Academic literature on the topic 'African Political posters'
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Journal articles on the topic "African Political posters"
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Alpers, Ned. "African Political Posters." ASA News 29, no. 4 (December 1996): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0278221900601402.
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Alpers, Ned. "African Political Posters." ASA News 29, no. 4 (December 1996): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002021400018788.
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Makananise, Fulufhelo Oscar. "Reimagining South African political campaigns through indigenous language posters in the 4IR: A political communication perspective." Communicare: Journal for Communication Studies in Africa 42, no. 1 (July 21, 2023): 52–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/jcsa.v42i1.1404.
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This study sought to explore how the Fourth Industrial Revolution tools or platforms such as digital media technology, social media, and the internet are employed to publicise indigenous language posters for political election campaigns in South Africa. The study was underpinned by a theory of communication in political campaigns to ascertain the importance of communication or linguistic features in political campaign posters. A phenomenological qualitative research method and exploratory research design were employed to address the research problem and objectives of the study. Furthermore, a semi-structured interview was used to collect data from 10 purposively selected respondents. The collected data were thematically analysed to identify, describe, and explain the major themes and sub-themes that emerged. The study established that the previously disadvantaged and marginalised South African indigenous languages were seriously underutilised for political election campaign posters on social media platforms by various South African political organisations. Therefore, the article recommends that, in the context of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, for political parties to participate in the development, preservation, digitalisation, and promotion of these indigenous languages, they should strive to use and post on social media accounts political election campaign posters that are written in the various South African indigenous languages.
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Föger, Katharina. "Koloniale Fesseln brechen. Afrikanische Dekolonisierungsprozesse auf sowjetischen Plakaten der 1960er-Jahre." historia.scribere, no. 13 (June 22, 2021): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.13.635.
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Breaking Colonial Shackles. African Decolonization Processes on Soviet Posters of the 1960sSince its beginnings, the Soviet Union has emphasized its anti-colonial solidarity. This paper examines how this political ambition was displayed on soviet posters during African decolonization processes in the 1960s. Combining the graphic analysis by Panofsky and the analytical focus on physical representations, it will be shown how the depiction of a strong, young man was used to create an ideal picture of an emancipated African freedom fighter who opposes western colonial powers.
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Meyer, Birgit. "“There Is a Spirit in that Image”: Mass-Produced Jesus Pictures and Protestant-Pentecostal Animation in Ghana." Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, no. 1 (December 24, 2009): 100–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750999034x.
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In southern Ghana, where I have been conducting research on the genesis of popular Christianity for almost twenty years, Christian imagery is everywhere. The Ghanaian state re-adopted a democratic constitution in 1992, and this was followed by a liberalization and commercialization of mass media, which in turn facilitated the spread of Pentecostalism in the public sphere (see De Witte 2008; Gifford 2004; Meyer 2004a). Within this process, Christian pictures have become ubiquitous. Pentecostal-charismatic churches assert their public presence and power via television, radio, posters, and stickers, and there has also emerged a new public culture rife with Christian imagery. This visual and aural expansion of Christianity and its particular aesthetic severely challenges what is being called African Traditional religion, and clashes with initiatives developed by the state and intellectuals to secure a national heritage.
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Trammel, Juliana Maria da Silva. "Breastfeeding Campaigns and Ethnic Disparity in Brazil: The Representation of a Hegemonic Society and Quasiperfect Experience." Journal of Black Studies 48, no. 5 (April 5, 2017): 431–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717700130.
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The purpose of this article is to analyze the ethnic, cultural, and social disparity in the presentation of key messages and themes of breastfeeding campaigns in Brazil. Particularly, this article aims at deconstructing the themes and examining the extent that dominant practices of breastfeeding campaigns create and maintain conditions of cultural subjugation and marginalization. Two questions guided this investigation: To what extent was ethnic, class, and social diversity exemplified in the official posters for the Breastfeeding Week campaigns? (Research Question 1) and what contexts are realized and enacted through the images? (Research Question 2). The method used was qualitative document analysis, and I found that there was a considerable ethnic, class, and social disparity displayed in breastfeeding campaigns in Brazil. Key messages enacted the social reality and lifestyle of wealthier women of European descent, while women of African descent lagged in breastfeeding rates.
