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Journal articles on the topic 'African Union (AU)'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Nwokeocha, Steve. "Impact of Covid-19 on Teaching and Learning in Africa Assessed by the Education Unions." Journal of Education and Learning 10, no. 4 (May 19, 2021): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jel.v10n4p15.

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The study investigated the situation and views of the Education International (EI) member unions in Africa regarding the Covid-19 pandemic. The EI, a global body of education unions with over 32.5 million members in 384 unions across 178 countries in the world, is a critical global education stakeholder. It commissioned this study to obtain evidence to inform its policies about the pandemic. The primary data are based on the opinions of union leaders from 58 education unions in 34 African countries who responded to a semi-structured online questionnaire, while additionally, thirteen union leaders across the African countries and the Chief Regional Coordinator of the EI Africa Region were interviewed. The findings revealed a massive disruption of education, exacerbated educational inequalities, teachers’ poor digital skills and lack of infrastructure, and increased vulnerability of the marginalized learners shut out of school. Recommendations were made for EI, African Union and Governments.

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2

Rein, Conrad. "The Prospects for the Future of European Union–African Union Relations in Uncertain Times." European Review 25, no. 4 (September 6, 2017): 550–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798717000217.

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The importance of Africa for Europe was highlighted in the 1950 Schuman Declaration. Although the overarching framework for relations between the European Union and Africa is embedded in the 2000 Cotonou Agreement, cooperation between the European Union and Africa became increasingly institutionalized through the European Union–Africa Summits of 2000, 2007, 2010 and 2014, during which political leaders from both sides made strong rhetorical commitments to a strategic partnership. Yet, for the wider public, the relationship between the European Union and Africa appears to be both obscure and complex. The fifth European Union–Africa Summit is scheduled to take place in Ivory Coast in November 2017. This article will provide an overview of the development of European Union–Africa relations that coincided with the emergence of the African Union, the successor of the Organisation of African Unity. The so-called ‘strategic partnership’ between the European Union and the African Union represents the most comprehensive partnership the African Union has with any non-African actor. By highlighting current challenges affecting both, such as irregular migration, this article will, however, demonstrate that cooperation between the two is limited and somewhat lacking in strategic direction.

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3

Maluwa, Tiyanjana. "South Africa and the African Union." International Organizations Law Review 2, no. 1 (2005): 103–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572374054798297.

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Ofodile, Uche Ewelukwa. "Protocol on the Establishment of the African Monetary Fund & Statute of the African Monetary Fund." International Legal Materials 54, no. 3 (June 2015): 507–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.54.3.0507.

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On June 27, 2014, at the 23rd Ordinary Session of the Summit of the African Union held in Malobo, Equatorial Guinea, member states of the Africa Union adopted the Protocol on the Establishment of the African Monetary Fund (Fund). Plan for the Fund is not new but dates back to the 1963 Charter of the Organization of African Unity (the predecessor to the Africa Union) as well as to the 1991 Abuja Treaty—the agreement that established the African Economic Community and put in place a framework for continental integration. The Constitutive Act of the African Union (Constitutive Act) adopted in 2000 also envisaged the establishment of the Fund. Annexed to the Protocol is the Statute of the African Monetary Fund (Statute). As envisioned in the Abuja Treaty, the Fund, together with continental institutions such as the Africa Investment Bank and the African Central Bank that are still in the pipeline, are critical to efforts to create a continental economic and monetary union in Africa.

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Lichtenstein, Alex. "Challenging ‘umthetho we femu’ (the law of the firm): gender relations and shop-floor battles for union recognition in Natal's textile industry, 1973–85." Africa 87, no. 1 (January 27, 2017): 100–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972016000711.

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AbstractAs part of a growing working-class movement that sought full legal status as employees in South Africa, stable urban residence and union recognition, female African factory workers became part of a dynamic new labour movement emanating from the shop floor. At the same time, this new role allowed them to challenge patriarchal structures of authority in the factory, the community and the home. This article examines the gender dimension of a bitter inter-union rivalry that beset Durban's Frame textile complex during the early 1980s. With African unions at last recognized by the apartheid state, Frame sought to bolster the strength of a compliant company union in order to thwart the organizing drive of a more confrontational independent union, an affiliate of the newly established Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU). This union rivalry was fought out in the courts as well as inside the factory, in the streets of Durban's townships, and in an African workers’ hostel in nearby Clermont. The legal dispute generated affidavits by women workers attesting to the pressures they faced to join the company union and their reasons for preferring FOSATU. This evidence shows that African women successfully challenged the patriarchal authority of male managers, security personnel, indunas and male co-workers at Frame in order to join an independent union.

