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1
APDUSA. "APDUSA: African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa." APDUSA, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66088.
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The Fourth National Conference of the APDUSA, held in Ezibeleni, Queenstown on 15/16 April 1995, must be marked as one of the most significant events in the history of the organisation. Taking place one year after the establishment of a new political order in South Africa, it was a pertinent time to assess its import in the face of the critical problems that still beset the nation. The achievement of the universal franchise, after long years of bitter struggle, has indeed been a signal victory for the labouring masses of South Africa. But it is a victory that has brought no improvement in the socio-economic conditions of their existence. Still suffering on the anvil of oppression and exploitation, the millions of workers and land-starved peasants are fast losing faith in the ability of the new Government of National Unity to solve their problems. The struggle for liberation has thus entered a new phase. But the oppressed are also faced with a crisis of leadership. Their organisations of struggle are in disarray, with many of those who formerly occupied leading positions, having departed to take up positions in the institutions of government. In this situation, the task of mapping out the programmatic basis of the future course of their struggle, is one of utmost importance. These are the questions that commanded the attention of the APDUSA conference. Against the background, it is fitting that the large majority of those participating in the conference were members of the new generation. Theirs was a major contribution. After a thorough assessment of the new needs of the struggle, conference resolved to redefine and sharpen the political programme of the APDUSA. In so doing, it remains governed by its commitment to the interests of the workers and the landless peasantry in both its short term and long term objectives.
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Africa, African People's Democratic Union of Southern. "The Apdusan: African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa." African People's Democratic Union of Southern Africa, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/76095.
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After many deadlocks, accusations of negotiating in bad faith, marches and lunch-time pickets, more than 600,000 Public Sector Workers went on strike on 24 August 1999. The government then unilaterally implemented a 6.3% increase for public servants against their original demand of 10-15% increase. "The dispute goes back to January 1999, to a workshop dealing with the budgetary process. At this meeting the Department of Finance outlined its Medium-Term Expenditure Framework, for the first time to the public sector workers. In the MTEF the parameters for wage cuts, and 'non-negotiability’ were already set. All unions in the public service bargaining council presented their wage demands - 10% to 15%” [COSATU paper on Public Sector Workers Fight for a Living Wage.] Thereafter COSATU and government officials met over the next few months until May 1999, when a dispute was declared. On the 29th March 1999, COSATU commented ‘To the Unions it is clear, government is not prepared to negotiate - it has already made up its mind’ [COSATU document - Public Sector Workers Fight for a Living Wage] During the period May-June COSATU Unions decided to “throw their weight behind the ANC election campaign.’’[ibid.]. By the August 1999 the unions compromised their demand from 10% to 7.3% increase. Towards the end of August the government unilaterally implemented ei 6.3% increase for public sector workers, and 4% increase for itself. It then went on an ideological media campaign against the workers claiming that the 4% increase for members of parliament is much less than what has been granted to the public sector workers.Vol. 5 no. 3
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Björsne, Lisa. "Regional Integration in Africa : Is the African Union facing legitimacy problems?" Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Engineering, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-53894.
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The African Union (AU) is the continent-wide project for economic and political integration in Africa. It takes inspiration from the European Union (EU), where two major problems could be discerned. Firstly, the European and the African context differ from each other, economically,socially and politically. Secondly, the EU itself has been criticized for legitimacy problems,including ineffective decision-making processes, not satisfying tasks for the European Parliament (EP), and low voter turnout in the elections to the EP. Thus, it is interesting to ask whether it ispossible to create a legitimate African Union with the objectives to unite and strengthen the African continent through political and economic actions, when it takes inspiration from a quasisupranational organization which operates in a different political setting, and whose legitimacy hasbeen highly questioned.
The purpose of this paper was to examine and discuss whether the AU faces legitimacy problems,and if it does, what kind of legitimacy-problems? To specify the purpose, three questions were posed:
What is the status of the process of making the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) a legislativeand popularly authorized organ?
What are the AU's ambitions and means for building a common African identity?
How is the AU financed, and what can be said about the economy's effect on the AU'scapacity to perform effectively?
The conclusions show that the AU seems to be facing legitimacy problems. Firstly, a legislative organ is important in this kind of organization, and in order to be a legitimate legislative organ it is important to have the representatives elected by the people. The project of transforming the PAPinto a legislative organ has started, but to let the people elect their representatives to the PAP has notyet been provided for. Secondly, it seems like the AU have problems concerning funding. The basic means for funding the AU is through member-state contributions, and the AU suffers from outstanding payments, delayed payments, and some also argues that the member-state contributions are too small. This is a major obstacle for the union's development, since a weak economy willhinder the AU institutions' performance. The AU also stands before a huge task of creating a sharedAfrican identity – that is, creating the African demos. The ambitions for carrying out this project are expressed in different AU-documents, and the PAP have a great role in this project. Although, tostudy how this project is going was not a part of this paper's purpose and is left for further research.
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Lobo, Daniel Furahini Østerhus. "Perceptions of South African foreign policy in the African Union." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2014.
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South Africa plays a very important role on the African continent, both politically and economically. She is often the main protagonist behind various peace-making efforts both regionally and continentally, and now she plays an even more important part in the African Union. In July 2012 South African candidate Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma was elected as chairperson of the African Union Commission, in an election which highlighted a need to investigate the perception of South Africa in the African Union. South African foreign policy has gone through various stages, from being internationally isolated during the apartheid era to being on the forefront continentally during the successive post-apartheid presidents. The electoral discourse in 2012 however, highlighted some divergent opinions on South African foreign policy which this study investigates. What was identified during the election campaign was a possible negative perception of South African foreign policy, both politically and in terms of the private sector. The study sought to investigate how South Africa is perceived on the African continent, and in order to reach a conclusion it performed a policy analysis as well as a qualitative discourse analysis of the statements given during the election. The policy analysis contextualises and explains South African foreign policy agendas and choices, and the discourse analysis sought to reveal any negative perceptions of South African foreign policy. The findings of the study are that there is a general negative perception of South Africa and her foreign policy in Africa, due to several reasons, which will be discussed in the following study. The negative perceptions stem from the Eastern region, the Western region, as well as from South Africa itself, through political analysts and experts.
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Carotenuto, Matthew Paul. "Cultivating an African community the Luo Union in 20th century East Africa /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3238502.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2006."Title from dissertation home page (viewed July 12, 2007)." Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-10, Section: A, page: 3939. Adviser: John H. Hanson.
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Trouille, Jean-Marc. "EU-Africa Relations, China, and the African Challenge." Elipsa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17824.
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yesThe African continent is a sleeping giant which will increasingly be a player to be reckoned with on the global stage. At the same time, its migration potential will be multiplied by Africa’s forthcoming demographic explosion. Consequently, the EU and Africa have a shared interest in working together towards making African development sustainable. African integration will be key towards speeding up this process. This paper first evaluates the stakes of the African challenge for the European Union. It considers the economic potential that can be unleashed by speeding up integration processes in Africa. Second, it argues that Africa will be ‘the China of the 21st Century’, and that any development, positive or negative, taking place there will have large repercussions in Europe, and that therefore the EU and Africa are communities of destiny in need of a joint approach towards African industrialisation. Finally, it provides a roadmap of important steps that Europe needs to consider in its endeavour to support African development.
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Kapyata, Dennis. "China-African Union relations : 2001 to the present." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/738.
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The increasing engagement of China in Africa after the cold war has steered debates concerning the growing complexion of this relationship. However, the emphasis of assessment has mainly been narrowed to the bilateral relationship between China and African countries. Insufficient consideration has been focused to the increasing relationship concerning China and African Union which is the continental Regional Organization of African states. This study explores the nature and impact of China-African Union relationship and its consequences to the African Union member states generally. The study examines the significance of this relationship and demonstrates how both China and African Union are using this relationship to fulfill their objectives and the ultimate effect to the African Union member states that have bilateral relations with China. By using qualitative design and the lens of constructivism this study has tested the extent of the application of China's objectives under the China African policy and the African Union objectives under the Constitutive Act and Agenda 2063 by analyzing the extent the parties are using this relationship to enhance the fulfillment of their objectives, by testing the study on the objectives of infrastructure development, peace and security, health, and capacity development as the research variables. This study shows the extent at which the parties' relations has led to the achievement of these objectives thus demonstrating the importance of the relationship between China and African Union. This relationship has enhanced peace and security preservation of the African continent, facilitated the development of African Union Centre for Disease Control and Prevention to boost the health objective on the continent, as well as aggrandized skill development through capacity development initiatives on the continent. China has also supported, consistently praised and acknowledged the role of the AU in solving African problems as well as constructing for it the biggest office block hence giving the continental organization a new face. Nevertheless, the study shows that China is using this relationship to project itself as a more active external partner for the AU and the African continent compared to the rest. Similarly, China is trying to use this relationship with the AU to socialize the AU member states towards its own priorities, and the relationship is positioning China to initiate, maintain and increase its Soft power interests on the African continent as well as advance its norms. Equally, China is carefully using its relationship with the AU to promote its geostrategic and political interests on the African continent for instance through its recent establishment of the Chinese military base in Djibouti. The study also highlights how Chinese Africa relations is not only based on interest of exploiting African resources entirely as described by previous authors, but there is also commitment towards increasing its engagement with the African Union basing on each other's policies and priorities in order to fulfill their objectives
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Kahombo, Balingene [Verfasser]. "The African Union and the Development of African International Criminal Law / Balingene Kahombo." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1198412852/34.