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Mpofu, Shepherd, Trust Matsilele, and Tawanda Nyawasha. "iconography of persuasion." Communicare: Journal for Communication Studies in Africa 40, no. 1 (October 5, 2022): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/jcsa.v40i1.1512.
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South Africa’s 2019 elections, like others before, will be remembered for the historical significancearound the ANC ruling party’s sharp decline in polls, the surging and re-emergence of theideologically extreme parties, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) and the Freedom Front Plus(VF+). This election, for the first time since the rebranding of the main opposition, the DemocraticAlliance, saw that party losing its momentum, culminating in the eventual resignation of the party’sfirst black leader, Mmusi Maimane. This study examines how the three dominant parties in SouthAfrica contest with each other in the race to attract potential voters through poster advertising andcampaigns. Going into the 2019 election, the three dominant political parties were – the AfricanNational Congress (ANC), the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF).Specifically, the paper examines messages on the posters, the parties’ manifestos and speechesat different rallies before the elections. Drawing on our analysis, we make a claim in this paperthat the 2019 election in South Africa for the ANC, DA and EFF was largely about “unresolvedquestions”.
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Bordonaro, Lorenzo I. "Introduction: Guinea-Bissau Today—The Irrelevance of the State and the Permanence of Change." African Studies Review 52, no. 2 (September 2009): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.0.0211.
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As I was writing this introduction, Guinea-Bissau was rocked by yet another “political crisis.” On the night of March 1 and 2, 2009, the army chief of staff, General Batista Tagme Na Waie, and the president of Guinea-Bissau, João Bernardino “Nino” Vieira, were killed in the space of a few hours. As was to be expected, articles mushroomed in the international press in the following days, sporting headlines that we have long since become accustomed to, such as “Guinea-Bissau Collapse Deepens after Leader Killed” (Pitman 2009) or “Guinea-Bissau Threatens Return to Bad Old Days in Africa” (George 2009). An article by the Economist Intelligence Unit was entitled—with a literary touch reminiscent of Conrad's Heart of Darkness—“Edge of the Abyss.” These days Guinea-Bissau, particularly since the 1998–99 civil war, seems to be the poster child for all the negativity generally attributed to African countries, an overlapping of political, economic, and humanitarian crises, in blatant confirmation of the picture of “shadowy Africa” that James Ferguson pinpoints as one of the features of international discourse on Africa today (2006:15,190).Despite these clichéd articles (identical in tone to those that have appeared during the various crises that have characterized the last decade of Guinea-Bissau's history) and pessimistic forecasts from international experts, these violent events have not triggered any real political or civil turmoil. The following morning the capital city, Bissau, was calm. The army leaders declared that they had no intention of intervening in the upcoming elections.
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Beattie, Pauline, and Moses Bockarie. "THE NINTH FORUM OF THE EUROPEAN & DEVELOPING COUNTRIES CLINICAL TRIALS PARTNERSHIP." BMJ Global Health 4, Suppl 3 (April 2019): A1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjgh-2019-edc.1.
