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Journal articles on the topic 'African nationalism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 12 February 2022

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1

Kamata, Ng’wanza. "Julius Nyerere: from a Territorial Nationalist to a Pan African Nationalist." African Review 46, no. 2 (January 21, 2020): 309–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1821889x-12340003.

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Abstract Africa has largely experienced two types of nationalism namely territorial nationalism and Pan Africanism. Both territorial and Pan African nationalism were anti-imperialists but the former’s mission was limited to attainment of independence from colonialism. Few nationalist leaders who led their countries to independence transcended territorial nationalism; one of them was Julius Nyerere of Tanzania. Nyerere was a Pan African nationalist although he began as a nationalist concerned with the liberation of his country Tanganyika. He spent most of his political life championing for African Unity believing that it was the only instrument to totally liberate Africa. How did his ideas and practices which initially placed him in the ranks of territorial nationalists advance into Pan Africanism? This article examines this question and explores Nyerere’s aspects of Pan Africanism.

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2

TERRETTA, MEREDITH. "CAMEROONIAN NATIONALISTS GO GLOBAL: FROM FOREST MAQUIS TO A PAN-AFRICAN ACCRA." Journal of African History 51, no. 2 (July 2010): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853710000253.

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ABSTRACTThis article reassesses the political alternatives imagined by African nationalists in the ‘first wave’ of Africa's decolonization through the lens of Cameroonian nationalism. After the proscription of Cameroon's popular nationalist movement, the Union des Populations du Cameroun (UPC), in the mid-1950s, thousands of Cameroonian nationalists went into exile, most to Accra, where they gained the support of Kwame Nkrumah's Pan-African Bureau for African Affairs. The UPC's external support fed Cameroon's internal maquis (as UPC members called the underground resistance camps within the territories), rooted in culturally particular conceptions of freedom and sovereignty. With such deeply local and broadly international foundations, the political future that Cameroonian nationalists envisaged seemed achievable: even after the Cameroon territories' official independence, UPC nationalists kept fighting. But, by the mid-1960s, postcolonial states prioritized territorial sovereignty over ‘African unity’ and Ghana's support of the UPC became unsustainable, leading to the movement's disintegration.

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3

Geiger, Susan. "Tanganyikan Nationalism as ‘Women's Work’: Life Histories, Collective Biography and Changing Historiography." Journal of African History 37, no. 3 (November 1996): 465–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700035544.

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Although nationalism in Tanzania, as elsewhere in Africa, has been criticized for its shortcomings, and a ‘Dar es Salaam School’ has been charged with succumbing to its ideological biases, few historians have revisited or questioned Tanzania's dominant nationalist narrative – a narrative created over 25 years ago. Biographies written in aid of this narrative depict nationalism in the former Trust Territory of Tanganyika as primarily the work of a few good men, including ‘proto-nationalists’ whose anti-colonial actions set the stage and provided historical continuity for the later western-oriented ideological work of nationalist modernizers.The life history narratives of women who became activists in the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) in the 1950s disrupt this view of progressive stages toward an emerging nationalist consciousness which reflected and borrowed heavily from western forms and ideals. They suggest that Tanganyikan nationalism was also and significantly the work of thousands of women, whose lives and associations reflected trans-tribal ties and affiliations, and whose work for TANU served to both construct and perform what nationalism came to signify for many Tanzanian women and men. Women activists did not simply respond to TANU's nationalist rhetoric; they shaped, informed and spread a nationalist consciousness for which TANU was the vehicle.Neither ‘extraordinary’ individuals (the usual subjects of male biography) nor ‘representative’ of ‘ordinary people’ (often the subjects of life histories), TANU women activists' lives reveal the severe limitations of the dichotomous characterizations of traditional biographical forms. Together, their narratives constitute a collective biographical narrative of great significance for our understanding of nationalism and nationalist movement in the former Tanganyika.

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4

Gray, Debra, Aislinn Delany, and Kevin Durrheim. "Talking to ‘real’ South Africans: An Investigation of the Dilemmatic Nature of Nationalism." South African Journal of Psychology 35, no. 1 (March 2005): 127–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124630503500108.

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This study is a discursive analysis of how a group of South Africans, who are seriously contemplating emigration, talk about South Africa and their place in it. The primary aim was to investigate the discursive construction of national categories, in order to highlight the way in which context informs both the content and nature of nationalist accounting. The talk of emigrating South Africans showed the existence of a fundamental dilemma of nationalism, as evidenced by the existence of coexisting, contradictory themes of nationalism and anti-nationalism across the interviews. Participants attempted to resolve this dilemma by identifying and disidentifying with a ‘South African’ national category at various points. In particular, three rhetorical strategies are discussed that allowed participants to distance themselves from the national category, that is, collective versus personal, splintering the nation and refuting the collective. These findings are compared to those of Billig's (1995) work on banal nationalism and Condor's (2000) study of English national identity in order to draw parallels, or point to differences, in the way that people orient to national categories in different settings. These findings highlight that generalist studies of discourse may not be relevant across all national contexts. Instead, it is argued that an understanding of South African national accounting will very much depend on an understanding of the contexts in which these accounts are realised.