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Othman, Nimatalie A. "The African Union and the right to peace and security." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1070.
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"Peace and security in Africa is defined as the condition for elaborating the humanity of Africans and the promise of the place of Africa in economic reconstruction in the next centruy. Apart from being a recognised right in the African human rights system, it is also present amongst the objectives and principles of the AU political agenda enshrined within the Constitutive Act, with its attainment seen as the gateway to Africa's economic development. Furthermore, this undeniable synergy between the maintenance of peace and security and the attainment of development, also determines the realisation of other human and peoples' rights. Therefore, peace and security is of utmost importance in the current affairs of the continent and, a right being attached to peace and security, adds extra weight to its attainment as it places a duty on other entities for its realisation. Notwithstanding this importance, the concept of the right to peace and security is still quite elusive and underdeveloped, a reality which is incomprehensible taking into consideration the infamous characteristic of the African continent for its political unrest and civil wars. With 14 current internal conflicts, Africa hosts more than one third of the ongoing conflicts in the world. The countries not engaged in civil wars are faced with civil and political unrests, refugee influxes, terrorism threats and attacks, the HIV/AIDS epidemic and other contagious diseases, high crime rates, and natural disasters to name a few. It is against this background that a study into the conceptualisation of the right to peace and security is warranted and, as well , the available mechanisms for its protection within the AU." -- Introduction.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2003.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
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Solf, Ali M. O. "Managing intra-state conflicts in Africa : the African Union as an effective security actor." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2014. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/5977/.
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This thesis seeks to analyse and explain the role of the African Union (AU) in managing intra-state conflicts in Africa. It first identifies the key reasons for the establishment of the African Peace and Security Architecture, namely the failure of the UN and the international community to intervene in remote conflicts in Africa throughout the 1990s and the reluctance of the Organisation for African Unity (OAU) to interfere in the internal affairs of sovereign nations. Then, it points to the gap between the optimism of the AU’s founders and its implementation record: in fact, the AU’s capability to stop conflicts in Africa has produced mixed results at best. Focusing on three different case studies – Burundi, Darfur, and Somalia – this thesis unravels the key factors behind the AU’s performance in promoting peace and security. More specifically, it argues that the AU’s effectiveness to achieve its goals is contingent upon four conditions: the internal process, the mandate of the mission, the commitment of AU member states, and external support. By developing this argument, this thesis highlights the importance of both organisational processes and external factors with the view to contributing to the general literature on effectiveness of international and regional organisations in managing intra-state conflicts.
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Wildeman, Russell Andrew. "Trade union reaction to privatisation : the case of the congress of South African trade unions." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52037.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The assignment examines the policy positions of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) on restructuring and privatisation. The assignment's theoretical point of departure is found in the work of Levitsky and Way (1998). Levitsky and Way (1998) examines the alliance between a political party and its labour ally in the context of neo-liberal economic reform. The context is usually a political party that has come to power with the aid of a powerful trade union federation. The authors are interested in establishing if the party-union alliance would be sustained if the political party embarks on drastic economic reforms that have the potential to undermine trade union federations. The two cases that are investigated are Poland and Argentina, because in both these cases, a political party has been swept into power with the aid of a powerful trade union federation. Against the background of neo-liberal economic reforms, both trade union federations initially supported the economic reforms. In the medium and long term however, labour defected from the alliance in Poland, whereas the alliance was sustained in Argentina despite the enormous costs to workers. Levitsky and Way (1998) then posit a number of material and institutional factors that explain both the initial convergence and the later divergence between the two test cases. The factors that are included in this framework are social linkages, party strength, leadership overlap, union competition and the degree of autonomy from either party leadership or the rank-and-file. These factors are hypothesised to explain the policy positions and behaviour of the trade union federation. It is this theoretical framework, which will be tested to establish if the framework permits enough conceptual leverage to explain the past and present policy positions of COSATU on privatisation. These factors have been given prominence because of its actual bearing on the status of the alliance relationship. The present study will therefore be using these factors of the framework, and barring one exception, it will be conceptualised in the same way. The second component of the study is to use the South African National Opinion Leader Survey of 1997/98 to study the actual attitudes and opinions of COSATU leaders on a range of privatisation issues. The survey is going to be used to determine if there is any degree of continuity between formal congress resolutions and the attitudes of COSATU leaders in the survey. This is also an indirect way of verifying the ideological loyalty of leaders to the official positions of the trade union federation. The second question returns to the alliance relationship by examining differences, if any between COSATU and ANC leaders on privatisation related issues. Factor analysis is used to build two indexes, namely a "privatisation index" and a "gear index." An interesting finding from the data is the relatively greater policy cohesion amongst COSATU leaders. These results permit speculations that do not necessarily indicate an imminent breaking up of the alliance, but rather continued discussions with possibly various policy compromises by COSATU and the ANC.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die werkstuk ondersoek die beleidsposisie van die Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) oor herstrukturering en privatisering in Suid Afrika. Die werkstuk se teoretiese uitgangspunt word in die werk van Levitsky en Way gevind (1998). Hierdie skrywers ondersoek die alliansie tussen 'n politieke party en sy arbeidsvennoot in die konteks van neo-liberale ekonomiese hervorming. Die konteks is 'n politieke party wat aan bewind gekom het met die steun van 'n kragtige vakbondfederasie. Die skrywers wil vas stel of die party-vakbond-alliansie sal voortgaan wanneer die politieke party drastiese ekonomiese hervorming aanpak wat die potensiaal het om vakbond federasies te ondermyn. Twee gevalle, naamlik Pole en Argentinië word ondersoek. In albei gevalle het die regerende politieke party aan bewind gekom met die hulp van die vakbond federasie. Teen hierdie agtergrond van neo-liberale hervorming het albei vakbond federasies in Pole en Argentinië aanvanklik die proses gesteun. Gedurende hierdie tydperk het vakbonde in Pole weggebreek van die alliansie, terwyl die alliansie in Argentinië ten spyte van die groot koste vir die werkers voortgesit was. Levitsky en Way (1998) verskaf 'n aantal materiële en institusionele faktore wat die aanvanklike samevloeiing en die latere uiteenvloeiing in hul twee voorbeelde kan verduidelik. Die faktore wat in die ontleding gebruik word is sosiale verbindinge, partysterkte, leierskap oorvleueling, vakbond kompetisie en outonomie van of party leierskap en gewone werkers. Volgens die skrywers se hipotese sal hierdie faktore die beleidsposisies van die vakbond federasie verklaar. Dit is hierdie teoretiese raamwerk wat in die studie gebruik word. Daar word gepoog om vas te stel of hierdie raamwerk genoegsame konseptuele reikwydte het om COSATU se privatiserings beleid te verduidelik. Die tweede komponent van die studie is die gebruik van die Suid Afrikaanse Nasionale Menings Opname van 1997/98. Dit word gebruik om die houdings en die opinies van COSATU leiers oor n breë spektrum van privatiserings kwessies te ondersoek. Die doel is om vas te stel of daar enige graad van kontinuïteit tussen formele kongres resolusies en houdings van COSATU leiers bestaan. Dit is ook 'n manier om die "ideologiese getrouheid" van COSATU leiers te verifieer. Tweedens word daar teruggekeer na die alliansie verhouding deur die verskille tussen ANC en COSATU leiers betreffende privatiserings verwante kwessies te ondersoek. Faktor ontleding word gebruik om twee indekse te bou, naamlik 'n "Privatiserings indeks" en 'n "Gear-indeks". Interessante bevindinge wat dui op 'n groter beleidskohesie by Cosatu-meningsvormers as by ANC-meningsvormers kom na vore. Na aanleiding van bogenoemde model word daar gespekuleer dat hierdie meningspatrone nie noodwendig op 'n uiteenval van die alliansie dui nie, maar eerder op voortgesette gesprekke met verskeie beleidskompromisse by Cosatu sowel as die ANC-leierskap.
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Kimbrough, Karin Janel. "Monetary union, real exchange rates and trade in the West African Economic and Monetary Union." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313551.
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Parker, Ziyaad-Ahmad. "Factors assciated with success in South African Rugby Union." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/2760.
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Includes abstract.Includes bibliographical references.
Rugby Union is a popular sporting code in South Africa and the national team (Springboks) has won two World Cups (1995 and 2007). As the pool of players to select the Springboks from has diminished in recent times, it is important for the South African Rugby Union (SARU) to identify and develop young, talented individuals to strengthen the pool of available players. Several talent identification and development programmes have been implemented by SARU with limited success and many of them are not offered anymore.
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Makgalancheche, Wilson Mokete. "The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and the African Union (AU) the case for leadership and governance perspectives in African public services /." Thesis, Pretoria : [s.n.], 2006. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-04042007-173428.
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Rubushe, Melikaya. "Trade union investment schemes: a blemish on the social movement unionism outlook of South African unions?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003119.