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Nicolosi, Salvatore Fabio. "The African Union System of Refugee Protection." International Organizations Law Review 11, no. 2 (May 26, 2014): 318–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15723747-01102004.

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Africa has often been treated as a mere recipient of legal systems, particularly by the former colonial powers. However, an examination of the African practice of international law reveals that, in the specific area of refugee protection, Africa has been championing a legal framework capable of successfully addressing the African region’s ‘peculiar’ refugee problem. The rise and evolution of the refugee protection system in Africa, within the African Union (which in 2001 replaced the Organisation of African Unity), dates from a time when the process of decolonisation, and the increasing number of refugees and displaced persons in Africa, laid bare the inadequacy of the international regime of refugee protection for dealing with the problem. Accordingly, the African states established a complementary system of refugee protection that has, over the years, contributed to the development of new legal instruments, an analysis of which will answer the question of whether the innovative African system of refugee protection is likely to have an influence on the development of international law in this area.

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Werle, Gerhard, and Moritz Vormbaum. "African States, the African Union, and the International Criminal Court : A Continuing Story." Volume 60 · 2017 60, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 17–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/gyil.60.1.17.

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This article analyses the strained relationship between African States, the African Union, and the International Criminal Court. It starts by scrutinising the allegations of ‘anti-Africa bias’ that the African Union and some African States have voiced towards the International Criminal Court. Then it looks at the threat of a pull-out of certain African States parties from the ICC Statute after Burundi, South Africa, and The Gambia declared in October 2016 that they were planning to withdraw from the Court. Finally, it analyses the Malabo Protocol, an initiative by the African Union which aims to create criminal chambers in the African Court of Justice and Human and Peoples’ Rights, simply put: an ‘African Criminal Court’.

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8

Mangu, André Mbata B. "The Changing Human Rights Landscape in Africa: Organisation of African Unity, African Union, New Partnership for Africa's Development and the African Court." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 23, no. 3 (September 2005): 379–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016934410502300304.

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As Pliny the Elder once put it, ‘ex Africa semper aliquid novi’. There is always some thing new coming out of Africa, and this time for the better. Over the last decade, some important developments unfolded on the African continent with the potential to impact on the future of African peoples. The African Union (AU) whose major purpose is to place Africa firmly on the road to development replaced the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). The New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD) was launched to achieve African renaissance. The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) was devised as NEPAD's linchpin and both were integrated within the AU. The Protocol to the African Charter establishing an African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights finally came into operation. There is renewed hope that a new era has begun and time has come for Africa's development, which is not possible without a more effective and better protection of human rights. In this article, the author reflects on the changing human rights landscape in Africa under the AU, NEPAD, and the African Court.

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9

KHAMFULA, YOHANE, and MENGSTEAB TESFAYOHANNES. "SOUTH AFRICA AND SOUTHERN AFRICAN MONETARY UNION." South African Journal of Economics 72, no. 1 (July 6, 2005): 37–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1813-6982.2004.tb00103.x.

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10

Ekeke, Alex Cyril, and Nombulelo Lubisi. "Secession in Africa: An African Union dilemma." African Security Review 28, no. 3-4 (July 3, 2019): 245–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2020.1717974.