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Cloete, E. "Writing of(f) the women of the National Women’s Monument." Literator 20, no. 3 (April 26, 1999): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v20i3.488.

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The rise of nationalisms throughout the twentieth century presents a constellation of discourses in which the notion of “woman” has undergone phases of mobilisation and dismissal depending on the stage of national consciousness reached. The brochures of the National Women’s Monument, written to augment the reasons for the monument’s erection, reveal the problematics of Afrikaner nationalism and gender. In this paper, tentative parallels are drawn between Afrikaner nationalism and the new emergent African nationalism in South Africa in which the issues of women and nationalism are considered to be products of the same discourse despite increasing rights accruing to women generally.

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6

MSINDO, ENOCENT. "ETHNICITY AND NATIONALISM IN URBAN COLONIAL ZIMBABWE: BULAWAYO, 1950 TO 1963." Journal of African History 48, no. 2 (July 2007): 267–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853707002538.

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ABSTRACTZimbabwean historians have not yet fully assessed the interaction of two problematic identities, ethnicity and nationalism, to determine whether the two can work as partners and successfully co-exist. This essay argues that, in Bulawayo during the period studied, ethnicity co-existed with and complemented nationalism rather than the two working as polar opposite identities. Ethnic groups provided both the required leaders who became prominent nationalist figures and the precolonial history, personalities and monuments that sparked the nationalist imagination. From the 1950s, ethnic groups expanded their horizons and provided platforms from which emerging African nationalists launched their agenda. Understanding these interrelationships will reshape our understanding of the workings of these two identities in a cosmopolitan town.

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7

Pels, Peter. "Creolisation in Secret: The Birth of Nationalism in Late Colonial Uluguru, Tanzania." Africa 72, no. 1 (February 2002): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2002.72.1.1.

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AbstractThis article restudies assumptions about the nature of nationalism in Africa on the basis of the brief moment when African nationalism emerged in the mountain area of Uluguru, in eastern Tanzania. It suggests that our understanding of the emergence of the concept of nationality was far too narrowly focused on the idea of the state and of the unity of the public existing within that state. By exploring a multiplicity of coexisting colonial and indigenous political discourses in terms of ‘creolisation’, and setting this multiplicity of public discourses against the background of the secret politics that determined their interaction, the article suggests directions for the rethinking of African politics in modernity.

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8

Hofmeyr, Isabel, Preben Kaarsholm, and Bodil Folke Frederiksen. "INTRODUCTION: PRINT CULTURES, NATIONALISMS AND PUBLICS OF THE INDIAN OCEAN." Africa 81, no. 1 (January 24, 2011): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000197201000001x.

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ABSTRACTThe emergence of the Indian Ocean region as an important geo-political arena is being studied across a range of disciplines. Yet while the Indian Ocean has figured in Swahili studies and analyses of East and Southern African diasporic communities, it has remained outside the mainstream of African Studies. This introduction provides an overview of emerging trends in the rich field of Indian Ocean studies and draws out their implications for scholars of Africa. The focus of the articles is on one strand in the study of the Indian Ocean, namely the role of print and visual culture in constituting public spheres and nationalisms in, across and between the societies around the Ocean.The themes addressed unfold between Southern and East Africa and India as well as along the African coast from KwaZulu-Natal through Zanzibar and Tanzania to the Arab world. This introduction surveys debates on print culture, newspapers and nationalism in African Studies and demonstrates how the articles in the volume support and extend these areas of study. It draws out the broader implications of these debates for the historiographies of East African studies, Southern African studies, debates on Indian nationalism and Islam.

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9

Salafia, Susanna Iacona. "African Nationalism: Two Different Intellectual Perspectives." Journal of English Language and Literature 3, no. 2 (April 30, 2014): 242–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17722/jell.v3i2.47.

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African Nationalism was a multifaceted political movement that has had different origins, developments and outgoings considering the complexity of cultures, religions, natural environments and ethnicities of this immense continent. It’s of course inappropiate to talk about “African Nationalism”, as an identical and common phenomenon that brought to the independence from Colonialism in each state. As for Nationalism in Europe, it had its own specificity in at least the main big areas of North, West, East and South of Africa.

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Delport, Terblanche. "Erasing the Nation." Theoria 68, no. 168 (September 1, 2021): 136–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2021.6816807.