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The EDCTP community meets biennially to share research findings, plan new partnerships and collaborations, and discuss maximising impact from EDCTP-funded research. In 2018, the Ninth EDCTP Forum took place in Lisbon, Portugal, from 17–21 September 2018. The Lisbon meeting was the largest international conference focusing on clinical research on poverty-related infectious diseases in sub-Saharan Africa. It started with a strong commitment, from European and African EDCTP member countries, for a successor programme to EDCTP2 (2014–2024). It provided a platform for the presentation of project results and discussion of progress in clinical research and capacity strengthening in sub-Saharan Africa.The theme of the Ninth Forum was ‘Clinical research and sustainable development in sub-Saharan Africa: the impact of North-South partnerships’. This reflected not only the broader scope of a larger EDCTP research programme but also the growing awareness of the need for global cooperation to prepare for public health emergencies and strengthen health systems. The theme highlighted the impact of Europe-Africa partnerships supporting clinical research and the clinical research environment, towards achieving the sustainable development goals in sub-Saharan Africa.A central topic of the Forum was the discussion of the character and scope of an EDCTP successor programme, which should start in 2021 under the next European Framework Programme for Research and Innovation, Horizon Europe. On 17 September, a high-level meeting on this topic took place immediately before the opening of the Forum1. On 19 September, the plenary session continued this discussion through a panel of representatives of strategic partners. There was consensus on the added value of the programme for Europe and the countries in sub-Saharan Africa and political commitment to a successor programme. Poverty-related infectious diseases and a partnership approach will remain central to the programme. There was also a general awareness that all participating countries would need to engage more strongly with a successor programme, both in its governance and in their financial contributions to its objectives.The Forum hosted 550 participants from more than 50countries. The programme consisted of keynote addresses by policy makers, research leaders, and prominent speakers from Europe and Africa in 5 plenary presentations. There were 9 symposia, 45 oral presentations in parallel sessions, and 74 electronic poster presentations. Abstracts of the plenary, oral and poster presentations are published in this supplement to BMJ Global Health.EDCTP is proud of its contribution to strengthening clinical research capacity in Africa, with more than 400 postgraduate students and 56 EDCTP fellows supported under the first EDCTP programme. The second programme developed a comprehensive fellowship scheme. More than 100 EDCTP fellows (former and current) participated in a one-day pre-conference to discuss the further development of our Alumni Network launched in 2017. The Forum also offered scholarships to many early and mid-career researchers from sub-Saharan Africa and Europe. With the support of the European Union, EDCTP member countries and sponsors, they were able to present results of their studies and meet colleagues from Africa and Europe.The Forum also provided the appropriate platform for recognising individual and team achievements through the four EDCTP 2018 Prizes. With the support of the European Union, EDCTP recognised outstanding individuals and research teams from Africa and Europe. In addition to their scientific excellence, the awardees made major contributions to the EDCTP objectives of clinical research capacity development in Africa and establishing research networks between North and South as well as within sub-Saharan Africa.Dr Pascoal Mocumbi Prize Professor Souleyman Mboup (Professor of Microbiology, University of Cheikh Anta Diop, Dakar; Head of the Bacteriology-Virology Laboratory of CHU Le Dantec, Dakar; and President of IRESSEF, Senegal) was recognised for his outstanding achievements in advancing health research and capacity development in Africa.Outstanding Research Team Prize The prize was awarded to the team of the CHAPAS (Children with HIV in Africa – Pharmacokinetics and acceptability of simple antiretroviral regimens) studies, led by Professor Diana Gibb (MRC Clinical Trials Unit, United Kingdom).Outstanding Female Scientist Prize The prize was awarded to Professor Gita Ramjee (Chief Specialist Scientist and Director of the HIV Prevention Research Unit of the South African Medical Research Council, Durban, South Africa) for her outstanding contributions to her field.Scientific Leadership Prize The prize was awarded to Professor Keertan Dheda (Head of the Centre for Lung Infection and Immunity and Head of the Division of Pulmonology at Groote Schuur Hospital and the University of Cape Town, South Africa) for his research contributions and leadership.Partnership is at the core of the EDCTP mission. In the year before the Forum, Nigeria and Ethiopia were welcomed as the newest member countries of the EDCTP Association, while Angola became an aspirant member. Partnership was also demonstrated by the many stakeholders who enriched the programme by organising scientific symposia, collaborative sessions and workshops. We thank our sponsors Novartis, Merck, the European Union, the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (Germany), the Institute of Health Carlos III (Spain), the National Alliance for Life Sciences and Health (France), the Medical Research Council (United Kingdom), the Swedish International Development Agency (Sweden), ClinaPharm (African CRO), the Deutsche Stiftung Weltbevölkerung (Germany), The Global Health Network (United Kingdom), PATH, and ScreenTB. We gratefully acknowledge the support of our partners and hosts of the Forum, the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology and the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation.The tenth EDCTP Forum will take place in sub-Saharan Africa in 2020.