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South African trade unions affiliated to Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) have taken advantage of the arrival of democracy and newly found opportunities available through Black Economic Empowerment to venture into the world of business by setting up their own investment companies. The declared desire behind these ventures was to break the stranglehold of white capital on the economy and to extend participation in the economic activities of the country to previously disadvantaged communities. Using the National Union of Mineworkers and the Mineworkers’ Investment Company as case studies, this dissertation seeks to determine whether unions affiliated to the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) are advancing the struggle for socialism through their investment schemes. Secondly, the dissertation determines whether, in the activities of the schemes, internal democracy is preserved and strengthened. The theoretical framework of this dissertation emerges from arguments advanced by Lenin and Gramsci on the limitations of trade unions in terms of their role in the struggle against capitalism. In addition, the argument draws on the assertions by Michels regarding the proneness of trade union leadership to adopt oligarchic tendencies in their approach to leadership. Of interest is how, according to Gramsci, trade unions are prone to accepting concessions from the capitalist system that renders them ameliorative rather than transformative. Drawing from Michels’ ‘iron law of oligarchy’, the thesis examines whether there is space for ordinary members of the unions to express views on the working of the union investment companies. By looking at the extent to which the investment initiatives of the companies mirror the preferences of the ordinary members of the unions, one can determine the level of disjuncture between the two. The study relies on data collected through interviews and documentary material. Interviews provide first-hand knowledge of how respondents experience the impact of the investment schemes. This provides a balanced analysis given that documents reflect policy stances whereas interviews provide data on whether these have the stated impact. What the study shows is a clear absence of space for ordinary members to directly influence the workings of union investment companies. It is also established that, in their current form, the schemes operate more as a perpetuation of the capitalist logic than offering an alternative system.
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Ouedraogo, Daniel. "Economic issues in a monetary union : the case of the West African Economic and Monetary Union." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLED004.
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La formation d'une union monétaire prive les États membres de l'utilisation unilatérale de l'outil monétaire. Dès lors, une orientation efficace des politiques économiques s'impose à travers (i) une hiérarchisation des cibles macroéconomiques, (ii) une identification des instruments appropriés et (iii) une mise en œuvre adaptée. Cette thèse fournit des réponses à cette orientation afin d'assurer une plus grande efficacité des politiques économiques à travers une analyse théorique et empirique appliquée au cas de l'UEMOA qui constitue un laboratoire exemplaire d'analyse des problématiques économiques en union monétaireThe creation of a monetary union deprives the member States of the unilateral use of the monetary instrument. Therefore, an effective orientation of economic policies is required through (i) a hierarchy of macroeconomic targets, (ii) identification of appropriate instruments, and (iii) appropriate implementation. This PhD thesis provides answers to this orientation in order to ensure greater effectiveness of economic policies through a theoretical and empirical analysis applied to the case of the WAEMU which constitutes a singular analytical laboratory through which to study the economic policy of a monetary union
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Wernert, Yann. "Die Rolle der Afrikanischen Union in den Regionalkonflikten von Somalia und Sudan." Universität Potsdam, 2011. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/5393/.
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In der vorliegenden Arbeit analysiert Yann Wernert die Rolle der Afrikanischen Union im Rahmen von Regionalkonflikten in Afrika. Dabei wird insbesondere Wert auf die konkrete Vorgehensweise der Afrikanischen Union in den jeweiligen Konflikten gelegt. Untersucht wird der Bürgerkrieg in Somalia sowie die Versuche seitens der internationalen Gemeinschaft, eine stabile politische Ordnung wieder aufzubauen. Ebenfalls analysiert wird der Darfur-Konflikt im Sudan und die Möglichkeiten, den regelmäßig stattfindenden Massakern Einhalt zu gebieten. Der Untersuchungszeitraum erstreckt sich von 2003 bis 2007.The following work analyses the role of the African Union in regional conflicts in Africa. A focus has been laid on the concrete handling of each conflict by the African Union. Objects of analysis are the civil war in Somalia and the subsequent efforts to restore a stable political order in the country, as well as the Darfur conflict in Sudan. The years 2003 to 2007 have been examined.
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Gabrielsson, Anna. "A study of pan-African ideas of a collective identity in Africa." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-14122.
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The intention of this paper has been to look at how pan-African ideas about a common identity hav e been expressed and developed on the African continent since the period of decolonisation in the 1960s. By using social constructivist identity-theory I have looked at how identity can be constructed by the use of myths, stories, symbols and ‘othering’. Thereafter I used these ideas when analysing different official documents from pan-African movements such as the creation of the AU and its constitutive act to identify what tools that were used to construct a common African identity. Thereby I was also to see if there had been any change in how pan-African ideas have expressed African identity over time.
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Olamide, Ibrahim Nurudeen. "Paved with good intention? The African Union counter terrorism agenda." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/36787.
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Africa has for a long time been embattled by differing acts of terrorism, with divergent
manifestations such as suicide bombing, killings and hijacking. Accordingly, the
Organisation of African Unity and subsequently the African Union took up the
responsibility of developing strategies to counter the menacing trend of terrorism on
the continent. To this end, several counter terrorism interventions were created. The
first of Africa's interventions was developed as early as 1992, when the Organisation of
African Unity (OAU) member states adopted a Resolution to strengthen cooperation
and coordination among African states against different manifestations of extremism.
Although, there is abundance of scholarly literature on the subject of understanding of
terrorism and its human rights implications and also on the impact of terrorism on
political pluralism, there is a dearth of scholarly writings on the activities of the African
Union in relation to terrorism in Africa, particularly on whether the Union is
responding positively to its counter terrorism agenda. Yet, the role of the African Union
in this regard on the continent cannot be over emphasised. This study is therefore carried out to scrutinise the counter terrorism agenda of the African Union and explore
its counter terrorism activities from inception till date.
In ascertaining the necessity for the African Union to develop ways to adequately
implement its counter terrorism agenda, the study carries out an assessment of the
agenda and established its link with the United Nations counter terrorism framework.
Recommendations about how best the agenda can be realised concludes the study.
Specifically, the research explores the activities of the African Union with the aim of
determining whether the agenda was merely paved with good intentions.
While many weaknesses of the agenda were discovered and discussed in depth, the
research concludes, that despite the gap that exists between the agenda and its
implementation and the problem of resources bedevilling the implementation of the
agenda, it will be unfair to describe the African Union counter terrorism agenda as
merely paved with good intentions in the lights of numerous positive steps that have
been taken towards translating the agenda into full implementation.Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2012.
gm2014
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Nyabongo, Linda. "Socioeconomics of tobacco use in the Southern African Customs Union." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/8509.
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Includes bibliographical references.Tobacco consumption has long been a significant health concern. This is because it is one of the significant causes of premature death, as a result of various types of diseases that arise due to the use of both smoking and smokeless tobacco. Tobacco use has been found to be associated significantly with socioeconomic status, and particularly, tobacco use has been found to be higher amongst individuals with lower socioeconomic status. This paper studies the relationship between socioeconomic factors and tobacco consumption for men and women from countries in the Southern African Customs Union, using data from the Demographic and Health Surveys for Namibia, Lesotho and Swaziland; and the National Income Dynamics Study for South Africa. This paper finds that among both men and women, cigarette use is higher in urban areas, while the use of chewing tobacco, snuff, and pipes is generally higher in rural areas. Also, this paper finds that tobacco use is generally lower the higher the educational attainment, while the prevalence of tobacco use is found to be higher in the older age groups compared to the younger age groups.
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Pandit, Shereen. "Legalism in the South African trade union movement, 1979-1988." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1995. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1384/.
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This study seeks to deepen an understanding of the response of the emergent non-racial trade union movement in South Africa to the statutory system of industrial relations created by the state in 1979. Both the legal issues relating to the trade union movement and the political issues surrounding the development of the emergent union movement, have been exhaustively canvassed in the past decade. However, a major lacuna in exists in such writing with regard to how the trade union movement has responded to the new dispensation in the past decade. The primary concern of the thesis is to fill that gap by examining the nature the new union movement's response to the post-1979 system and attempting to establish how and why that response developed. This concern leads me to contribute to the debate on the existence (or otherwise) of legalism in the new union movement in South Africa in the decade under review and to seek to identify the reasons for its existence or absence. After establishing a brief historical/political framework for the thesis, the new unions and the new dispensation are described. This is followed by an examination of the main procedures and institutions of the new dispensation and the response of the trade unions to these. It is argued that these procedures and institutions themselves helped to shape the response of the new unions to the new dispensation. Since political factors had a crucial bearing on trade union affairs, the thesis also focuses on the struggle of different political currents for hegemony over the new unions and the extent to which this conditioned the response of the new unions to the new dispensation. It concludes that political factors were of great significance in determining the nature and extent of the new unions' interaction with the new dispensation and the law generally. Finally an attempt is made to assess the implications of the new unions' interaction with the new dispensation, for their overall development and for the achievement of their goals.
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Ancas, Sarah. "Peacemaking in Africa : - a critical analysis of the relationship between the African Union and African sub-regional organizations in recent peacemaking initiatives." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10033.