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The story of conqueror South African historiography relies on the ebbs and flows of narrative clichés and tropes. The main narrative arcs relate to historiographies that frame the understanding and analysis of conqueror South Africa. These historiographies interpret history as forming part of an epistemological paradigm of conqueror South Africa: a historiography that does not question the ethical right to conquest. This article focuses on the interpretations of African Nationalism by proponents of the liberal and Marxist historiographic traditions and critiques the way in which these historiographies depict and characterise African Nationalism. This historical characterisation bears an influence in current political and social discourse in conqueror South Africa: African Nationalism is relegated to a misguided moment in history, something to be reflected upon from a distance, an irrelevant phase in the long walk to a multiracial and cosmopolitan South Africa.

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11

Tilly, Charles. "Citizenship, Identity and Social History." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (December 1995): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113586.

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With appropriate lags for rethinking, research, writing and publication, international events impinge strongly on the work of social scientists and social historians. The recent popularity of democratization, globalization, international institutions, ethnicity, nationalism, citizenship and identity as research themes stems largely from world affairs: civilianization of major authoritarian regimes in Latin America; dismantling of apartheid in South Africa; collapse of the Soviet Union, the Warsaw Pact and Yugoslavia; ethnic struggles and nationalist claims in Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa; extension of the European Union; rise of East Asian economic powers. Just as African decolonization spurred an enormous literature on modernization and political development, the explosion of claims to political independence on the basis of ethnic distinctness is fomenting a new literature on nationalism.

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Frederiksen, Bodil Folke. "PRINT, NEWSPAPERS AND AUDIENCES IN COLONIAL KENYA: AFRICAN AND INDIAN IMPROVEMENT, PROTEST AND CONNECTIONS." Africa 81, no. 1 (January 24, 2011): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972010000082.

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ABSTRACTThe article addresses African and Indian newspaper networks in Kenya in the late 1940s in an Indian Ocean perspective. Newspapers were important parts of a printing culture that was sustained by Indian and African nationalist politics and economic enterprise. In this period new intermediary groups of African and Indian entrepreneurs, activists and publicists, collaborating around newspaper production, captured fairly large and significant non-European audiences (some papers had print runs of around ten thousand) and engaged them in new ways, incorporating their aspirations, writings and points of view in newspapers. They depended on voluntary and political associations and anti-colonial struggles in Kenya and on links to nationalists in India and the passive resistance movement in South Africa. They sidestepped the European-dominated print culture and created an anti-colonial counter-voice. Editors insisted on the right to write freely and be heard, and traditions of freedom of speech put a brake on censorship. Furthermore, the shifting networks of financial, editorial and journalistic collaboration, and the newspapers’ language choice – African vernaculars, Gujarati, Swahili and English – made intervention difficult for the authorities. With time, the politics and ideologies sustaining the newspapers pulled in different directions, with African nationalism gaining the upper hand among the forces that shaped the future independent Kenyan nation.

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13

Tignor, Robert L., and Toyin Falola. "Nationalism and African Intellectuals." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 37, no. 1 (2003): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4107379.

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Zachernuk, P. S., and Toyin Falola. "Nationalism and African Intellectuals." International Journal of African Historical Studies 34, no. 2 (2001): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3097491.

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15

Geiger, Susan. "Women and African Nationalism." Journal of Women's History 2, no. 1 (1990): 227–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2010.0247.

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16

Heywood, Linda M. "Unita and Ethnic Nationalism in Angola." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 1 (March 1989): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015627.

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Over the last decade or so scholars in the social sciences have been reassessing works on the rise of nationalism in Africa published in the 1960s and early 1970s. These earlier studies, written during the euphoria following independence and the spread of liberation ideology, regarded the transfer of power to the African élite as signalling the end of subjugation to European control and the emergence of modern African states.1This revision focused on the post-colonial state and its rôle as a mediator between competing groups for power and the allocation of resources.2Since then, the trend has generated a revival in understanding ethnicity which is again seen as a major force in most of the crises which have troubled Africa.

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17

Nwangwu, Chikodiri, Freedom C. Onuoha, Bernard U. Nwosu, and Christian Ezeibe. "The political economy of Biafra separatism and post-war Igbo nationalism in Nigeria." African Affairs 119, no. 477 (October 1, 2020): 526–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adaa025.

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Abstract The past two decades that coincide with the return of civil rule in most African countries have witnessed the reinforcement of ethnic nationalism and separatist agitations. While scholarly attention has focused on ethnicity to explain the revival of ethnic nationalism, how ethnic and class discourses conflate in the pursuit of ethnic nationalism remains understudied. Using a qualitative-dominant approach, this article interrogates how the Igbo petty bourgeoisie use ethnicity to mask the underlying differences in their material conditions in relation to the alienated masses. It also examines how these differences shape post-war Igbo nationalism. In the main, this article argues that the intersection of ethnic and class discourses is underpinned by unequal distribution of rights and powers accruing from productive resources. This unequal distribution of rights and powers results in differential material well-being and gives rise to conflicts between the dominant and subordinate classes. This explains the divergent approaches of the different factions of Igbo petty bourgeoisie to Igbo nationalism in Nigeria. The article concludes that understanding the political economy of the intersection of ethnic and class discourses is relevant for resolving the nationality question and the Biafra secessionist agitations in Nigeria and others across Africa.