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Nnyanzi, John Bosco. "Welfare gains, risk-sharing and Africa’s monetary union projects." African Journal of Economic and Management Studies 6, no. 4 (December 7, 2015): 416–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ajems-07-2013-0065.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate the welfare gains from risk sharing among African countries and regional groupings in Africa that are planning to establish monetary unions either in the short or longrun. Design/methodology/approach – The paper empirically tested two hypothesis; potential welfare gains and unexploited welfare gains. It uses a utility-based measure to quantify the gains that would accrue from joining a risk sharing arrangement such as a monetary union. The regional groupings considered include the African Union (AU), the Economic Community of West Africa (ECOWAS), the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the East African Community (EAC). Findings – The results provide support for both hypotheses. Overall, the average potential welfare for AU, EAC, ECOWAS and SADC groups under full risk sharing are found to be 1.9, 2, 3.4 and 1.6 percent, respectively, each higher than the 1 percent estimated for the OECD countries and 0.6 percent for the 14-EU countries. The average unexploited gains are, however, even bigger for AU at 3.5 percent, ECOWAS at 8.6 percent and for SADC at 2.6 percent. Practical implications – The finding of enormous potential welfare gains could partly reinforce the desire of the African countries to establish monetary unions. On the other hand, the paper provides insights to policy makers in designing policies to promote risk sharing given the finding that the unexploited welfare gains are on average still too low – implying that many African countries or groups still have very low risk sharing. Originality/value – Previous studies on welfare gains and risk sharing have basically left out the African regional groupings and never related the issue of gains to the monetary union projects. Besides, previous studies focus on unexploited welfare gains at the expense of total potential welfare gains. Considering the two types, however, presents a more complete picture of total gains from joining any risk sharing arrangement such as a monetary union.

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12

VINSON, ROBERT TRENT. "‘SEA KAFFIRS’: ‘AMERICAN NEGROES’ AND THE GOSPEL OF GARVEYISM IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY CAPE TOWN." Journal of African History 47, no. 2 (July 2006): 281–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853706001824.

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This article demonstrates that black British West Indians and black South Africans in post-First World War Cape Town viewed ‘American Negroes’ as divinely ordained liberators from South African white supremacy. These South-African based Garveyites articulated a prophetic Garveyist Christianity that provided common ideological ground for Africans and diasporic blacks through leading black South African organizations like the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (UNIA), the African National Congress (ANC) and the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union (ICU). This study utilizes a ‘homeland and diaspora’ model that simultaneously offers an expansive framework for African history, redresses the relative neglect of Africa and Africans in African diaspora studies and demonstrates the impact of Garveyism on the country's interwar black freedom struggle.

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Magliveras, Konstantinos D., and Gino J. Naldi. "The African Union—A New Dawn for Africa?" International and Comparative Law Quarterly 51, no. 2 (April 2002): 415–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/51.2.415.

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In March 2001 the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), meeting in extraordinary session in Sirte, Libya declared the establishment of a new pan-African body, the African Union (Union).1 The Constitutive Act (Act) of the Union entered into force on 26 May 20012 and in due course this new institution will replace the OAU.3 The Union, the brainchild of Libyan President Qaddafi, and modeled on the European Union, is the culmination of the OAU's piecemeal process of political cooperation and economic integration. It is designed to provide Africa with the legal and institutional framework to confront the twin challenges of the post-Cold War age and globalisation.

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Schultz, T. Paul, and Germano Mwabu. "Labor Unions and the Distribution of Wages and Employment in South Africa." ILR Review 51, no. 4 (July 1998): 680–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399805100407.

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Few countries have higher wage inequality than South Africa, where wages of African and white workers differ by a factor of five. Using survey data collected in 1993, the authors analyze the complex effect of unions on this wage gap. Among male African workers in the bottom decile of the wage distribution, union membership was associated with wages that were 145% higher than those of comparable nonunion workers, and among those in the top decile the differential was 19%. Regression estimates also indicate that returns to observed productive characteristics of workers, such as education and experience, were larger for nonunion than union workers. If the large union relative wage effect were cut in half, the authors estimate that employment of African youth, age 16–29, would increase by two percentage points, and their labor force participation rate would also increase substantially.

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15

Helinjiva, Rakotondrasoa. "NON-ARMED CONFLICT RESOLUTION BY AFRICAN UNION." Jurnal Dinamika Global 3, no. 01 (July 26, 2018): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.36859/jdg.v3i01.56.

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Africa is a continent devastated by conflicts and wars of all kinds. After being colonized for more than a century, African countries have sought solutions to solve the problems between them. They thus found their own organization which is the African Union with mixed commissions. The latter, besides dealing with the economic development of African countries, also deal with the management and resolution of armed and non- armed conflicts in the continent. Among these armed conflicts resolved by the African Union is the political crisis in Madagascar in 2009. The resolution of the conflict in Madagascar, despite its very successful appearance conceals some inconveniences for the Malagasy population and the Republic of Madagascar. This paper will demonstrate how the African Union regulates non-weapon conflicts in Africa, including the case of Madagascar, and explain the failures and successes of managing the crisis there. It aims to analyze the problems encountered in the resolution of a conflict, especially internal. Liberalism, more precisely, institutional liberalism is the theoretical framework of this study. To dig deeper into this paper, the research design utilized is the qualitative method with a deductive method. Data collection comes from primary data like books, reviews, reports, newspapers, etc.