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Norman, Ishmael Dilnos. "Foreign Election Interference in Africa’s De-Democratization Culture." European Journal of Law and Political Science 3, no. 3 (May 21, 2024): 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejpolitics.2024.3.3.130.
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The 2016 USA elections appear to have made Russia the “poster-boy” for election interference across the globe, allegedly using tools such as disinformation, misinformation, mal-information, email hacking, leaking of confidential information, and others. All such activities are a threat to national self-determination, democracy, and the autonomy of the people. Since then, elections in developing democracies in Africa are also alleged to have experienced interference by the usual suspect: Russia. In Africa, the actors of election interferences have been expanded beyond Russia to include foreign countries and companies in past elections in Kenya, Madagascar, Mozambique, Nigeria, and Ghana. The next general elections in Ghana are in December 2024. In the previous general elections in Ghana, there were no significant allegations of election interference, although, in 2020, the specter of foreign election interference emerged in the political discourse. The actions of the domestic actors to de-democratize elections were mentioned selectively. It may be simplistic to argue in favor of election non-interference in Ghana’s political business cycle every four years since 1992, but the allegations are not supported by evidence and are merely anecdotal and subjective or based on geopolitical realism. What can be proven is the de-democratization of incumbents and other domestic political actors in domestic elections through open vote-buying by politicians and vote-rigging by incumbent political leaders. In such a political dysmorphic situation, it is difficult to accuse any entity of being the mastermind of election interferences in Africa.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "African Political posters"
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Ravjee, Latha. "Graphic design for social justice in South Africa." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10321/770.
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Dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the academic requirements for the
Master of Technology Degree: Graphic Design, Durban University of Technology, 2011.In this dissertation I examine of the role of graphic design in the struggle for social justice in South Africa - with specific reference to the concept of human rights. I am motivated by an overwhelming awareness that the Bill of Rights in post-apartheid South Africa exists in striking contrast to the daily struggles for human dignity. In addressing this contradiction I present a historical examination that focuses on the visual impact of the creative combination of images and text to effect socioeconomic and political change. Drawing from Steve Biko’s philosophy of psychological liberation and Paulo Freire’s educational philosophy for critical thinking, I distinguish between propaganda and education. I take the stand that people are not really free if they blindly accept the myths of the established state order and I explore the various ways in which society is misguided by these myths. I argue that unlike graphic design that maintains the status quo and represents the propaganda of the established order, ‘graphic design for social justice’ represents the voice of people’s power against state power. Through this study and practice I conclude that the role of graphic design for social justice in South Africa is to uncover the myths of state power by presenting scenarios that encourage critical thinking, dialogue and open debate about power and the abuse of power in the continued struggle for human dignity. It is intended that this body of work, and the exhibition that results from it, contributes in part to the writing and documentation of a history of South African socio-political graphics.
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Sithole, Nomcebo Cindy. "Exhibitions of resistance posters: contested values between art and the archive." Thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/24483.
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A Research report submitted in partial fulfilment of the Degree
Masters in History of Arts
at the University of Witwatersrand, 2017This research report has followed three periods in the history of the political struggle for freedom in South Africa, from the height of the Anti-apartheid struggle in the 1980s to the present day by way of exploring three exhibitions of resistance posters as case studies. It is located in the realm of political and art history. Looking at the positioning of the resistance poster in South African art history, the intension is to highlight how these exhibitions have used display strategies to construct values reflected in the resistance poster. The three selected exhibitions are as follows: firstly, Thami Mnyele and Medu Art Ensemble Retrospective (2008), Second is the exhibition Images of Defiance: South African poster of the 1980’s (2004). And the third exhibition Interruptions: Posters from the Community Arts Project Archive (2014).
XL2018
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Rodrigues, Sadira Elfrieda. ""Neither red nor black!" : Cuba, Africa, and the politics of posters." Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/14236.