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18

CHRISMAN, LAURA. "American Jubilee Choirs, Industrial Capitalism, and Black South Africa." Journal of American Studies 52, no. 2 (May 2018): 274–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187581700189x.

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Focusing on the Virginia Jubilee Singers, an African American singing ensemble that toured South Africa in the late nineteenth century, this article reveals how the transnational reach of commercialized black music informed debates about race, modernity, and black nationalism in South Africa. The South African performances of the Jubilee Singers enlivened debates concerning race, labor and the place of black South Africans in a rapidly industrializing South Africa. A visit from the first generation of global black American superstars fueled both white and black concerns about the racial political economy. The sonic actions of the Jubilee Singers were therefore a springboard for black South African claims for recognition as modern, educated and educable subjects, capable of, and entitled to, the full apparatus, and insignia, of liberal self-determination. Although black South Africans welcomed the Jubilee Singers enthusiastically, the article cautions against reading their positive reception as evidence that black Africans had no agenda of their own and looked to African Americans as their leaders in a joint struggle.

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Zachernuk, Philip S. "Of Origins and Colonial Order: Southern Nigerian Historians and the ‘Hamitic Hypothesis’ c. 1870–1970." Journal of African History 35, no. 3 (November 1994): 427–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700026785.

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The professional Nigerian nationalist historiography which emerged in reaction against the imperialist Hamitic Hypothesis – the assertion that Africa's history had been made only by foreigners – is rooted in a complex West African tradition of critical dialogue with European ideas. From the mid-nineteenth century, western-educated Africans have re-worked European ideas into distinctive Hamitic Hypotheses suited to their colonial location. This account developed within the constraints set by changing European and African-American ideas about West African origins and the evolving character of the Nigerian intelligentsia. West Africans first identified themselves not as victims of Hamitic invasion but as the degenerate heirs of classical civilizations, to establish their potential to create a modern, Christian society. At the turn of the century various authors argued for past development within West Africa rather than mere degeneration. Edward Blyden appropriated African-American thought to posit a distinct racial history. Samuel Johnson elaborated on Yoruba traditions of a golden age. Inter-war writers such as J. O. Lucas and Ladipo Solanke built on both arguments, but as race science declined they again invoked universal historical patterns. Facing the arrival of Nigeria as a nation-state, later writers such as S. O. Biobaku developed these ideas to argue that Hamitic invasions had created Nigeria's proto-national culture. In the heightened identity politics of the 1950s, local historians adopted Hamites to compete for historical primacy among Nigerian communities. The Hamitic Hypothesis declined in post-colonial conditions, in part because the concern to define ultimate identities along a colonial axis was displaced by the need to understand identity politics within the Nigerian sphere. The Nigerian Hamitic Hypothesis had a complex career, promoting élite ambitions, Christian identities, Nigerian nationalism and communal rivalries. New treatments of African colonial historiography – and intellectual history – must incorporate the complexities illus-trated here.

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Rastas, Anna, and Kaarina Nikunen. "Introduction: Contemporary African and Black Diasporic Spaces in Europe." Open Cultural Studies 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 207–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2019-0019.

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AbstractThis special issue explores spaces where identifications with the African diaspora become articulated, (re)negotiated and, as demonstrated by many articles in this issue, established as a field of the collective agency with transformative power in European societies. The African diaspora communities and cultures in Europe are constructed not only by individuals’ engagements in Africa and its global diaspora but also through the collective agency, aiming at promoting change in European societies shadowed by the normative whiteness, nationalist discourses and policies, human rights violations and overt racism. In this introduction, we discuss the empirical studies presented in this special issue as examples of academic, political and artistic spaces of African and black diasporic agency. Together, the articles make visible the diversity of African and black diasporic spaces in Europe. They also challenge methodological nationalism as well as essentialising discourses of race and ethnicity by acknowledging the global circulation of African and black diaspora cultures and the meanings of the transnational connections for diaspora communities.

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21

Young, Kurt B. "Walter Rodney's Pan‐African Nationalism." Peace Review 20, no. 4 (November 26, 2008): 487–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402650802495106.

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Rushdy, Ashraf H. A. "The Quality of Diaspora." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 18, no. 3 (September 2015): 287–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.18.3.287.

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I propose to return to the two inaugural intellectual events in African Diaspora Studies, a 1965 conference in Dares Salaam and a 1979 conference in Washington, DC, in order to tease out how the original debates in those conferences helped form the contemporary study of the African diaspora. I pay especial attention to the question of the relationship between diaspora and nationalism, since the concept of the African diaspora was proposed and promoted at a key moment in the development of black nationalism as an ideology in North America and a practical concern in decolonizing Africa.