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This thesis considers the question of how, in practice, a regional organization comes to take the leading role in managing a peacemaking intervention. More specifically, it considers which criteria, if any, are used in the choice of a lead actor in peacemaking efforts, and how the principles of 'subsidiarity, complementarity and comparative advantage,' as laid out in the Memorandum of Understanding between the AU and the subregional organizations, are being applied in this decision making. The recent example cases of Zimbabwe, Kenya and Cote d'Ivoire are specifically analyzed to show the reality of the working relationship in the present.
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Du, Preez Peter (Peter Osmond). "The New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad) and the African Union : issues and future prospects." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53140.
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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: While The New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad) is a grand plan by African leaders to eradicate poverty and to place their countries on a path of sustainable growth and development, the African Union (AU) will attempt to unite Africa economically and to succeed where the non-interventionist Organisation of African Unity (OAU) had failed. What makes Nepad different to earlier plans is that African leaders have now taken the initiative and are assuming responsibility for the process. A requirement for Nepad to gain momentum is that peace and security must prevail on the continent. The responsibility for creating this environment will rest mainly on the shoulders of the AU. The purpose of this research is (a) To describe • the objectives of the AU and Nepad; • the AU's protocols and decisions on peace, security and good governance, and to highlight some accountability and enforcement challenges it will face; • the structure and organs of Nepad; • the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM); and • the relations between Nepad, the AU and the G8; (b) To identify points of convergence / divergence between the AU and Nepad; (c) To evaluate • the AU on the basis of its handling of pressing leadership challenges on the African continent, in particular Zimbabwe, and • Nepad on the basis of progress made thus far with the implementation thereof. Nepad's preconditions for sustainable development imply that if the Peace and Security Council of the AU fails in its mission, Nepad will also fail, since satisfying these conditions - peace, security and political governance- is absolutely essential if Africa wants to attract the desperately needed capital flows from the industrial world. Chapter Two describes the major accountability and enforcement challenges that the AU will face. The author is of the opinion that the current lack of political will by African leaders to denounce the Mugabe regime, both individually and collectively as AU members, is severely damaging the credibility of both the AU and Nepad. Funding the AU may prove to be a huge stumbling block for the organisation. The AU should anticipate the unwillingness of members to pay their contributions, and therefore take a firm stand from the outset by imposing sanctions and/or withdrawing voting rights, as the OAU had to do to force countries to pay their dues. The author points out how contradictions in Nepad documents cause confusion, especially over certain security initiatives such as the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and the AU's Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa (CSSDCA). Despite not having consulted and involved a broad spectrum from the outset and despite lack of clarity, Nepad seems to have made considerable progress in coopting role players who will be involved with projects on the ground. Nevertheless, due to the unwillingness of continental leaders to speak up against the Mugabe regime, the prognosis is that Nepad and the AU stand to loose face. Both Nepad and the AU need to build momentum, particularly around issues such as credibility and transparency, to prove its value.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Terwyl die Nuwe Vennootskap vir Afrika se Ontwikkeling (Nepad) 'n plan van Afrikaleiers is om armoede op die vasteland uit te roei en om hul onderskeie lande op die pad van volhoubare ontwikkeling te plaas, gaan die Afrika Unie (AU) poog om Afrika ekonomies te verenig, iets wat die nie-inmengende Organisasie vir Eenheid in Afrika (OEA) nie kon vermag nie. Wat Nepad anders maak as vorige pogings is dat die inisiatief van Afrika-leiers self afkomstig is en dat elkeen verantwoordelikheid vir die proses aanvaar. 'n Vereiste vir Nepad om te slaag is dat vrede en stabiliteit in Afrika moet heers, en die verantwoordelikheid om hierdie kondisie te skep berus by die AU. Die doel van hierdie navorsing is (a) Om die volgende te beskryf: • Die doelwitte van die AU en Nepad; • Die verskillende protokols van die AU en besluite rondom vrede, sekuriteit en goeie regering, asook die uitdagings rondom toerekenbaarheid en die uitvoering van besluite; • Die struktuur van Nepad; • Die Oorsigmeganisme (APRM); • Verhoudinge tussen Nepad, die AU en die G8; (b) Om konvergente en divergente aspekte van die AU en Nepad uit te wys; (c) Om die volgende te evalueer: • Die AU op grond van sy hantering van dreigende leierskapsuitdagings, en in besonder Zimbabwe, en • Nepad op grond van die vordering wat tot op hede gemaak is met die implimentering daarvan. Nepad se voorvereistes vir volhoubare ontwikkeling impliseer dat sou die Veiligheidsraad van die AU in sy missie misluk, Nepad ook sal misluk, aangesien , vrede, stabiliteit en goeie regering absoluut noodsaaklik is indien Afrika die broodnodige kapitaal van die industriële wêreld na die kontinent wil lok. In Hoofstuk Twee word die vernaamste uitdagings rondom toerekenvatbaarheid en uitvoerbaarheid wat die AU in die gesig staar, bespreek. Die skrywer is van mening dat die huidige gebrek aan politieke wil deur leiers om, beide individueel en gesamentlik as AU lede, die Mugabe regime te kritiseer, die geloofwaardigheid van beide Nepad en die AU ernstige skade berokken. Die befondsing van die AU mag potensieël 'n struikelblok vir die organisasie word. Die AU moet verwag dat sommige lede onwillig mag wees om hul bydraes te betaal, en om hierdie rede moet vanuit die staanspoor daadwerklik teen sulkes opgetree word. Sanksies en die weerhouing van stemreg is twee maniere om nie-betalers aan te spreek, net soos die OEA destyds gedoen het met lidlande wat in gebreke gebly het om bydraes te betaal. Die skrywer wys ook daarop hoe Nepad dokumente mekaar weerspreek, veral ten opsigte van die Oorsigmeganisme (APRM) en die AU se Konferensie oor Sekuriteit, Stabiliteit, Ontwikkeling en Samewerking in Afrika (CSSDCA). Dit skep verwarring. Ten spyte van die feit dat die Nepad proses in gebreke gebly het om wyd te konsulteer, asook ten spyte van die verwarring wat heers, is daar reeds beduidende vordering gemaak wat betref die koöptering van belangrike rolspelers wat op voetsoolvlak by projekte betrokke gaan wees. Desnieteenstaande, Nepad en die AU loop die gevaar om aansien te verloor as gevolg van die onbereidwilligheid van Afrika-leiers om teen die Mugabe regime op te tree. Deursigtigheid en geloofwaardigheid is twee aspekte waaraan beide Nepad en die AU ernstig moet aandag gee om daadwerklik waarde toe te voeg.
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Fagbayibo, Babatunde Olaitan. "A politico-legal framework for integration in Africa : exploring the attainability of a supranational African Union." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/28573.
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The emergence of the African Union (AU) is seen as an effort to reposition Africa for the challenges of contemporary global realpolitik and, in particular, it provides a road map towards the attainment of a political union. The institutional architecture of the AU, modelled after the European Union (EU), indicates an intention on the part of the architects of the AU to endow the organisation with supranational attributes. However, none of its institutions has as yet started to exercise supranational powers. It is against this background that this thesis explores the feasibility of transforming the AU from a mere intergovernmental organisation into a supranational entity. In the course of the investigation, it was found that a major obstacle to realising this is the absence of shared democratic norms and standards, a consequence of the unconditional membership ideology of the AU. This thesis argues that the starting point of closer integration in Africa should be the cultivation and adoption of shared norms and values. To address this, the study proposes that the AU design an institutional mechanism for regulating its membership. Using the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a case study, this study shows that it is possible to establish a regulatory regime based on strict adherence to shared fundamental norms and values. A major recommendation is the transformation of the APRM into a legally binding instrument for setting continental democratic standards, assessing whether member states fulfil these standards and ultimately determining which member states are qualified, based on objective standards, to be part of a democratic AU.Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2010.
Public Law
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Mwangi, Oscar Gakuo. "Democracy and party dominance in Kenya and South Africa : a comparative study of the Kenya African National Union and the African National Congres." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008431.
