explores whether minority ethnic economic control is more important than political ideology in driving calls for nationalisation of mining. For each country case, I set out a detailed historical analysis of the political and policy provisions made since independence from colonial rule. The paper explores ideas of ownership and race; the internalisation of norms of neoliberal economic policies; socialism and nationalism; and power relations and identity politics. The study also interrogates the impact of global structures upon state decisions. In both case studies, I show that minority ethnic dominance has been a more important driver of nationalisation/privatisation cycles than political ideology.
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Edmondson, Taulby Hawthorne. "The Wind Goes On: 'Gone with the Wind' and the Imagined Geographies of the American South." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/82863.
Full textAbstract:
Published in 1936, Margaret Mitchell's Gone with the Wind achieved massive literary success before being adapted into a motion picture of the same name in 1939. The novel and film have amassed numerous accolades, inspired frequent reissues, and sustained mass popularity. This dissertation analyzes evidence of audience reception in order to assess the effects of Gone with the Wind's version of Lost Cause collective memory on the construction of the Old South, Civil War, and Lost Cause in the American imagination from 1936 to 2016. By utilizing the concept of prosthetic memory in conjunction with older, still-existing forms of collective cultural memory, Gone with the Wind is framed as a newly theorized mass cultural phenomenon that perpetuates Lost Cause historical narratives by reaching those who not only identify closely with it, but also by informing what nonidentifying consumers seeking historical authenticity think about the Old South and Civil War. In so doing, this dissertation argues that Gone with the Wind is both an artifact of the Lost Cause collective memory that it, more than anything else, legitimized in the twentieth century and a multi-faceted site where memory of the South and Civil War is still created.
My research is grounded in the field of memory studies, in particular the work of Pierre Nora, Eric Hobsbawn, Andreas Huyssen, Michael Kammen, and Alison Landsberg. In chapter one, I track the reception of Gone with the Wind among white American audiences and define the phenomenon as rooted in Benedict Anderson's conception of the nation. I further argue that Gone with the Wind's Lost Causism provided white national subjects with a collective memory of slavery and the Civil War that made sense of continuing racial tensions during Jim Crow and justified white resistance to African American equality. Gone with the Wind, in other words, reconciled the lingering ideological divisions between white northerners and southerners who then were more concerned with protecting white supremacy.
In chapter two and three, I analyze Gone with the Wind's continuing popularity throughout the twentieth century and its significant influence on other sites of national memory. Chapter four uses contemporary user reviews of Gone with the Wind DVD and Blu-ray collector's editions to reveal that the phenomenon remains popular.
Throughout this study I analyze the history of black resistance to the Gone with the Wind phenomenon. For African Americans, Gone with the Wind's Lost Causism has always been understood as justification for racism, imbuing the white national conscious with a mythological history of slavery and black inferiority. As I argue, black protestors to Gone with the Wind were correct, as the phenomenon has always resonated most during moments of increased racial tension such as during the civil rights era and following the Charleston Church Massacre in 2015.Ph. D.
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Van, der Schyff Karlien. "Beyond the "Baartman Trope": representations of black women's bodies from early South African proto-nationalisms to postapartheid nationalisms." Doctoral thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/30094.
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In this thesis, I interrogate the discourses through which colonial stereotypes of race, gender and sexuality are uncritically invoked to serve new purposes, particularly in the service of postapartheid nationalist narratives. I argue not only that contemporary South African nationalism is imagined through gendered tropes, but also that the intersecting tropes of gender, race and sexuality which underlie postapartheid nation-building discourses propagate many of the same stereotypes about black women’s sexuality first entrenched through colonial representations. More specifically, I argue that these tropes are repeatedly invoked through an uncritical deployment of what I term the “Baartman trope”. With this term, I aim to signal the problematic discourses and systems of representation that have reduced Sara Baartman’s embodied specificity to that of a generalised, stereotypical symbol, either as the archetypal hypersexualised victim of colonial exploitation and humiliation, or as the symbolic mother of the “new” South African nation. Throughout this thesis, I not only offer a critique of the “Baartman trope” itself, but also aim to disrupt the decidedly reductive mode of representation which makes an essentialist stereotype such as the “Baartman trope” possible. To this end, I draw on performativity theory and the representational category of intimacy as ethical scholarly approaches to the politics of representation. I interrogate a wide range of literary texts, as well as a number of different scenes of representation that simultaneously challenge, perpetuate, refute and complicate essentialist and stereotypical representations of the black female body. Ranging from early South African proto-nationalist narratives to current postapartheid nationalist discourses, these different scenes of representation show that the same problematic tropes underlying colonial representations of gendered, racialised and sexualised black female bodies are more often than not re-imagined and reconstituted in the postcolonial imaginary. Furthermore, the fact that colonial systems of signification still underpin and influence postcolonial representations, albeit in new ways and to different purposes, highlights the inevitably ambiguous, unstable and hybridised nature of representing race, gender and sexuality in the South African postcolony.
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Konlan, Binamin. "Predictability of Identity Voting Behaviour, Perceived Exclusion and Neglect, and the Paradox of Loyalty| A Case Study of a Conflict Involving the Ewe Group in the Volta Region of Ghana and the NDC-led Administrations." Thesis, Nova Southeastern University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10260431.
Full textAbstract:
The Republic of Ghana is the legacy of the colonial amalgam of multiple, and previously distinct, ethnic homelands. The Trans-Volta Togoland became the Volta Region of Ghana following a Plebiscite in 1956. The dominant ethnic group in this region; the Ewe, has long maintained a claim of neglect of the Volta Region and the marginalization of its people in this postcolonial state. Protests in the street and at media houses ensued against the State. This qualitative case study explores the undercurrents of this conflict in the context of the Ewe group’s identity and their experiences of neglect and marginalization in the postcolonial state. The main objective of the study was to understand why the Ewe group has not revolted despite the perceptions of deprivation. This study focused on the Ewe group in the Volta Region of Ghana a as sub-colonial construct that has managed its perceptions of deprivation without revolting against the host State.
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Peko, Nyameka. "Fostering corporate citizenship in the South African taxi industry." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/2869.
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The purpose of this study was to investigate and foster corporate citizenship (CC) in the SA taxi industry. The primary objective of this study was to foster corporate citizenship in the South African taxi industry by investigating the determinants that would increase CC in the SA taxi industry. The study gathered quantitative information about CC, identified which factors influence CC in the taxi industry and investigated which of these factors are the most important determinants that would increase the CC in the industry in South Africa. This study was intended to contribute to building the body of knowledge for the implementation and fostering of corporate citizenship programs. In particular, the researcher hoped that the framework provided in this study would outline the practical strategies that the taxi organisations should take in developing targeted, long-term partnerships with the communities in which they operate. Convenience sampling was used to select one hundred (100) participants. The response rate was ninety-six percent (96%). The sample was structured to include the directors, deputy directors, senior managers, managers and the drivers of the taxi organisations in twenty-three districts in the Eastern Cape. These participants were taken from the body that incorporates all the taxi associations in Eastern Cape called the Eastern Cape Bus and Business Chamber (ECBTBC). The empirical results revealed that in order to increase corporate citizenship within the SA taxi industry there should be an increase in its human resource management, operations management and the dynamic externalism of its members. The findings also revealed that the social cynicism should be decreased within this industry.