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Gibson, Dylan Lawrence. "The impact of the fostering of European industry and Victorian national feeling on African music knowledge systems: Considering possible positive implications." Journal of European Popular Culture 10, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jepc_00003_1.

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The European (Victorian) missionary influence on traditional African music in South Africa is largely seen in a negative light and not much focus is placed on possible positive implications. This article therefore serves to explore how external European influences, harnessed by some African musicians, partially aided in preserving and generating conceivably ‘new’ Euro-African hybrid traditional music genres – while at the same time preserving some fragmented forms of indigenous music knowledge for future generations. In general, the ultimate aim for the European missionaries was to allow Africans to, in effect, colonize ‘themselves’ by using their influence of Victorian (British nationalist) religion, education, technology, music and language as a means to socially ‘improve’ and ‘tame’ the ‘wild’ Africans. However, specifically with reference to music, African composers and arrangers – despite this colonizing influence – occasionally retained a musical ‘uniqueness’. John Knox Bokwe, an important figure in what can be termed the ‘Black Intellect’ movement, displays this sense of African musical uniqueness. His arrangement of ‘Ntsikana’s Bell’, preserved for future generations in the Victorian style of notation (or a version thereof), best illustrates the remnants of a popular cultural African indigenous musical quality that has been combined with the European cultural tonic sol-fa influence. Furthermore, the establishment of the popular cultural ‘Cape coloured voices’ also serves to illustrate one dimension of the positive implications that the fostering of European industry (industrialized developments) and Victorian national feeling/nationalism left behind. This is largely because this choral genre can be termed as a distinctly ‘new’ African style that contains missionary influence but that still retains an exclusive African quality.

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Lahouel, Badra. "Ethiopianism and African Nationalism in South Africa before 1937." Cahiers d’études africaines 26, no. 104 (1986): 681–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cea.1986.1689.

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Hodgkinson, Dan. "Nationalists with no nation: oral history, ZANU(PF) and the meanings of Rhodesian student activism in Zimbabwe." Africa 89, S1 (January 2019): S40—S64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000906.

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AbstractIn Zimbabwe after 2000, ZANU(PF) leaders’ past experiences of student activism in Rhodesia were celebrated by the state-owned media as personifications of anti-colonial, nationalist leadership in the struggle to liberate the country. This article examines the history behind this narrative by exploring the entangled realities of student activism in Rhodesia throughout the 1960s and 1970s and its role as a mechanism of elite formation in ZANU(PF). Building on the historiography of African student movements, I show how the persistence of nationalist anti-colonial organizing and liberal traditions on campus made student activism in Rhodesia distinct from that in South Africa and independent African countries to its north. The article then examines how and why three former activists, who took up elite political careers in the party that they subsequently left, contested the ruling party's anti-colonial, ‘patriotic’ rendering of these experiences. These three men's stories invoked imagined and older forms of nationalism or institutional ethic that had been abandoned by the party as it turned to more authoritarian rule. Stories of Rhodesian student activism thus provided space for justifying alternative political possibilities of nationalism, which implicitly critiqued the ruling party's ‘patriotic’ narrative, as well as for nostalgic anecdotes of life on campus, their journeys into adulthood, and the excitement of being part of a dynamic, transformational political project.

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Lauer, Meryl. "Dancing for the Nation: Ballet Diplomacy and Transnational Politics in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Dance Research Journal 50, no. 3 (December 2018): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0149767718000384.

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This article argues that nationalism and international diplomacy are embodied practices, as evidenced through the movement of international ballet dancers in South Africa. Under the apartheid regime, South African professional ballet received generous support from governmental sources. Since the transition to democracy, professional ballet companies have utilized creative strategies to court new sources of support including that of the ruling African National Congress. A key move in this campaign has been “ballet diplomacy” with Cuba—the transnational circulation of dancers, teachers, techniques, and performances in the name of the nation. Professional ballet's buy-in into South African nationalism locates dancers’ bodies in the maintenance and dissemination of state politics.

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Ofoego, Obioma. "Toward the Decolonization of African Literature, « that now-classic manifesto of African cultural nationalism »." Études littéraires africaines, no. 29 (November 26, 2014): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1027493ar.

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Ce texte se propose d’analyser la problématique de la construction d’un sujet collectif (noir, africain, pan-africain), qui est au centre du manifeste littéraire Toward the Decolonization of African Literature : African Fiction and Poetry and Their Critics (1980), de la troïka igbo Chinweizu, Onwuchekwa Jemie et Ihechukwu Madubuike. Il s’agira de réfléchir sur la compatibilité entre l’ambition de ce projet et les stratégies prescriptives du manifeste, dont découle une esthétique « africaine ».

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Morrow, Seán, and Khayalethu Gxabalashe. "The Records of the University of Fort Hare." History in Africa 27 (January 2000): 481–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172130.