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Kenya and South Africa can be described as dominant party systems, under the dominance of the Kenya African National Union CKANU) and the African National Congress CANC) respectively. A dominant party system is in essence a democracy. The spirit of democracy may, however, apparently be contradicted by the weight of party dominance, thus questioning the content of and prospects for democracy under party dominance in both Kenya and South Africa. The study is a comparative analysis of party dominance in Kenya and South Africa. The main objective is to exan1ine the relationship between party dominance and democracy in both countries. It seeks to find out how party dominance is reproducing itself and surviving the post 1990 transition processes in Kenya and South Africa. More importantly, the study also seeks to find out how party dominance impacts upon institutions that support or uphold democratization and subsequently democracy. The findings of the study demonstrate that party dominance has reproduced itself and survived the post-1990 period, and is also impacting upon democratization and democracy. The dominant parties take a similar trajectory in pursuit of dominance over the state and its apparatuses. However, they differ when it comes to their relationship with the civil society. That between KANU and civil society is antagonistic, as the ruling party seeks to augment political power through authoritarian dominance of the latter to, while that of the ANC and civil society is responsive, as the former seeks to enhance political stability in the country. The impact of party dominance upon institutions that support democracy takes similar and different trajectories in both countries. Similarities arise with respect to the detrimental impact upon institutions of the Executive that ensure accountability and transparency, evident in the increasing cases of corruption, nepotism and political patronage appointments. Similarly, there has been a detrimental impact upon the Legislature regarding parliamentary proceedings. Parliamentary committees and opposition parties are being rendered ineffective as organs of ensuring transparency and accountability, and are often subject to delegitimation. The impact of party dominance on the Judiciary, however, differs in both countries. In Kenya, the judiciary continues to suffer from excessive interference from the Executive and the ruling party, whereas in South Africa the judicial system remains largely independent with regard to the application of justice, despite constant criticisms from the dominant party. The study concludes that South Africa is, gradually, going the Kenyan way. If this condition is left unchecked there is the possibility that South Africa could eventually end up a psuedo-democracy like Kenya, where formal democratic political institutions such as multiparty elections, exist to mask the reality of authoritarian dominance. The thesis recommends that strengthening civil society organizations, opposition political parties, and state institutions in both countries to ensure greater accountability and transparency, will reverse this detrimental effect of party dominance. It also recommends meaningful constitutional reforms that will guarantee greater independence of these institutions, and the decentralization of governmental and political power to check and limit the powers of the dominant party. Also recommended are areas for further research.KMBT_363
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Nhlapo, Lebohang Lorraine Z. "The evaluation of cultural diversity in the institutionalization of the African Union." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020624.
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This research was conducted to assess cultural diversity in the institutionalisation of the African Union (AU). Most researchers have found interest on the subject of cultural diversity that edifice the African Union because “Africa does not have a single culture not in religions, not in economic systems, and especially not in languages, the number of different languages spoken on the continent, numerous dialects not included, range as high as 2,000 or more languages. While some languages, such as Swahili, are spoken by millions, other languages may be spoken by only a handful” (Robert & Feldman, 2008: 267) The AU member states heads are quiet aware of the forces of cultural diversity in the Union, hence several workshops were carried out between member states heads to put together the cultural policy for the Union. There are also numerous policies on African cultural diversity that were approved previously by different organisations that intended to unify Africa before the African Union was formed. Those policies are aligned within the AU cultural policy - The Charter for African Renaissance that will be reviewed in length in Chapter 3 in the literature review. What comes as a mystery is that, even though the Charter for African Renaissance has unified and adopted various policies ethnic and religion segregations within states and between states is still visible in most African countries (ethnicity, language and religion will also be evaluated and a sample of various cultures found in African countries will also be discussed in Chapter 3 under literature review). The Charter for African Renaissance contains guiding principle and objectives of the AU pertaining cultural diversity and these objectives needs to be met. However the biggest well known challenge about policies is that in most cases they remain on paper and shelved, they never make that much difference to the society that they intend to change. As Cloete and Wissink (2000) will put it that “policies only exist because they need to bring about change, however, it is also possible to change policies on paper, whilst effecting no real social change" (2000: 239). African cultural diversity policies are as well littered with failed institutions and initiatives that have not been followed through to completion, or of promises that have been broken. The driving force for this research is that Africans has seen many false starts in the last few decades and they are desperate for change, they need to see democracy, development and institutional building in the African countries. African Union on the other hand has existed for a decade but it has not yet achieved its objectives. How do we know that this is not just another focus for a misplaced enthusiasm? Will the current initiatives of the AU fall by the wayside? Will the world continue to mock Africa as the land of broken promises, of criminalized and failed states that inevitably subvert the best intentions of their peoples and their development partners? Unfortunately these questions has influenced this investigation but cannot be answered by this paper. However this paper intends to find out if cultural diversity has an impact in the missed opportunities and broken promises of Africa and this will be examined in the structures of the African Union.
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Müller, Gustavo G. "Legitimation of security regionalism : a study of the legitimacy claims of the African Union and the European Union." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2015. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/81485/.
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This thesis identifies and analyses the legitimacy claims of regional security organizations in relation to their policies and their existence as relatively new sites of authority. Hence, it explores the normative context underpinning security regionalism between global and national levels. In this regard, it proposes a conceptual and theoretical framework for the study of selflegitimation, which is understood as a dynamic and intersubjective social process of justification of the right to rule. This framework is based on the intersection between the literatures on security, regionalism, and political legitimacy. Its main focus is the identification of the arguments of legitimation that can justify the unequal power relations between rulers and ruled. This thesis’ case studies are the security missions and policies of crisis management of the African Union and the European Union in response to the crisis in Darfur (2003-) and adjacent areas such as Chad and Central African Republic. Building on the framework of self-legitimation and on the analysis of documents produced by both regional organizations, the empirical part identifies fours large patterns of arguments, which are called ‘images of security regionalism’. These images are the beneficial regionalism, the necessary regionalism, the inevitable regionalism, and the multilateral regionalism. The images of security regionalism show that the legitimation of policies and actions, on the one hand, and the legitimation of regional organizations and their positions within security governance, on the other, are indissociable. Moreover, they also reveal that, more than the legitimation of actions, it is often the legitimation of the perceived inaction that is crucial to the organizations’ role as security actors. Finally, the patterns of arguments referring to the inter-organizational relations and to the multilateral and collective character of the organizations’ policies point to a trend of mutual recognition and, by consequence, mutual legitimation among regional organizations.
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Gayger, Muller Gustavo. "Legitimation of Security Regionalism: A Study of the Legitimacy Claims of the African Union and the European Union." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/224261.
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Cette thèse identifie et analyse les revendications de légitimité des organisations régionales de sécurité par rapport à leurs actions et leur existence en tant que sites d’autorité relativement nouveaux. En effet, la recherche explore le contexte normatif qui sert de base au régionalisme sécuritaire entre le niveau global et le niveau national. A cet égard, la thèse propose un cadre conceptuel et théorique pour l’étude de l’autolégitimation qui est ici conçue comme un processus social dynamique et intersubjectif de justification du droit de gouverner. Ce cadre théorique combine les littératures sur la sécurité, le régionalisme, et la légitimité politique. Son objectif principal est l'identification des arguments de légitimation qui peuvent justifier des relations de pouvoir inégales entre gouvernants et gouvernés. Les études de cas de cette thèse sont les missions de sécurité et les politiques de gestion de crise de l'Union Africaine et de l'Union Européenne en réponse à la crise au Darfour (2003-) et les zones adjacentes, telles que le Tchad et la République Centrafricaine. A partir du concept d’autolégitimation et de l'analyse des documents produits par les deux organisations régionales, la partie empirique identifie quatre modes principaux de légitimation qui sont appelés « images du régionalisme sécuritaire ». Ces images sont le régionalisme bénéfique, le régionalisme nécessaire, le régionalisme inévitable, et le régionalisme multilatéral. Les images du régionalisme sécuritaire montrent que la légitimation des politiques et des actions, d'une part, et la légitimation des organisations régionales et de leur position au sein de la gouvernance de la sécurité, d’autre part, sont indissociables. En outre, elles révèlent également que, plus que la légitimation des actions, c’est souvent la légitimation de l'inaction qui est cruciale pour le rôle de ces organisations en tant qu’acteurs de sécurité. Enfin, les arguments de légitimation faisant référence au caractère multilatéral et collectif des actions entreprises par ces organisations régionales démontrent une tendance vers leur reconnaissance mutuelle et, par conséquent, contribuent à leur légitimation.This thesis identifies and analyses the legitimacy claims of regional security organizations in relation to their policies and their existence as relatively new sites of authority. Hence, it explores the normative context underpinning security regionalism between global and national levels. In this regard, it proposes a conceptual and theoretical framework for the study of self- legitimation, which is understood as a dynamic and intersubjective social process of justification of the right to rule. This framework is based on the intersection between the literatures on security, regionalism, and political legitimacy. Its main focus is the identification of the arguments of legitimation that can justify the unequal power relations between rulers and ruled. This thesis’ case studies are the security missions and policies of crisis management of the African Union and the European Union in response to the crisis in Darfur (2003-) and adjacent areas such as Chad and Central African Republic. Building on the framework of self-legitimation and on the analysis of documents produced by both regional organizations, the empirical part identifies fours large patterns of arguments, which are called ‘images of security regionalism’. These images are the beneficial regionalism, the necessary regionalism, the inevitable regionalism, and the multilateral regionalism. The images of security regionalism show that the legitimation of policies and actions, on the one hand, and the legitimation of regional organizations and their positions within security governance, on the other, are indissociable. Moreover, they also reveal that, more than the legitimation of actions, it is often the legitimation of the perceived inaction that is crucial to the organizations’ role as a security actors. Finally, the patterns of arguments referring to the inter-organizational relations and to the multilateral and collective character of the organizations’ policies point to a trend of mutual recognition and, by consequence, mutual legitimation among regional organizations.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Temple, Nicholas. "Making and Keeping the Peace: An Analysis of African Union Efficacy." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0003011.
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Bagabo, Paul Wambi. "Commitment to the East African community customs union protocol, 2004-2009." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3731/.