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Manirakiza, Pacifique. "Towards a Right to Resist Gross Undemocratic Practices in Africa." Journal of African Law 63, S1 (May 2019): 81–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855319000020.

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AbstractThe adoption of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG) has been a milestone for the transformation of Africa's political landscape. This instrument seeks to expand on the ideals of liberal democracy enshrined in the Constitutive Act of the African Union and other African fundamental instruments. The ACDEG seems to pave the way for the right to democracy for Africans, which entails, inter alia, political sovereignty of African citizens. The latter have clearly and vigorously exercised their sovereignty through elections when given such an opportunity. However, in some instances, African citizens resorted to popular uprisings in cases of gross violations of their democracy-related rights. With reference to the recent popular uprisings and coups (or attempted coups) in Africa, this article enquires, from a human rights perspective, whether ACDEG or other instruments, enshrine a right to resist gross undemocratic practices underpinning the right to democracy.

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17

Wood, Geoffrey, and Pauline Dibben. "The Challenges Facing the South African Labour Movement." Articles 63, no. 4 (December 10, 2008): 671–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/019542ar.

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There is a growing body of literature on the role and impact of unions in the developing world, and on their ability to mobilize members against a background of neo-liberal reforms. The South African trade union movement represents a source of inspiration to organized labour worldwide, but has faced many challenges over the years. This article engages with debates on union solidarity and worker democracy, and draws on the findings of a nationwide survey of members of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) to explore the extent of fragmentation according to gender, age, skill level and ethnicity. The survey reveals regular participation in union affairs, democratic accountability, participation in collective action, and a strong commitment to the labour movement, but variation in levels of engagement between categories of union members indicates significant implications for union policy and practice.

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Kenny, Bridget. "The South African labour movement." Tempo Social 32, no. 1 (April 15, 2020): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2020.166288.

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This paper reviews the state of the South African labour movement. It discusses trade unions within the context of national political dynamics, including the Tripartite Alliance and neoliberalism, as well as growing precarianization of work within South Africa. It examines splits within the major federation and explores debates around union renewal and new worker organizations. It argues that the political terrain is fragmented and shifting, but workers’ collective labour politics abides.

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Wiebusch, Micha, and Christina Murray. "Presidential Term Limits and the African Union." Journal of African Law 63, S1 (May 2019): 131–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855319000056.

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AbstractA growing number of states have modified constitutionally determined presidential term limits or adopted a flexible interpretation of relevant constitutional provisions to allow incumbent leaders additional terms in the highest office. This article investigates African Union (AU) responses to attempts to overturn or weaken term limits on executive power, one of the most tenacious constitutional trends in Africa. Inspired by the AU's well-established discourse on “unconstitutional changes of government” under the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance, the article frames the manipulation of presidential term limits as “undemocratic changes of the constitution”. From this perspective it argues for a more active role for the AU in monitoring and enforcing constitutionalism and respect for democratic standards by member states when they amend their constitution. It concludes with a tentative set of principles to guide processes of constitutional change in Africa.

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Mueller, Susanne, John Spencer, and Christopher Leo. "The Kenya African Union." African Economic History, no. 15 (1986): 212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3601554.

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CILLIERS, JAKKIE. "TOWARDS THE AFRICAN UNION." African Security Review 10, no. 2 (January 2001): 104–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2001.9627940.

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Spencer, John. "The Kenya African Union." American Historical Review 92, no. 1 (February 1987): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1862901.

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Tieku, Thomas Kwasi. "African Union promotion of human security in Africa." African Security Review 16, no. 2 (June 2007): 26–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2007.9627414.

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Virkkunen, Joni, and Minna Piipponen. "African Immigrants in Russia." DEMIS. Demographic research 1, no. 1 (2021): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/demis.2021.1.1.5.

