Journal articles: 'Africanité'

1

Maquet, Jacques. "Africanité et Américanité." Présence Africaine 165-166, no. 1 (2002): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/presa.165.0047.

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Bal, Willy. "Néologie et africanité." Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 84, no. 3 (2006): 687–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rbph.2006.5038.

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Senghor, Léopold Sédar. "TheFoundations of“Africanité,“." Critical Interventions 3, no. 1 (January 2009): 166–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19301944.2009.10781367.

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Pégram, Scooter. "Rhymin’ to (Re)Discover One’s Africanité." Ethnic Studies Review 44, no. 1 (2021): 75–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2021.44.1.75.

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This paper analyzes the presence and influence of Africa in French hip-hop music over time, giving particular emphasis to recent years where the continent has motivated deeper connections and more meaningful manifestations of one’s heritage culture in songs and video presentations by popular artists. Contemporary rappers in France have been linguistically and stylistically shifting their sounds away from trends present in the United States as they increasingly focus their attention toward the African continent as a way to celebrate the duality of their bicultural identity. This international and transnational musical alteration of their sound toward Africa provides them and their fans much needed comfort against the marginalization that they face at home in France. Thus, these contemporary thematic types of transnational musical shout-outs to the African continent provide rappers and their consumers hailing from ethnocultural communities a means in which to confront the racism and exclusion they face in a country where youths of color are frequently viewed with suspicion and where issues relating their unique diverse social constructs are routinely ignored or dismissed by the French State.

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Mary, André. "Introduction : Africanité et christianité : une interaction première." Archives de sciences sociales des religions, no. 143 (September 1, 2008): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/assr.16283.

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Purchas-Tulloch, Jean A. "The Yoruban—Cuban Aesthetic Nicolas Guillen's Poetic Expressions: A Paradigm." A Current Bibliography on African Affairs 18, no. 4 (June 1986): 301–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001132558601800403.

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Guillen's poetry is exemplary of a most vibrant, dynamic, and substantive aesthetic resulting from the Yoruban-Cuban encounter in the Americas. Early in his writings he tends towards a very tropical and exotic flair. As his work matures, however, he asserts his Africanité very strongly in the language he uses, the oral traditional elements interlaced in his poems, and his musical and religious allusions.

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Maino, Elisabetta. "À propos de l’« africanité » de São Tomé et Príncipe*." Cahiers d'études africaines 42, no. 166 (January 1, 2002): 385–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.149.

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Ajari, Norman. "Née du désastre. Critique de l’ethnophilosophie, pensée sociale et africanité." AUC INTERPRETATIONES 5, no. 1 (May 6, 2016): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/24646504.2016.7.

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D'Alessandro, Cristina. "Métissage spatial, spatialités métisses et africanité : une géographie des espaces africains." Travaux de l'Institut Géographique de Reims 31, no. 121 (2005): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/tigr.2005.1489.

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Saunders, Chris. "Pan-Africanism: The Cape Town Case." Journal of Asian and African Studies 47, no. 3 (June 2012): 291–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909611428055.

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The author of this contribution examines the role that Cape Town played in the advent of Pan-Africanism in South Africa from abroad through the activist efforts of individuals from the West Indies, United States of America (USA) and West Africa in the early twentieth century. He traces how Pan-Africanism in Cape Town went through a number of different phases, the most important politically being that of the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) in 1959-60.

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Glickman, Harvey. "Editor’s Introduction." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 19, no. 1 (1990): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050119x.

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This ISSUE is almost totally comprised of the first half of a two part publication series that relates Africanists to the Africa policy of the U.S. government. As a whole, the two parts—in this and the next ISSUE —review the relationship of the opinions and the activities of the Africanist community outside the U.S. government (mainly academics) to the thrust and substance of policy and the process of policy-making inside the U.S. government. The two major articles in the present ISSUE—on Africanists and U.S. foreign and national security policy by Larry Bowman of the University of Connecticut, and on Africanists and U.S. economic assistance policy by Michael Bratton of Michigan State University—represent the first part.

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Lössl, Josef. "Review: Augustinus Afer: Saint Augustin, africanité et universalité. Actes du colloque international Alger-Annaba, 1–7 avril 2001." Journal of Theological Studies 56, no. 1 (April 1, 2005): 231–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/fli046.

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Abrahamsen, Rita. "Internationalists, sovereigntists, nativists: Contending visions of world order in Pan-Africanism." Review of International Studies 46, no. 1 (October 14, 2019): 56–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210519000305.