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The thesis analyses commitment to the EAC customs union protocol. In contrast to previous studies, this research compares state preferences at the negotiation stage with their adherence to each provision in the protocol during the transposition, enforcement and application stages of the protocol. Based on data from fifty semi-structured interviews plus secondary sources, the analysis reveals that partner states are more successful at adhering to the customs related- than trade related provisions in the protocol. Drawing on enforcement, management and constructivist approaches in integration literature, the research identifies three factors that explain inadequate commitment by partner states: the weakness of the EAC secretariat’s monitoring and sanctioning system, strategic preferences of partner states to protect domestic business interests, and overlapping membership to multiple regional arrangements with different rules which affects adequate interpretation and compliance with the protocol. The findings call for more attention to the concept of ‘completeness’ of transposition and show that a disaggregated level of analysis that takes the preferences of partner states at the negotiation stage into consideration better accounts for the inadequate commitment to regional directives. The findings call for larger multi-sectoral case studies and include assessment of the design of regional arrangements.
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Lembede, Mduduzi Dennis. "Strengthening executive leadership in the African Union (AU) : challenges and opportunities." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/53424.
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This paper explores the dynamics surrounding the executive leadership of the African Union (AU) with a specific focus on the role of the African Union Commission (AUC) and its Chairperson. It addresses the challenges and opportunities the leadership of the Commission are faced with. Among other things, the paper concludes that the African integration agenda would not be easily realised if the role, mandate and leadership of the Commission are not reconfigured. In other words, there are both structural and normative changes that are required in order to position the AUC as the nerve-centre of the continental integration agenda.
In addition to the normative and structural/institutional challenges identified in the paper, the leadership of the AUC is also hamstrung by the failure of member states to fund its activities and programs. The heavy reliance on donor support undermines the principle of ownership and the ability of the leadership of the Commission to execute their mandate, even in its limited form, without hindrance.
The paper concludes with a number of concrete recommendations to resolve the problems and challenges that frustrate the AUC. The recommendations also highlight a number of opportunities that could be maximised for the Commission to effectively achieve some of the core objectives and key priorities of the Union.Mini Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2015.
Political Sciences
MA
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Tshabalala, Sipho Aubrey. "The decline of piston manufacturers in the Southern African Customs Union." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20117.
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During the period of the years 1952 to 2009, there have been only two automotive piston manufacturers in the Southern African Customs Union (SACU). SACU is comprised of the following five member states; South Africa, Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland. Owing to the SACU agreement, these countries have enjoyed fairly good trade flows in goods and services amongst each other. The role of the abovementioned piston manufacturers was the provision of piston components to engine assembling companies in the SACU region as well as for sale to the aftermarket.
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Simamba, Bilika Harry. "Trade union rights and the international labour organization an African perspective." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/5120.
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Ramsbotham, Alexander. "African Union Peacekeeping and Civilian Protection. An Evaluation of the EU Strategy for Africa and the G8/Africa Joint Plan." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5497.
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Global demand for peacekeeping is growing, especially in Africa. The United Nations has traditionally been at the forefront of developing peacekeeping theory and practice, and remains the primary operational agency for peacekeeping in Africa. But increasing emphasis is being placed on the African Union to assume greater responsibility for peacekeeping on the continent. The AU is still comparatively new and is in the process of developing its peace and security architecture. Over the past decade, the international community has been supporting African peacekeeping, both to build AU capacity and to provide direct operational support. In 2005 the international community agreed a collective 'responsibility to protect' vulnerable civilians threatened by gross violations of their human rights. And civilian protection is increasingly included in the mandates of peacekeeping missions. Within the context of contemporary complex, multidimensional peacekeeping ('peace support'), civilian protection is not an exclusive operational objective, but is rather one of a number of mandated tasks aimed at establishing more sustainable security as part of a broader peacebuilding goal. The AU has embraced the responsibility to protect principle, adopting a constitutional commitment to protect the rights of vulnerable civilians, including through peacekeeping interventions if necessary. But how capable is the AU in practice to deliver effective peacekeeping to protect civilians? And how appropriate is international support to help realise this ambition?
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Jones, Basil Morris. "Growth, convergence and economic integration in West Africa : the case of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)." Thesis, University of Hull, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.342964.
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Obiekezie, Matthew U. "The doctrine of the hypostatic union in the context of Igbo anthropology." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2002. http://www.tren.com.
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Fink, Rachael. "France and the Soviet Union: Intervention in Africa Post-Colonialism." Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617892018822665.
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Wicomb, Wilmien. "Testing the water while the house is on fire : a critical approach to the African Union conflict management system." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/8066.
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The author views that the complexity of conflict implies that the African Union’s engagement with conflict – both in understanding and managing it – will benefit from an approach informed by the theory of complexity.
Discusses the following questions: (1) What normative framework currently informs the African system of conflict management? (2) Is complexity theory compatible with the analysis and management of conflict? (3) What are the implications for conflict analysis and management? (4) What would a complexity approach add to the African system?Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008.
A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Patrice Vahard, Faculty of Law, University of Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Hirpo, Sehen. "The Pan-African Parliament : its promise for human rights and democracy in Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1215.
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"This study attempts to provide a picture of how parliaments have been contributing to the protection of human rights and democracy and how the Pan-African Parliament (PAP) can draw lessons from the different mechanisms adopted by these parliaments. This study consists of five chapters. The first chapter sets out the problem that this study aims to address and reviews existing studies that have touched upon the issue. The second chapter discusses the dynamics that lead to the establishment of the continental parliament by putting it in the context of continental efforts towards better human rights protection and democratic consolidation. It also discusses the objectives of the parliament and particularly its human rights and democartic mandate. The third chapter sets out a framework for analysis. This is done by examining how parliaments have been dealing with issues of human rights and democracy with particular focus on the European Parliament (EP). This chapter looks at the different structures and mechanisms that the parliaments have employed towards this end but also tries to look further into the powers and compositions of parliaments that [have] enabled them to use such mechanisms and effectively engage in the promotion of human rights and democracy. The fourth chapter discusses in detail the powers, functions and their implications on how PAP promotes human rights and democracy. The activities so far carried out, institutional mechanisms adopted and the potential role it could have and mechanisms it could employ by taking lessons from the design, internal workings, and mechanisms discussed in the previous chapter is provided. Finally the relevant conclusions will be made with recommendations on the way forward for the continental institution in terms of organisation, composition, structures and mechanisms it could adopt towards promotion of human rights and democracy." -- Introduction.Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2006.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Catchpowle, Lesley. "Public sector trade union response to change in South Africa : a case study of the South African municipal workers union (SAMWU) in the Western Cape (1992-97)." Thesis, University of Greenwich, 2002. http://gala.gre.ac.uk/8615/.
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The thesis explores the relationship between the public sector trade unions and the government in South Africa from 1992-7. The research is located in debates concerning the ANC government's endorsement of the 'free-market 1 economy in the post apartheid period. The Marxist method of historical materialism is used to explain the changing relationship between the state and the trade unions. To expound these issues, a single case study of the Cape Town branch of the municipal union - SAMWU - is examined. The case served several functions, it illustrated the nature of apartheid, it took account of the government's introduction of privatisation in the public sector, and simultaneously provided a vehicle for the development of the theory of the state and its inter-relationship with the trade unions. The questions that arose from the case were linked to whether SAMWU would engage in conflict or conciliation to stop privatisation in the public sector, and whether the state would be free to respond favourably to labour's actions and demands. A number of key findings were established relating to these areas. With regard to the state, the materialist analysis developed by the 'state derivation' theorists provided a useful tool, but for reasons outlined in the dissertation, neglected the basic structural dependence on capitalism. The theoretical conclusion of the thesis: was the state was not independent of capitalism, that it - along with business and labour - was ultimately bound up with the relations of capital. However, as an integral part of capitalism, the state was also affected by the 'contradictions' or potential conflict found within the exploitative relations between capital and labour. Consequently, in order to control any serious challenge from labour to the system - arising as a result of the 'contradictions' within capitalism - the South African state had chosen to engage in conciliation with the trade unions, with the aim of minimising any overall threat or resistance to the existing system. As to whether SAMWU would engage in this conciliation, or choose resistance to stop privatisation, the answer was viewed as related to the union members' levels of class consciousness, and the policies and organisation of their union. The class and collective consciousness of SAMWU members was seen as inherently tied up with issues of race - in particular their 'coloured' identity. The thesis conceptualised apartheid and race as a function of capitalism. It concluded that the continuing use made of the 'coloured' identity in the region, to disguise economic inequality, had the potential to negate against the members' collective ability to resist privatisation. With regard to the acceptance of conciliation, although no clear answers were immediately forthcoming by 1997, it was possible to deduce that formalisation and partnerships had, at this stage, done little to prevent free market practices from being introduced in the workplace. Finally, although the thesis was unable to conclude in 1997, that SAMWU would ultimately resort to industrial action to stop privatisation, the re-organisation of the union to remain rooted in rank-and-file activity, the campaigns and protests against privatisation, plus the declared intention of the leaders and membership during interviews to take strike action, all seemed to indicate this would be the case.
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Nubong, Gabila Fohtung. "The applicability of the European process of regional integration to the African context : an analysis of institutional and policy frameworks in the European Union and in the African Union." Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/60406.