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Historians, not just of South Africa, but of any part of what was once British Africa up to and including Kenya, will be familiar with the significance of the University of Fort Hare at Alice, in South Africa's Eastern Cape province. The university is built on the site and retains the name of a British fort that was a major base for one of the first and most bitterly-fought, and certainly the longest, of the nineteenth-century southern African wars of conquest. However, in one of the paradoxes in which South Africa abounds, Fort Hare has become a shibboleth of modern African nationalism, priding itself on its illustrious alumni, which include many of the great names of the modern black elite in southern Africa. The paradox to some extent disappears, and the interest and complexity increases, when it is considered that Fort Hare had its origins in the liberal missionary tradition, with all its ambiguities, and that its products included homeland leaders as well as nationalist politicians, and the functionaries of segregationist and colonial states as well as assertively African political and cultural leaders.The vicinity of Fort Hare has long been a center of education in the western tradition. From 1841, in the case of Lovedale, with nearby Healdtown and St. Matthew's following later, the great mission-schools of the Eastern Cape, supported by the Lovedale Press, made the area the cradle of the mission-educated African elite. It was from this context that Fort Hare emerged in 1916, being the creation of an interdenominational group of Protestant missionaries and of African leaders such as John Tengo Jabavu, founder of the newspaper Imvo Zabatsundu.

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Klinken, Adriaan van. "Homosexuality, Politics and Pentecostal Nationalism in Zambia." Studies in World Christianity 20, no. 3 (December 2014): 259–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2014.0095.

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Building upon debates about the politics of nationalism and sexuality in post-colonial Africa, this article highlights the role of religion in shaping nationalist ideologies that seek to regulate homosexuality. It specifically focuses on Pentecostal Christianity in Zambia, where the constitutional declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation has given rise to a form of ‘Pentecostal nationalism’ in which homosexuality is considered to be a threat to the purity of the nation and is associated with the Devil. The article offers an analysis of recent Zambian public debates about homosexuality, focusing on the ways in which the ‘Christian nation’ argument is deployed, primarily in a discourse of anti-homonationalism, but also by a few recent dissident voices. The latter prevent Zambia, and Christianity, from accruing a monolithic depiction as homophobic. Showing that the Zambian case presents a mobilisation against homosexuality that is profoundly shaped by the local configuration in which Christianity defines national identity – and in which Pentecostal-Christian moral concerns and theo-political imaginations shape public debates and politics – the article nuances arguments that explain African controversies regarding homosexuality in terms of exported American culture wars, proposing an alternative reading of these controversies as emerging from conflicting visions of modernity in Africa.1

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Price, Melanye T. "Response to Robert Gooding-Williams' review of Dreaming Blackness: Black Nationalism and African American Public Opinion." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 3 (August 23, 2010): 899. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710001362.

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In Dreaming Blackness, I had two major goals. First, I hoped to elucidate how changes in the American racial landscape have impacted African American support for black nationalism. To this end, I used a mixed methodological approach that included both statistical and qualitative analysis and allowed me to make claims based on a national cross section of African Americans and on more intimate discussions in smaller groups. Second, I wanted to ground my arguments in a robust discussion of African American political thought. This would ensure that my hypotheses and findings were resonant with a longitudinal understanding of how black nationalist ideology is characterized. Robert Gooding-Williams, with some caveats, suggests that I have accomplished these goals. I now address his two areas of concern related to evolving definitions of black nationalism and possible alternative interpretations, and I conclude by addressing our differing impressions of the future viability of this ideological option.

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Horáková, Hana. "Challenges to Political Cosmopolitanism: The Impact of Racialised Discourses in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 6, no. 2 (December 11, 2018): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v6i2.248.

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One of the key challenges of post-apartheid South Africa has been the need to create a South African “nation.” The efforts of the leading African National Congress started with Nelson Mandela’s reconciliatory discourse of a “rainbow nation,” via Thabo Mbeki’s concept of the African Renaissance, to the current stream of racial nationalism articulated as “Africanisation.” The present article attempts to examine the dilemma which the ANC as the major custodian of nation-building has been facing since the 1990s: how to reach a balance between a civic nationalism based on cosmopolitan values and the need to redress the legacy of apartheid and persisting racial inequalities. It is argued that the current culturalist discourse of Africanisation is not only contentious but also dangerous for the cohesion of the fragile democratic society of post-apartheid South Africa.

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Hill, Lloyd. "Language, Ethno-nationalism and the South African university." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 7, no. 1 (July 8, 2019): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v7i1.263.