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While the Russian migration literature captures well social and economic realities of Central Asian labour migrants, it takes only an infrequent notice of other less visible groups of immigrants. One of such groups, African immigrants, is estimated to consist of about 40,000 individuals, mainly from North and Sub-Saharan Africa. This paper looks at the African immigrants in Russia. After identifying the African immigrants, the article focuses on refugees and economic migrants in more detail. Who are the African immigrants in Russia? How do they see Russia and Finland as the countries of immigration? The study is based on scholarly literature of African immigration to Russia and asylum interview documents of the African asylum seekers in Finland. The most prominent group of Africans in Russia are immigrants distributing advertisements at metro stations in large cities such as Moscow. However, these immigrants struggling with their poor status are only part of the Africans in Russia. The highly educated African diaspora and businessmen trained in the Soviet Union, as well as the staff of the delegations, live well- off lives in Russia and there is little interaction between the above-mentioned “new” immigrant groups. In this article, we focus especially on the “new” immigrants who arrived in Russia after the break-up of the Soviet Union and their stories of everyday insecurity. International crime and human trafficking enable asylum seekers to move around in Europe today. At the same time, it puts several groups of people, such as women, children and the low-skilled, particularly vulnerable to various forms of exploitation during the journey.

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Buhlungu, Sakhela. "The Rise and Decline of the Democratic Organizational Culture in the South African Labor Movement, 1973 to 2000." Labor Studies Journal 34, no. 1 (February 26, 2008): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x07308522.

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From 1973 to 2000, the emerging black union movement in South Africa made efforts to construct a collectivist and democratic organizational culture. The development and decline of this culture correspond with three phases in the history of the black trade union movement. Political and economic changes in the past fifteen years have affected this culture, specifically the unions' political engagement and new pressures arising out of globalization. However, although it is true that union democracy in the South African labor movement is under stress, it is premature to conclude that this labor movement has become oligarchic.

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NDAHINDA, FELIX MUKWIZA. "Human Rights in African Political Institutions: Between Rhetoric, Practice, and the Struggle for International Visibility." Leiden Journal of International Law 20, no. 3 (August 30, 2007): 699–715. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156507004335.

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Rachel Murray, Human Rights in Africa: From the OAU to the African Union, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2004, ISBN-13: 9780521839174, ISBN-10: 0521839173, 349 pp., £50.00 (hb).M. Mubiala, Le Système régional Africain de Protection des Droits de l'Homme, Brussels, Bruylant, 2005, ISBN 280272021X, 299 pp., €65.00.

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Kenny, Bridget. "Walmart in South Africa: Precarious Labor and Retail Expansion." International Labor and Working-Class History 86 (2014): 173–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547914000167.

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In 2011 Walmart's bid to buy a controlling stake in South Africa's Massmart Holdings, Inc. went before the country's Competition Commission and Competition Tribunal, both of which would determine whether to grant the merger outright or to place conditions on it. Massmart Holdings comprises a number of branded subsidiaries in the South African market, including Walmart-style general merchandise dealers, electronics retailers, do-it-yourself building suppliers, and food wholesalers—Game, Dion, Builder's Warehouse, and Makro, respectively—as well as the more recently acquired food retailer, Cambridge Food. South African unions, most prominently the South African Commercial, Catering and Allied Workers Union (Saccawu), with support from the Global Union Federation UNI Global and, in the United States, the United Food and Commercial Workers, fought the merger.

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Abrahamyan, Mira. "Tony Karbo and Kudrat Virk (eds.): The Palgrave Handbook of Peacebuilding in Africa." Czech Journal of International Relations 54, no. 4 (December 1, 2019): 81–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1654.

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This handbook offers a critical assessment of the African agenda for conflict prevention, peacemaking, peacekeeping, and peacebuilding; the challenges and opportunities facing Africa’s regional organisations in their efforts towards building sustainable peace on the continent; and the role of external actors, including the United Nations, Britain, France, and South Asian troop-contributing countries. In so doing, it revisits the late Ali Mazrui’s concept of Pax Africana, calling on Africans to take responsibility for peace and security on their own continent. The creation of the African Union, in 2002, was an important step towards realising this ambition, and has led to the development of a new continental architecture for more robust conflict management. But, as the volume’s authors show, the quest for Pax Africana faces challenges. Combining thematic analyses and case studies, this book will be of interest to both scholars and policymakers working on peace, security, and governance issues in Africa.

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"UNITED STATES OF AFRICA? AFRICAN UNION LAUNCHES ALL-AFRICA PASSPORT." Indonesian Journal of International Law 13, no. 2 (January 2, 2016): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.17304/ijil.vol13.2.653.