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A casual look at Europe's and Africa's experiences of integration suggests that they share certain similarities. Their respective institutional frameworks (Commissions, Parliaments and Councils) bear certain similarities and they share a similar policy objective of developing economic communities through the pursuit of market integration (the European Economic Community (EEC) following the 1957 Rome Treaty, and the African Economic Community (AEC) according to the 1991 Abuja Treaty). These noted similarities have generated a debate on whether or not the European experience of integration has diffused to and informed Africa's practice of regional integration by its continental body the African Union (AU). This study brings a contribution to this debate by investigating a number of channels through which the EU experience of integration could have flowed to the AU, drawing from the policy transfer and diffusion literature. It investigates the process leading up to the adoption of the institutions and policy frameworks of the African Union in a bid to establish whether they were created in response to functional problems in Africa and independently from the EU experience or were a mere attempt to mimic and copy from the EU regional integration experience. Such an investigation is important because both the AU's failure to meet its integration milestones and inability to make a meaningful contribution to the continent's development haven often been blamed on failed attempt to replicate the EU's integration success because it settled for a replication of the EU's institutions and policies without paying attention to their applicability in the African Context.
This study thus formulates hypotheses to test for the diffusion of the EU's experience to the AU by testing for evidence of the EU's influence through the provision of incentives and conditionalities attached to financial and technical assistance to the AU. It also tests for lesson drawing and mimicry as possible actions from the AU that would encourage the diffusion of the EU experience. It applies a process tracing methodology to a diffusion analytical framework and proceeds through a consultation of the archives of the African Union Commission and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) both based in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. This is complemented by interviews with AU and EU commission staff and other stakeholders identified as potential agents for diffusion.
The study found that notwithstanding recognition of the EU as a successful integration experience, there were no formal avenues of diffusion of institutional norms and practises that were programmed along with EU financial and technical assistance in the lifetime of the OAU/AU before the 2007 adoption of the JAES. It also found that the OAU adopted its institutions of integration as part of an effort to create an African Economic Community informed by the established best practice from around the world and looking to a number of institutional models, particularly that of the UN's Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA). It also found that the EU's experience may have only diffused to the AU indirectly through the mechanism of normative emulation. This is due to the fact that the EU integration experience has been dominant within the integration literature and has also significantly defined and informed the global best practice of regional integration. It finds that other factors are responsible for the failure of the AU's integration efforts to attain their milestones or make a significant contribution to the continent's development. This includes the absence of a culture of evidence based (backed by research) adoption of policies at the AU, like the absence of a cost-benefit analysis of the benefits of further integration to AU members states that could contribute to increase their commitment to continental integration project. This would intend push them to transpose continental commitments to national laws and development plans and provide more financial support to the AUC.
These findings point to the fact that the witnessed similarities between some EU and AU institutions and policy frameworks are not the result of the AU attempting to mimic the EU but much more a reflection of their joint subscription to a common orthodoxy of trade liberalisation as a means to prosperity .They share an ideological disposition and belief in the merits of (economic and political) integration for the improvement of the welfare of their citizens and as an avenue to exercise more influence on the global political arena. The EU by its success and experience over the years has significantly influenced the global understanding and practice of regional integration, from which the AU has drawn to determine its own processes. Which led this study to conclude that from this perspective the EU process of integration is both relevant and applicable to the African context.Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2016.
Political Sciences
DPhil
Unrestricted
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Ayinla, Abiola R. "The African (AU) human rights agenda : the panacea to the problem of non-compliance with human rights norms in Africa?" Diss., University of Pretoria, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/984.
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"The study is divided into five chapters. Chapter one provides the context in which the study is set, the focus and objectives of the study, its significance, and other preliminary issues including the hypothesis and literature survey. Chapter two first seeks to briefly portray the current state of human rights in Africa. In the second part, history and development of the African Union is traced, within the context of its predecessor - the OAU. Its third part extracts and analyses the specific human rights content of the AU Constitutionve Act and other relevant provisions, both independently and collectively; while its fourth part progresses to examine the conribution of the AU to human rights so far, by gauging and scrutinizing the human rights content of its summits. The fifth and final part scrutinizes the implications of the linkage of human rights to development and hence, its re-conceptualisation or otherwise, in Africa. Chapter three seeks to examine the extant implications of the AU human rights agenda on the existing human rights protection framework. First, it provides a brief overview of the existing regional human rights protection system, while its second part elucidates the human rights enforcement mechanisms that have been developed under the African Charter system. Its third part seeks to examine the problem of enforcement of, and non-compliance with human rights in Africa, with a view to understanding the problem, and forging a way forward. Its fourth part looks at the relationship between the AU and the existing human rights institutions within the context of the AU Constituve Act, while its concluding part addresses the latent risk of proliferation and redundancy that might attend the proposed creation of more human rights-oriented institutions under the AU/NEPAD; proposing rationalization of the same and the fusion of compatible mandates, with the view of avoiding unnecessary and expensive duplications. Chapter four seeks to present the probable picture of the fusion of the emerging and existing frameworks. Its first part sets out to describe, as well as explicate the justifications for the proposed human rights enforcement framework under the AU, citing models. Its second part seeks to explore the potentialities of trade as veritable tool of sanction within the proposed structure, while its concluding part seeks to do the same in relation to the device of peer pressure. The fifth and final chapter of the study seeks to draw some conclusions and further give recommendations on how the proposed hybrid framework can be achieved, while emphasizing the importance of such synergy as a feasible solution of the problem of human rights enforcement in Africa." -- Chapter 1.Prepared under the supervision of Prof. J. Oloka-Onyango, Faculty of Law, Makerere University
Mini Dissertation (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa))--University of Pretoria, 2003.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Ayalew, Assefa Getachew. "The impact of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and the protocol on the Rights of Women on the South African judiciary." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/1567.
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Moshabesha, Mosili. "The relationship between financial development and manufacturing sector growth: evidence from Southern African Customs Union countries." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002725.
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Extensive research has been done on the relationship between financial development (FD) and growth (with the main focus on economic growth). Theoretical models and most of the conclusions reached stipulate that the development of a financial system is one of the essential ingredients for economic growth. A developed financial system is able to provide financial services efficiently to the real sector. This study examines the relationship between FD and manufacturing sector growth of the SACU countries. The study first reviews the theoretical and empirical literature of FD and growth (economic and manufacturing sector). This gives a full understanding of the topic before attempting to empirically study it. It also helps in the selection process of the model and variables to be employed in the study. A balanced panel for four SACU countries, namely Botswana, Lesotho, RSA and Swaziland, for the period 1976 to 2008 was estimated using Zellner‟s Seemingly Unrelated Regression Estimation (SURE) method. Namibia was omitted because of limited data. The SURE model was selected because it performs better than ordinary least squares (OLS) estimation of individual equations in cases where the countries studied can be affected by similar external shocks because they are in the same economic region and also have country specific structural differences which could affect their economic growth. Two measures of FD were used: credit to the private sector provided by commercial banks (FIC) and the ratio of liquid liabilities of commercial banks to GDP (LL). Manufacturing sector growth was measured by manufacturing value added to GDP. The results of the relationship between manufacturing growth and FD were very weak across the countries. The model that used FIC performed better, there was a negative significant relationship found in RSA and Swaziland, while with the model that used LL, all the countries gave an insignificant relationship. The results for Swaziland were very consistent with the past findings of the relationship between FD and economic growth in the country (for example Aziakpono (2005a)). This may be because of the high share of the manufacturing sector in GDP. Theory suggests that a well-developed financial system will have a positive impact on growth, but this was not the case in RSA and Botswana, where in some cases FD had a negative impact on the growth of the sector. The analysis of the countries‟ manufacturing sector development shows that the sector plays an important role in the economies of the SACU countries, especially in terms of employment and exports. The coefficients of trade openness are generally positive, though not significant in some cases. The other control variables gave mixed results across the counties and across the models. Based on the findings, the countries have to develop strategies that will improve entrepreneurial skills. Also the financial development in the small SACU countries is essential in order for all the sectors in the economy to benefit from the financial sector and in turn increase economic growth.
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Hornig, Anja. "Die Auswirkungen irregulärer Migration auf die Europäisch-Afrikanischen Beziehungen : Partnerschaft auf Augenhöhe? Anspruch und Wirklichkeit der Kooperation." Master's thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/3869/.
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Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Frage, welche Auswirkung die Zunahme irregulärer Migration aus den Gebieten Afrikas südlich der Sahara in die Europäische Union (EU) auf die politischen Beziehungen der Regionen zueinander hat.
Wissenschaftliche Arbeiten zu internationaler und irregulärer Migration und ihrer Auswirkung auf die Internationalen Beziehungen sind bisher die Ausnahme. Die vorliegende Arbeit leistet einen Beitrag dazu, diese Lücke zu füllen und Migration aus einer politikwissenschaftlichen Perspektive zu beleuchten. Durch eine fundierte Analyse können Politikstrategien der Afrikanischen und der Europäischen Seite aufgezeigt, die Chancen der Interessensdurchsetzung bewertet und die Wirkung der Kooperation auf die Problematik der irregulären Migration eingeschätzt werden.