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This article presents a conceptual analysis of the relations between language, ethnicity, and nationalism – within the domain of the university. While an analytical distinction is commonly madbetween “ethnicity” and “nationalism,” here “ethno-nationalism” is used to highlight aspects of cultural continuity between these constructs and to draw attention to problematic “telementational” assumptions about the vehicular role of “languages” in influential modernist theories of nationalism (notably Ernest Gellner and Benedict Anderson). The empirical focus of the article falls on long-run institutional changes in the South African university system; and on the deployment of ideas about ethnicity, nationalism, language, and race. While assumptions about the vehicular capacity of languages have deep roots in the colonial and apartheid periods, these also feature prominently in post-apartheid debates on the transformation of the university system.

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Tembo, Alfred. "Frustrated Expectations: Experiences of Northern Rhodesian (Zambian) Ex-Servicemen in the Post-Second World War Era." War in History 24, no. 2 (March 30, 2017): 195–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344515607547.

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This article examines how Northern Rhodesian ex-servicemen experienced home life after the Second World War, the problems they encountered, and the society into which they were reintegrated. Challenges faced by African veterans made them restless and discontented compared to European ex-servicemen who benefited from entrenched discriminatory racial practices. Using hitherto unexplored materials from the National Archives of Zambia, this article further argues that African ex-servicemen were preoccupied with their immediate personal well-being and not wider societal issues such as nationalism. This stands in contrast to older academic arguments that African ex-servicemen played a vital role in nationalist politics.

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Bhandari, Abhit, and Lisa Mueller. "Nation-state or nation-family? Nationalism in marginalised African societies." Journal of Modern African Studies 57, no. 2 (June 2019): 297–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1900003x.

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AbstractScholars have long puzzled over strong nationalism in weak African states. Existing theories suggest that (a) incumbent leaders use nationalistic appeals to distract people from state weakness; or (b) citizens use nationalistic claims to exclude rival groups from accessing patronage and public goods. But what explains robust nationalism in places where politicians seldom visit and where the state under-provides resources, as is true across much of Africa? We propose a theory of familial nationalism, arguing that people profess attachment to a nation-family instead of to a nation-state under conditions where the family, and not the state, is the main lifeline. We substantiate it using surveys from the border between Niger and Burkina Faso, where an international court ruling allowed people to choose their citizenship, thus providing a test for nationalism in marginalised communities. We supplement the border data with surveys and focus groups from the capitals of both countries.

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Salafia, Susanna Iacona. "African Nationalism: Two Different Intellectual Perspectives." Journal of English Language and Literature 3, no. 2 (March 26, 2015): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.17722/jell.v3i2.92.

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Nantambu, Kwame. "Pan-Africanism Versus Pan-African Nationalism." Journal of Black Studies 28, no. 5 (May 1998): 561–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479802800503.

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Nathan, Ronald. "'African Redemption': Black Nationalism, and End of Empire in Africa." Exchange 30, no. 2 (2001): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254301x00084.

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Sunseri, Thaddeus. "“Every African a Nationalist”: Scientific Forestry and Forest Nationalism in Colonial Tanzania." Comparative Studies in Society and History 49, no. 4 (October 2007): 883–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417507000795.

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Gooding-Williams, Robert. "Dreaming Blackness: Black Nationalism and African American Public Opinion. By Melanye T. Price." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 3 (August 23, 2010): 897–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710001350.

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This is a timely, engaging, and illuminating study of Black Nationalism. The book's “fundamental project,” Melanye T. Price writes, “is to systematically understand individual Black Nationalism adherence among African Americans in the post-Civil Rights era” (p. 60). Black Nationalism has a long history in African American politics, but with the demise of Jim Crow and the election of our first black president, we may reasonably wonder whether ordinary African American citizens are disposed to endorse it. Price's book is important because it addresses this question head-on, defending the thesis that a renewal of Black Nationalism remains a viable possibility in post-Obama America.

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MILLER, JAMIE. "AFRICANISING APARTHEID: IDENTITY, IDEOLOGY, AND STATE-BUILDING IN POST-INDEPENDENCE AFRICA." Journal of African History 56, no. 3 (October 1, 2015): 449–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853715000316.

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AbstractBetween 1968 and 1975, the leaders of white South Africa reached out to independent African leaders. Scholars have alternately seen these counterintuitive campaigns as driven by a quest for regional economic hegemony, divide-and-rule realpolitik, or a desire to ingratiate the regime with the West. This article instead argues that the South African government's outreach was intended to energise a top-down recalibration of the ideology of Afrikaner nationalism, as the regime endeavoured to detach its apartheid programme from notions of colonialist racial supremacy, and instead reach across the colour line and lay an equal claim to the power and protection of African nationalism. These diplomatic manoeuvrings, therefore, serve as a prism through which to understand important shifts in state identity, ideological renewal, and the adoption of new state-building models.

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Duncan, Graham. "ETHIOPIANISM IN PAN-AFRICAN PERSPECTIVE, 1880-1920." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 41, no. 2 (December 18, 2015): 198–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/85.