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Ngalawa, Harold P. E. "Anatomy Of The Southern African Customs Union: Structure And Revenue Volatility." International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 13, no. 1 (January 8, 2014): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v13i1.8385.

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This paper studies the evolution of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), tracing it from its inception in 1889 as the Customs Union Convention, the worlds first customs union, to its current status. While the union has operated under different agreements, which have been negotiated and renegotiated with changing circumstances, the study identifies the agreements of 1889, 1910, 1969 and 2002 as key to the unions transformation. It is observed that SACU has evolved from a geopolitical organisation with a repressive colonial foundation to a well-integrated regional trading bloc that is perceived as a possible springboard for larger regional trading blocs in Africa. The study further explores evidence of declining SACU revenue and investigates its implications on government expenditures in the small members of the union; namely, Botswana, Lesotho, Namibia and Swaziland (BLNS countries). It is found that among the members of the union, Lesotho and Swaziland are the most dependent on SACU transfers and, consequently, the most vulnerable to the current downward trend in SACU revenue. While Namibia has traditionally relied on diamond exports, it has also been receiving large SACU transfers relative to its GDP. In addition, the study observes that the present SACU revenue sharing formula adopted in 2002 exposes the BLNS countries to instabilities arising from global business cycles more than it does South Africa.

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Chekol, Yayew Genet. "African Union Institutional Reform: Rationales, Challenges and Prospects." Insight on Africa 12, no. 1 (January 2020): 29–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087819899342.

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This paper aimed at investigating the rationalities, Challenges and prospects of Africa Union institutional reforms agendas. The paper has been analysed by using the documentary source of data. The institutional reforms of the African Union (AU) have gained significant prominence in recent years within the framework of promoting regional integration and strengthening the African collective action. Africa has witnessed significant changes over the past two decades on several fronts, which has made reforming the AU more urgent than ever before. The main attention of the institutional reform is its focus on key priorities with continental scope, realign AU institutions to deliver against those priorities, manage the AU efficiently at both political and operational levels and finance the AU ourselves and sustainably. However, having these focus areas with prospects, challenges facing the institutional reform agenda are prevailed and needs homogenous intervention amongst member State for real implementation of the AU reform.

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Geldenhuys, Deon. "The African Union, Responsible Sovereignty and Contested States." Global Responsibility to Protect 6, no. 3 (July 24, 2014): 350–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875984x-00603005.

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Post-colonial Africa has experienced relatively few contested states, defined as entities whose purported statehood is widely challenged by existing states. During the 1960s and 1970s the self-proclaimed states of Katanga, Biafra and Rhodesia encountered serious deficits in international recognition. The same fate befell the independent Bantustans created by South Africa. Today only the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic and Somaliland fall in this category. The pair’s remarkable longevity shows that they cannot be wished away. Nor can Africa ignore the conflict potential attached to the very existence of the two disputed states. The African Union’s endorsement of the notion of sovereignty as responsibility provides moral obligations, pragmatic incentives and R2P-associated tools for dealing with the challenges posed by current and future contested states. The African Union could, however, consider two adaptations to R2P procedures. The first is the designation of established contested states as ‘territories of concern’ to highlight the necessity of collective R2P-type initiatives to resolve these situations. The second calls for the introduction of a ‘secessionism alert’ as part of the au’s early-warning system to try to prevent violent secession and the likely birth of contested states.

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Thom-Otuya, BEN. "Strengthening African Union for African Integration: An African Scholars Perspective." African Research Review 8, no. 2 (June 13, 2014): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/afrrev.v8i2.21.

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Olugbuo, Benson Chinedu. "The African Union, the United Nations Security Council and the Politicisation of International Justice in Africa." African Journal of Legal Studies 7, no. 3 (September 12, 2014): 351–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12342051.