Die Arbeit baut auf den gängigen Theorien der Internationalen Beziehungen auf, die Hypothesen beruhen auf einer Gegenüberstellung der kooperationspolitischen Annahmen des Neorealismus und des neoliberalen Institutionalismus. Die empirische Überprüfung beruht auf einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse zugänglicher Dokumente und Verträge der EU und der African Union (AU) sowie der Westafrikanischen Regionalorganisation ECOWAS. Ergänzt wird die Dokumentenstudie um Experteninterviews mit afrikanischen Botschaftern in Berlin.
Die Arbeit kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Zunahme irregulärer Migration zu einer Veränderung in der Europäisch-Afrikanischen Kooperation geführt hat. Migrationspolitik ist zu einem strategischen Bereich der EU-Außenpolitik gegenüber Afrika geworden. In der Europäischen Politik überwiegen trotz Anerkennung der entwicklungspolitischen Möglichkeiten regulärer Migration restriktive Ansätze. Diese wirken sich nachteilig auf die Afrikanischen Herkunftsländer aus und begünstigen eine weitere Zunahme irregulärer Migration. Um angemessene Politikstrategien zu entwickeln ist aufgrund einer nicht zu erwartenden Veränderung der Europäischen Politik insbesondere die Afrikanische Seite gefragt. Hier dominierte in der Vergangenheit eine kritische Haltung gegenüber Personenfreizügigkeit. Erst seit kurzem kommt es zu einer abgestimmten supranationalen Positionierung auf ECOWAS- und AU-Ebene, in der positive Wirkungen regulärer Migration anerkannt werden. Diese spiegeln sich aber bisher nicht in nationalstaatlichen Politiken wider.The thesis deals with the question, whether the increased irregular migration from Sub-Saharan Africa to the European Union (EU) has an impact on the inter-regional relations. Papers dealing with international and irregular migration and its impact on international relations are still rare. The thesis contributes to fill this gap and to highlight migration from a political science point of view. By providing a comprehensive analysis, political strategies of the African and the European side are identified, the chances of enforcements of interests showed and the effect of cooperation on the prevention of irregular migration is assessed. The thesis is based on the established theories of international relations. The hypothesis are based on the assumptions of neorealism and neolibral institutionalism on international cooperation. The empirical testing is based on a qualitative content analysis reviewing of available documents and contracts of the EU and the African Union (AU) as well as the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). In addition, data derives from expert interviews conducted with African ambassadors in Berlin. The thesis comes to the conclusion that the increase in irregular migration let to a shift in the European-African cooperation. Migration policy now is a strategic part of the European foreign policy towards Africa. The European policy mainly pursues a restrictive policy although the chances of a regular form of migration have been officially recognized. This policy approach has a negative effect on the African countries of origin. At the same time, it favors a further increase of irregular migration. In order to develop an adequate policy, the African governments are particularly challenged as the European policy cannot be expected to change its politics towards migration. Here, in the past a critical position towards freedom of movement dominated. Only recently, a supranational position at ECOWAS-level comes up, which appreciates the positive effects of migration. However, this is not yet translated into policies at the national level.
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Wood, J. C. "Defining the role of the African Union Peace and Architecture (APSA) : a reconceptualisation of the roles of institutions." Thesis, Coventry University, 2012. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/c211face-e5d4-40ae-bb90-d41d0dff935d/1.
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At its core, this research project is a revision of how we conceptualise the role of international organisations. The concept of role is often invoked International Relations when discussing the function of institutions like the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), but its full meaning in this context has never been problematised, leading to varying perceptions of its meaning and a lack of common understanding in the discourse. In the case of the APSA, this lack of common understanding has led to a wide variance in how the role of the APSA is categorised, and a corresponding discrepancy in assessments of the institution’s success and utility, which has had a knock-on effect on policy recommendations, which also differ wildly from author to author. This thesis devises technical definitions for the various ways in which the word role is utilised in International Relations and related fields, and in so doing, aims to standardise our understanding of the role of institutions, using the APSA as a case study. After developing a new technical definition of role based on Role Theory, the thesis develops a research programme which sets out to investigate the true role of the APSA, based on an examination of how the APSA’s role has been shaped by key limiting and enabling factors, and how this role is shaped and influenced, and directed; all the while highlighting how it differs from the organisation’s stated role, and scholarly perceptions of that role.
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Botiveau, Raphaël. "Negotiating union South Africa’s National Union of Mineworkers and the end of the post-apartheid consensus." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010332.
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Cette thèse de doctorat s’intéresse au principal syndicat sud-africain, le National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), fondé en 1982. Partant de ses premières années, au cours de la dernière décennie du régime d’apartheid, elle retrace sa trajectoire, en tant qu’organisation syndicale, dans l’après apartheid. L’industrie des mines emploie aujourd’hui près d’un demi-million de travailleurs en Afrique du Sud et cette recherche, entamée à l’automne 2009, a été marquée par les grandes grèves de mineurs qui ont débuté en janvier 2012. Plusieurs mines de platine visitées avant et, pour certaines, après ces conflits, ont été affectées et, notamment, celle où a été perpétré le « massacre de Marikana ». Le 16 août 2012, des unités de la police antiterroriste ont ouvert le feu sur les grévistes et tué 34 mineurs. Cette répression étatique d’une violence inégalée depuis l’apartheid n’a pas pour autant mis un terme aux grèves qui ont atteint leur paroxysme au cours du premier semestre 2014Based on a case study of South Africa’s largest union – the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), this dissertation puts the current mining crisis in historical perspective. Beyond mining, it proposes keys to understand South Africa’s “negotiated” transformation from apartheid to democracy. It concludes that this country currently experiences what one can call the “end of the post-apartheid consensus”; a moment in which shared elitist conceptions of political and socioeconomic change developed during South Africa’s 1990s transition are starting to be decisively challenged. Departing from the NUM’s early years, in apartheid’s last decade, it analyses the union’s trajectory as a mineworker’s organisation after the end of while minority rule. Questioning NUM representations, in traditional struggle iconography, as a militant and revolutionary organisation, it argues that this union was also historically developed into a disciplined union, structured by and around strong core leadership. In other words, the main questions raised here here are : how are we to understand, in time, tensions between militancy on the one hand, and organisation on the other hand? How are we to accound in non-linear terms for the build up to 2012 Marikana strike and massacre, in a democratic context in which labour relations has supposedly become less adversarial and more workers friendly? What, in the NUM’s organisational ethos, can help us understand what happened, not as if Marikana was the expression of fundamental and untenable contradictions – class betrayal by another name, but as the result of sometimes unintended consequences of a nevertheless conscious and deliberate process aimed at organisation building and development? The main hypothesis that is put to work here is that NUM founders strategically built a centralised and efficient organisation, in order to survive in the mines’ repressive environment. This, in turn, generated tensions, which were to remain, between the grassroots and the top the organisation. In order to fulfil its organisational goals, the union also crucially invested in leadership development, at the expense of membership development. While claiming to be a socialist union that produced professional organisers and revolutionaries, the NUM nevertheless gave birth to professional negotiators who were more inclined towards negotiation than conflict. If the NUM achieved tremendous gains for workers through collective bargaining, the 2012 strikes and their aftermath have shown that mineworkers still aspire to militancy at the grassroots, and that they are ready to fight in order to transform the mining industry. This implies that the workers’ bread and butter demands are also rooted in more structural claims, which have gradually brought the “post-apartheid consensus”, which until 2012 prevailed as a shared narrative of how mining was to be democratised, into question
La presente tesi di dottorato si interessa del principale sindacato sudafricano il National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), fondato nel 1982. Partendo dai primi anni della sua creazione, che corrispondono all’ultimo decennio del regime dell’apartheid, ne ripercorre la traiettoria in quanto organizzazione sindacale nel postapartheid. L’industria mineraria impiega all’incirca mezzo milione di lavoratori in Sudafrica e la presente ricerca, avviata nell’autunno del 2009, si è svolta in parte durante gli importanti scioperi di minatori iniziati a gennaio 2012. Diverse miniere di platino visitate prima e, in alcuni casi, dopo le manifestazioni sono state protagoniste di questi eventi. Un esempio fra tutti è la miniera in cui si è perpetrato il “massacro di Marikana”. Il 16 agosto 2012, alcune unità della polizia antiterroriste hanno aperto il fuoco sui manifestanti e ucciso 34 minatori. Nonostante una repressione statale di tale violenza non si fosse più verificata dai tempi dell’apartheid, gli scioperi sono proseguiti e la situazione ha raggiunto il suo parossismo nel corso del primo semestre 2014
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Du, Plessis Anoeschka. "Climate change and human rights in the African Union (AU) / Anoeschka du Plessis." Thesis, North-West University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/8681.
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Nwobike, Justice Chimugwuanya. "Human rights trade and development in the African Caribbean Pacific - European Union Partnership." Thesis, University of Essex, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.438124.
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Reid-Pharr, Robert. "Conjugal union : Gender, sexuality and the development of an African American national literature." Ann Arbor, Mich. : ProQuest Information and Learning, 2005. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?res_dat=xri:ssbe&url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_dat=xri:ssbe:ft:keyresource:ReidPh_Diss_04.
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