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This thesis investigates the production of a body of posters in Cuba by the Organisation in Solidarity with the Peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America (OSPAAAL) between 1967 and 1972. OSPAAAL's posters have become one of Cuba's most popular forms of mass culture, reaching production levels of five million by the 1970s. Shipped to progressive bookstores and households across Europe and North America, OSPAAAL's posters vied for the attention of youth audiences sympathetic to the burgeoning anti-capitalist movements emerging around the world. Following their first production in 1967, OSPAAAL's posters adopted a new hybridised form that combined the internationalism of Western aesthetics such as Pop Art, Op Art, and Psychedelic Art, with Afro-Cuban symbols, references to Cuba's historical past. Producing a new visual language, OSPAAAL's posters have been charged with propelling the concerns of Cuban culture onto the international stage in the 1960s. But the use of references to Afro-Cubans revealed a complicated negotiation of racial concerns that continued to persist in Cuban society. What functions would the adoption of Afro-Cuban symbols play when translated from nationalist images into internationalist icons? Did the integrationist desire of the Revolution in creating a unified concept of nationhood mask other social and economic conditions within Cuba? It is this core motivation behind the production of OSPAAAL's posters that will form the basis of this discussion. In OSPAAAL's posters, the Revolution would discover a means of expressing a new historical consciousness, one that would provide a place of privilege to Afro-Cubans. Through the production of these posters, the Revolution felt it could convey to Afro- Cubans their commitment to the recovery of their historical roots.
Books on the topic "African Political posters"
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Dag, Henrichsen, ed. Political leaders, heroes and nation-building in Namibia: Posters as visual communication and historical source. Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2001.
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South African History Archive. Posterbook Collective., ed. Images of defiance: South African resistance posters of the 1980s. Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1991.
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Rennes, Bibliothèque interuniversitaire de, and Université de Haute Bretagne, eds. Affiches des 5 pays africains de langue portugaise: Guinée Bissau, Angola, S-Tome, Mozambique, Cap-Vert, 1984-1985 : Bibliothèque interuniversitaire (lettres). [Rennes]: Université Rennes 2 Haute Bretagne, 1985.
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Seminar, Universität Basel Historisches. "Plakate im Kampf": Bilder und Öffentlichkeit der Befreiungsgeschichte Namibias = "Posters in the struggle" : images and audiences in the history of Namibia's liberation : [Ausstellung des Historischen Seminars der Universität Basel mit Sammlungen der Basler Afrika Bibliographien : 31. Mai - 9. Juli 2006, Klosterberg 23, Basel]. [Basel]: [Historisches Seminar, Universität Basel], 2006.
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Warren Siebrits Modern and Contemporary Art, ed. Posters designed under apartheid, 1959-1993. Johannesburg: Warren Siebrits, 2007.
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Bibliographien, Basler Afrika, and National Archives (Namibia), eds. Posters in action: Visuality in the making of an African nation. Basel, Switzerland: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2009.
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Josias, Anthea. Catalogue: Elections 1994 poster collection. Bellville [South Africa]: University of the Western Cape, 1995.
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Josias, Anthea. CACE poster collection: Catalogue. Bellville: University of the Western Cape, 1995.
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Berndt, Jon. From weapon to ornament: The CAP Media Project posters (1982 to 1994). Cape Town: Arts and Media Access Centre, 2007.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "African Political posters"
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Titeca, Kristof, and Yusuf K. Serunkuma. "‘Stealing back’ – Uganda's Nasser Road, political posters, forgery and resistance." In Capitalism and Economic Crime in Africa, 225–28. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003034162-18.
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Ba, Aboubacry. "Professionalizing a Political Trial." In The President on Trial, 95–100. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198858621.003.0014.
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This chapter highlights the ways in which the Extraordinary African Chambers (EAC) clerking experience compared to that of other Senegalese courts. In any trial, the clerk is a critical link as the guarantor of the proceedings. The EAC, under Senegalese jurisdiction, had qualified clerks to accompany the Administration, the different courts, and the Prosecutor's Office in the preparation, investigation, and judgment of the Hissène Habré case. It should be noted that the Habré trial, which was a first for Senegal, was almost a leap in the dark for clerks as they had had no experience with or training on the international courts which usually dealt with the types of crimes being brought before the African Chambers. The clerks nonetheless executed their work quite satisfactorily at the various posts to which they were assigned. Ultimately, the Habré trial was a rich experience in all manner of ways. On a professional level, it allowed some of the clerks to complete or participate in procedures that they had previously known only in theory. The trial is of immense pedagogical interest as it was the first time that a former president was tried on African soil. The chapter then considers the professionalization of political trials in Africa.