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There are two questions with multiple answers regarding the relationship between Africa and the International Criminal Court. The first is whether the International Criminal Court is targeting Africa and the second is if politics plays any role in the decision to investigate and prosecute crimes within the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. For the African Union, the International Criminal Court has become a western court targeting weak African countries and ignoring the atrocities committed by big powers including permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. The accusation by the African Union against the International Criminal Court leads to the argument that the International Criminal Court is currently politised. This is a charge consistently denied by the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. The aim of this paper is to discuss the relationship between the United Nations Security Council, the International Criminal Court and the African Union. It articulates the role of the three institutions in the fight against impunity and the maintenance of international peace and security with reference to the African continent. The paper argues that complementarity should be applied to regional organisations and that the relationship between the African Union and the International Criminal Court should be guided by the application of positive complementarity and a nuanced approach to the interests of justice. This offers the International Criminal Court and the African Union an opportunity to develop mutual trust and result-oriented strategies to confront the impunity on the continent. The paper further argues that the power of the United Nations Security Council to refer situations to the International Criminal Court and defer cases before the Court is a primary source of the disagreement between the prosecutor and the African Union and recommends a division of labour between the International Criminal Court and the United Nations Security Council.

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Gottschalk, Keith. "African Peacekeeping and African Integration: Current Challenges." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 678–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-4-678-686.

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Peacekeeping and economic union are the two most important dimensions of African integration. The first section of this article aims to analyse some current challenges to African peacekeeping, peacemaking, and African integration. The continuing Libyan civil war epitomizes the diplomatic stalemates and military stalemates which form the limits of current African peacekeeping. It exposes the North African Regional Capability and North African Standby Brigade as paper structures which do not exist operationally, and so limit the capacity of the African Union’s Peace and Security Council. The military intervention of states outside Africa can polarize conflicts and escalate civil wars. Africa’s colonial epoch serves as a warning of the potential dangers of foreign military bases in Africa. In parts of West Africa, states sub-contract peacemaking and anti-terrorist operations to unsupervised local militias, which are lawless at best, and commit ethnic killings at worst. African integration fares better in the economic dimension. The second section analyses African integration, with its focus on the most recent step of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which starts to lay the cornerstone envisaged four decades ago in the Lagos Plan of Action, and three decades ago in the Abuja Treaty for an African Economic Community. The historic track record of African continental organizations indicates that a decade will be a realistic minimum period for it to be substantially implemented. The Pan-African Payment and Settlement System will help operationalize the AfCFTA by lowering forex currency transaction charges. Severe difficulties can be predicted for future attempts to upgrade the AfCFTA into a continental customs union, and ultimately into a continental common market.

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Zondi, Siphamandla. "The Pan African Parliament and the African Union." Insight on Africa 3, no. 1 (January 2011): 23–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087814411130.

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Paret, Marcel. "Building Labor Solidarity in Precarious Times: The Danger of Union Paternalism." Labor Studies Journal 44, no. 4 (November 27, 2018): 314–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x18814310.

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In a global context of union decline and widening economic insecurity, unions must decide how to relate to extra-workplace struggles and those without stable or unionized employment. One possibility is that unions will adopt a paternalistic view, in which they attempt to serve the interests of nonunion individuals and groups by disciplining them or speaking for them. Drawing on seventy-five brief interviews with participants in a protest led by the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), I examine how union activists understood their relationship to the unemployed and local protests within residential areas. Revealing support for union involvement in extra-workplace struggles, the results show that South Africa’s legacy of social movement unionism remains strong. Yet, some union activists also wanted to discipline or substitute for community struggles, and felt the need to educate or speak for the unemployed. Such paternalistic views may become an obstacle to broad working-class solidarity, in South Africa or elsewhere.

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Olender, Michael. "Integrating Africa: Decolonization's Legacies, Sovereignty and the African Union." Politikon 41, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2014.885687.

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Olivier, Michèle E. "The role of African Union law in integrating Africa." South African Journal of International Affairs 22, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 513–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10220461.2015.1119718.

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Romadan, L. I., and V. A. Shagalov. "United Nations - African Union Cooperation In Conflict Prevention, Peacekeeping and Peacebuildin." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 174–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-174-181.