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This article surveys the origins, development and extent of Ethiopianism (part of the African Initiated Church Movement [AIC]) in Africa which was widespread throughout Africa during the ‘high’ imperial and missionary era (1880-1920) which is the main focus of this article. However, they appear to have a number of common features – response to colonialism, imperialism and the missionary movement, the response of nationalism in the political sphere and Pan-Africanism linked to Ethiopianism in the religious sphere. This article seeks to explore these sometimes indistinguishable features, through selected examples, in a novel way as a Pan-African movement.

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Mwangi, Evan. "Masculinity and nationalism in East African hip-hop music." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 41, no. 2 (April 20, 2018): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/tvl.v41i2.29671.

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East African music aligns itself with nationalistic desires while attempting to create a transnational and regional agenda that goes beyond individual nation-states. Hip-hop music appears at pains to define itself as different from the western art-forms with which it is hastily associated by instantiating localized forms and creating a different locution. This paper surveys East African hip-hop to demonstrate that the music is a productive site upon which the local, the national, and the global contest and negotiate. We demonstrate that central to the music's identity politics is the notion of masculinity, in which the construction of community is interpreted as a masculine enterprise. The audiences also invest the music with political and nationalist meanings that are fraught with sexualized readings. On the whole, the music rejects hostile nationalism but male artists tend to represent women negatively in their grand national, regional, and pan-African projects. Indirectly indicating the depth of the hegemonic masculinism they operate under, women artistes express a desire to deconstruct male constructs. At the same time they suggest that, in spite of themselves, their critique has to be cautious and subtle.

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Goldberg, Melvin. "The Nature of Afrikaner Nationalism." Journal of Modern African Studies 23, no. 1 (March 1985): 125–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00056536.

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Afrikaner nationalism has been analysed from broadly-speaking two perspectives. In the main, the literature has focused on the evolution of a movement rooted in a common history, language, and religion,1 and has traced the roots of a nation-in-the-making back 300 years in South African history,2 before the inevitable flowering of Afrikanerdom in the twentieth century. In contrast to the growth of European nationalism which is linked to the rise of the bourgeoisie, studies of Afrikaner nationalism have tended to neglect the class dimension by emphasising ideology as a unifying force and organising principle. An alternative approach has been attempted by Dan O'Meara who locates Afrikaner nationalism within the dynamic of capitalist development in South Africa, explaining its ideology in terms of its class character, and although his study often lacks subtlety, it stresses factors that have been neglected by the more usual idealist accounts.3

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Israel, Adrienne M. "Ex-Servicemen at the Crossroads: Protest and Politics in Post-War Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 2 (June 1992): 359–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010776.

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Before the late 1960s, historians generally agreed that World War II had increased mass support for African nationalism. Initially, they claimed that soldiers returned home politicised by war-time experiences and looking for opportunities to spread new ideas acquired through contacts with Asian nationalists. Subsequent scholars gradually chipped away at these assumptions, some completely discarding them as ‘myths’. Current opinion suggests that the way African soldiers reacted to the war depended on their ethnicity, class origins, education levels, and military occupations, and that their role in independence politics depended on local conditions.

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DUBOW, SAUL. "WERE THERE POLITICAL ALTERNATIVES IN THE WAKE OF THE SHARPEVILLE-LANGA VIOLENCE IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1960?" Journal of African History 56, no. 1 (January 30, 2015): 119–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853714000644.

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AbstractIn many accounts, the Sharpeville emergency of 1960 was a key ‘turning point’ for modern South African history. It persuaded the liberation movements that there was no point in civil rights-style activism and served as the catalyst for the formation of the African National Congress's armed wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe. From the South African government's perspective, the events at Sharpeville made it imperative to crush black resistance so that whites could defend themselves against communist-inspired revolutionary agitation. African and Afrikaner nationalist accounts are thus mutually invested in the idea that, after Sharpeville, there was no alternative. This article challenges such assumptions. By bringing together new research on African and Afrikaner nationalism during this period, and placing them in the same frame of analysis, it draws attention to important political dynamics and possibilities that have for too long been overlooked.

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Chipkin, Ivor. "The Decline of African Nationalism and the State of South Africa." Journal of Southern African Studies 42, no. 2 (March 3, 2016): 215–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2016.1143208.

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White, E. Frances. "Africa on My Mind: Gender, Counter Discourse and African-American Nationalism." Journal of Women's History 2, no. 1 (1990): 73–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2010.0246.

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Akudinobi, Jude G. "Nationalism, African Cinema, and Frames of Scrutiny." Research in African Literatures 32, no. 3 (September 2001): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/ral.2001.32.3.123.

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Glickman, Harvey. "Borders, Nationalism, and the African State (review)." Africa Today 52, no. 4 (2006): 139–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/at.2006.0042.

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Akudinobi, Jude. "Nationalism, African Cinema, and Frames of Scrutiny." Research in African Literatures 32, no. 3 (2001): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ral.2001.0062.

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