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Carrim, Nasima Mohamed Hoosen, and Yvonne Senne. "Challenges faced by South African Human Resource Practitioners in Multinational Corporations." In Handbook of Research on Impacts of International Business and Political Affairs on the Global Economy, 133–53. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-9806-2.ch007.
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This chapter focuses on the challenges faced by human resource (HR) practitioners in multinational corporations (MNCs) in different sectors operating in South Africa. The chapter briefly outlines the global and South African challenges experienced by HR practitioners. The institutional, resource-based and Hofstede's cultural values theories is used as the theoretical framework. The authors conducted interviews with HR practitioners in four different western MNCs with the objective of identifying the challenges faced by them in these organizations. The results of the investigation revealed that MNCs enforce HR practices for employees at executive managerial posts in order to maintain their competitive advantage. MNCs simultaneously integrate their HR practices with the institutional and cultural practices of the host country for employees at lower levels. These diverse HR practices create challenges for HR practitioners in these MNCs. Some recommendations are made regarding solutions to the problems identified.
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Perry, Elisabeth Israels. "Negotiating Partisanship." In After the Vote, 35–66. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199341849.003.0004.
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After New York women won the vote in 1917, many joined political party clubs and some ran for office. In the 1920s, only a few won seats in the state legislature, and only one served more than one term. A few women won other posts—register of New York County and alderwoman—and a few others won appointive government and judicial posts. Local and state political party committees elected women as officers. These small victories encouraged other women to keep trying. The obstacles to women’s political success in the first decade after suffrage remained high, however. Some suffragists were ambivalent toward partisanship and discouraged women from being active party members; party men remained prejudiced against women politicians and government officials. In the 1920s African American women and Socialists had no electoral success at all.
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Hewitt, Nancy A. "Orchestrating Change, 1847–1848." In Radical Friend, 118–46. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469640327.003.0006.
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In 1847-1848, the Posts participated in numerous efforts to advance social justice and religious liberty. When Douglass launched the North Star in Rochester, the Posts were drawn further into interracial circles. Douglass’s co-editor, William Nell lived with the Posts; and he and Amy became fast friends. Douglass’ coverage of European revolutions and critiques of he Mexican-American War tied local radicals to international struggles. The Posts’ daughter Mary and her husband William Hallowell and Amy’s sister Sarah joined in activist ventures. They also helped with housework and childcare as Amy participated in dozens of WNYASS antislavery fairs and annual Emancipation Day celebrations; joined Douglass, Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton at the Seneca Falls Woman’s Rights Convention; embraced spiritualism and the newly-established Yearly Meeting of Congregational Friends; assisted fugitive slaves; and led efforts to organize the Rochester Woman’s Rights Convention and a local Working Women’s Protective Union. The Posts lived their politics at home, boycotting slave-produced goods and inviting their household workers to join in their activities. Although Douglass and Nell joined Post in advocating woman’s rights, Amy was unable to induce local African American women to participate in these activities.
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Gondwe, Gregory, and Evariste Some. "Social Media Bots, Trolls, and the Democratic Mandates in Sub-Saharan Africa." In Research Anthology on Social Media's Influence on Government, Politics, and Social Movements, 755–69. IGI Global, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-7472-3.ch037.
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This exploratory study investigates the role that bots and trolls played on social media in widening the gaps of political partisanship in sub-Saharan Africa. Taking the case of the 2018 Zambian by-elections, the authors examined the relationship between online social media content that propagates hate and organized trolling efforts in Zambia. The study used machine learning tools to identify the origin of the bots on Facebook and Twitter accounts (trolls) of the two major political parties in Zambia (PF and UPND). Online posts that accounted for the election campaigns and the aftermath in the year 2018 were considered for the study. Findings suggest that social-mediated conversations were divided along political lines and that the examined trolling accounts systematically took advantage of the existing echo chambers to create hate messages on Zambian social networks. In other words, the findings indicated that the online hate messages that accounted for violence were neither created by the PF or UPND political parties as earlier studies suggest but by bots and trolls.