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The article addresses the cooperation between the United Nations and regional organizations, in particular the African Union in the sphere of security and settlement of conflicts. Over the last decade the role of the AU and sub regional organizations has dramatically increased. Through its agencies of ensuring peace and security the African Union is making significant contribution to strengthening stability and promotion of democracy and human rights in Africa. In the beginning of the article authors make a review of the level of security on the African continent and stress the sharpest conflict zones. According to researches one of the most turbulent regions on continent in terms of security is the North-East Africa. Continuing quarter-century war in Somalia, conflict relations between Somalia and Ethiopia, the border crises between Ethiopia and Eritrea, which in the late 20th century turned into the war between the two countries, finally, the number of armed clashes in Sudan attracted the special attention to the region of the entire world community. Authors pay the main attention to the cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union in the sphere of settling regional conflicts and holding peacekeeping operations. In the article the main mechanisms and methods that are used by the United Nations and the African Union to hold peacekeeping operations are analyzed in details. The situation in Somalia and efforts of the United Nations and the African Union that are making towards stabilization in this country are also studied. Authors reveal the basic elements and make a review of the mixed multicomponent peacekeeping operation of the United Nations and the African Union in Sudan. In the conclusion authors stress the measures that could strengthen the strategic cooperation between the United Nations and the African union. According to the authors the most important task is to solve problems of financing joint peacekeeping operations quickly and effectively.

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Apuuli, Kasaija Phillip. "The African Union and Peacekeeping in Africa: Challenges and Opportunities." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 667–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-4-667-677.

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Africa continues to suffer from outbreaks of conflict, with evidence pointing to an increasing number of violent armed incidents. The establishment of the African Union (AU) heralded (or so it was hoped) a new era in how African conflicts are managed and resolved. Since 2003, the AU has mandated a number of peace support operations including the African Union Mission in Burundi (AMIB), the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS), and the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), as a means to manage conflicts on the continent. In more recent times, the organization has also authorized three operations dealing with non-state armed groups namely the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), Boko Haram and the Sahel Region Jihadists. Whilst some of these peace support missions recorded successes in meeting their mandates, generally all of them faced or are facing a number of challenges including funding, and logistical inadequacies among others. At the same time, the AU’s engagement in peacekeeping in Africa has occasioned opportunities for the organization including: increasing its capacity building in the area of conflict prevention, management and resolution; adoption of initiatives like “Silencing the Guns” aimed at lessening the outbreak of conflicts; and establishing its own funding mechanisms on how to support its mandated and authorized peace support missions among others.

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Sackeyfio-Lenoch, Naaborko. "The Ghana Trades Union Congress and the Politics of International Labor Alliances, 1957–1971." International Review of Social History 62, no. 2 (May 24, 2017): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859017000189.

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AbstractThis article explores the motives of Ghana’s Trades Union Congress in securing development assistance during the era of decolonization and early independence. African interests and agency in these complex processes of negotiation have not been sufficiently untangled to highlight the decisions that African trade unionists made as they aligned with, and fostered, international networks and alliances to meet particular development goals. By highlighting the perspectives and actions of Ghana’s trade union officials, the article demonstrates what Africans sought to achieve through connections to international trade union organizations. The Ghana case illustrates the ways in which African trade unionists actively engaged in the variable and competing politics and policies of local, regional, and global trade unionism in order to strengthen their union apparatus and meet shifting needs.

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Moll, P. G. "Black South African Unions: Relative Wage Effects in International Perspective." ILR Review 46, no. 2 (January 1993): 245–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399304600203.

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Despite the disenfranchisement of blacks in South Africa, the state's refusal to officially recognize black unions until 1980, and police repression of the union movement, this analysis of data for 1985 shows that black unions in South Africa had by that year made wage gains similar to those of unions in more developed countries. The union effect on wages for black blue-collar workers was 24%, which is in the range of effects found in studies of U.S. unions and above the range of effects found for European unions. Another finding is that black unions compressed wages across skill levels, an effect probably owing to black unions' primary emphasis on improving the lot of unskilled workers.

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Kanogo, Tabitha, and John Spencer. "KAU: The Kenya African Union." African Economic History, no. 18 (1989): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3601783.

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Nemchenko, V. "African Union on Reformist Track." Азия и Африка сегодня, no. 5 (May 2019): 60–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750004752-9.

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"AFRICAN UNION: Africa Bonds?" Africa Research Bulletin: Economic, Financial and Technical Series 57, no. 4 (June 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6346.2020.09487.x.

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"AFRICAN UNION: Africa: 54 Countries, One Union." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 49, no. 5 (June 2012): 19261A—19261B. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2012.04463.x.

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"African Union." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 47, no. 1 (February 2010): 18246A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2010.03053.x.

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"AFRICAN UNION." Africa Research Bulletin: Economic, Financial and Technical Series 57, no. 2 (April 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-6346.2020.09369.x.

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"AFRICAN UNION." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 54, no. 5 (June 2017): 21421A—21422A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2017.07653.x.

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