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Smolla, Rodney A. "Kessler v. Bellamy." In Confessions of a Free Speech Lawyer, 49–52. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501749650.003.0008.
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This chapter explains how Charlottesville became the epicenter of the national debate over Confederate monuments. It discusses the colourful sideshow battle between Wes Bellamy, a local African American teacher, activist, and political leader, and Jason Kessler, Charlottesville's emerging alt-right supremacist man-on-the-scene. Kessler was offended by Bellamy's crusade against the Robert E. Lee statue and created a crusade of his own to remove Bellamy. Kessler searched Bellamy's Twitter account for embarrassing posts and published several of Bellamy's tweets on his own blog to call for Bellamy's resignation or removal from office. This chapter narrates the events of December 2016 when Kessler launched a petition drive demanding that Bellamy resign or be removed due to anti-white, racist and pro-rape comments.
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Almezaini, Khalid. "The Transformation of UAE Foreign Policy since 2011." In The Changing Security Dynamics of the Persian Gulf, 191–204. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190877385.003.0011.
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This chapter explores the transformation of UAE foreign policy since 2011 as the country moved far beyond traditional understandings of small state behavior and combined elements of soft and hard power in a hawkish and interventionist approach to regional insecurity. With the UAE deeply involved in the GCC-led military campaign in Yemen and in the struggle to shape the political transitions in North African states after 2011, Khalid Almezaini uses theoretical and empirical analysis to highlight the threat perceptions and policy drivers that illustrate why officials in the UAE changed course and broke free of the structural constraints that normally govern the actions of small states. Almezaini demonstrates that the shifts in the UAE’s external posture reflected a combination of internal and external pressures as domestic concerns over the perceived threat to stability posed by the Muslim Brotherhood meshed with the rapidly changing regional context after the Arab Spring.
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Soyer, Daniel. "Liberal Victory and Liberalism in Turmoil." In Left in the Center, 187–214. Cornell University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501759871.003.0009.
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This chapter addresses how the Liberal Party suffered from the general crisis of liberalism in the 1960s, as issues such as the Vietnam War, African American militancy, and cultural change came to define the political debate and divided liberals among themselves and from their base. Many Americans came to associate liberalism with a whole catalog of ills linked to a decline of common moral values. Most ominously for the party, Jewish liberalism frayed around the edges, as some in the community began to question what they saw as liberal neglect of Jewish interests in an exaggerated concern for the civil rights of others. While Jews did not repudiate liberalism to the extent some others did, many concurred with other white ethnics that Black equality was moving “too fast.” They adopted a defensive posture and many turned their backs on the liberalism they had once supported.
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Arteaga, Félix. "Spain." In The Nations of NATO, 187–207. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192855534.003.0009.
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Abstract The chapter examines Spain’s policy vis-à-vis the Atlantic Alliance. It first examines how the Spanish membership in NATO helped to normalize the country’s role on the international scene after its democratic transition. Regardless of their political orientation, Spanish governments have maintained NATO and the European Union on an equal footing in their security policies. Spain supports the development of a European strategic autonomy that is compatible with NATO while it opts for the Alliance for collective defence. The chapter also looks at how Spain comes as a reliable partner despite its differentiated strategic culture and a limited defence budget. Its armed forces regularly contribute to allied operations and provide significant power projection capabilities. In terms of NATO’s priorities, Spain shares the allies’ concern about the situation in Eastern Europe and contributes to the allied deterrence and defence posture against Russia. However, Spain’s perceived threats to its own security remain at NATO’s Southern periphery due to its geographic location close to the Mediterranean, the Sahel, the Horn of Africa, and the Gulf of Guinea. Against this backdrop, the chapter assesses how the new Strategic Concept (to be adopted at the Alliance Summit in Madrid in June 2022) is approached as an opportunity for Spain to better commit NATO to its Southern flank but also to resist more assertive positions vis-à-vis Russia and China, given Spain’s preference for political dialogue.