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AbstractContrary to common assumptions that the liberal world order was ‘made in the West’, this article argues that it was produced in interaction with Pan-African ideology and actors. Developing a morphological analysis, it identifies three contending visions of world order within Pan-Africanism: a world of continental unity and transnational solidarity; a world of national sovereignty; and a world of racially defined units. It concludes that Pan-Africanism contains intellectual and political resources for the defence, reinvigoration, and invention of a more just, equal and rule-bound multilateral world, but that this cannot be taken for granted. Pan-Africanism is neither inherently progressive, nor reactionary, and can support multilateralism and sovereigntism in equal measure. Pan-Africanism's nativism also carries particular risks at a time when similar identitarian viewpoints are promoted by Radical Right movements. Understanding the manner in which Pan-Africanism informs and legitimises diverse political agendas is thus of crucial importance for IR, for Pan-Africanists, and for the future of world order.

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Laryea Adjetey, Wendell Nii. "In Search of Ethiopia: Messianic Pan-Africanism and the Problem of the Promised Land, 1919–1931." Canadian Historical Review 102, no. 1 (March 2021): 53–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-2019-0048.

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Whether native-born or immigrants from the United States, Caribbean Basin, or Africa, Black people have made Canada an integral – although still largely overlooked – site in the Black Atlantic and African Diaspora. This article examines interwar Pan-Africanism, a movement that enjoyed a popular following in Canada. Pan-Africanists considered knowledge of history and love of self as foundational to resisting anti-blackness and inspiring Black liberation. In North America, they fortified themselves with the memory of their ancestors and awareness of an ancient African past as requisites for racial redemption and community building. African-American and Caribbean immigrants embraced Ethiopianism – a messianic Pan-Africanism of sorts – which they mythologized on Canadian soil. Not only was this Black racial renaissance new in Canadian society, but also its quasi spiritualism and revanchism reveals the zeal and militance of interwar Black agency. Pan-Africanists in North America sowed the seeds of twentieth-century Black liberation in the interwar period, which helped germinate postwar Caribbean and African decolonization, and civil and human rights struggles in the United States and Canada.

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Scholl, Camille Johann. "RESENHA: MENDY, PETER KARIBE. AMILCAR CABRAL: A NATIONALIST AND PAN-AFRICANIST REVOLUTIONARY. ATHENS: OHIO UNIVERSITY PRESS, 2019." Sankofa (São Paulo) 12, no. 23 (August 8, 2019): 184–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.1983-6023.sank.2019.169164.

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O livro Amílcar Cabral: a Nationalist and Pan-Africanist Revolutionary faz parte da coleção “Ohio Short Stories of Africa” e apresenta uma visão ampla da biografia de Amílcar Cabral, um “icônico líder político do século XX” que foi “um nacionalista consumado e um revolucionário pan- africanista” determinado a acabar com o colonialismo português na Guiné Portuguesa – atual Guiné-Bissau – e nas Ilhas de Cabo Verde.

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Sesanti, Simphiwe. "Thabo Mbeki’s ‘AIDS Denialism’." Theoria 65, no. 156 (September 1, 2018): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2018.6515602.

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In his nine years as South Africa’s president, Thabo Mbeki was known as a leading pan-Africanist and an advocate of the African Renaissance. Pan-Africanism is an ideology aimed at uniting Africans into a strong force for total liberation. The African Renaissance is a project aimed at restoring Africans’ self-esteem damaged by colonialism and slavery. During and after his presidency Mbeki was criticised by the local and international media for putting at risk hundreds of thousands of South African lives by questioning the link between HIV and AIDS, and blocking drugs that could have saved many lives. If true, this would suggest that there is a contradiction between Mbeki’s pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance, which are supposed to be life-affirming on one hand, and exposing Africans to the perils of a fatal disease, on the other. This article examines Mbeki’s opponents’ arguments, and Mbeki’s stance in the context of pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance.

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Yalley, Clarke Ebow, and Andrews Acquah. "Reflective examination of the educational philosophies of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania: Intricacies for curriculum development in Africa." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 8, no. 7 (July 9, 2021): 119–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.87.10430.

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The central focus of this paper is to undertake a reflective examination of the educational philosophies of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania and these educational philosophies intricacies for curriculum development in Africa. The educational philosophies of Dr. Kwame Nkrumah (Consciencism, Socialism, Africanism, Humanism, and Communism) as well as that of Julius Nyerere (Self-reliance and Liberation) were of importance to the distinct countries at the time yet, its relevance can still be felt and their foundational legacies within the educational front solidified and modified to meet current changes in education. African curriculum developers must not lose sight of the implications of these educational philosophies of these great Africanist scholars rather synchronize contemporary educational philosophies to meet the standards and vision of education of these two great Pan-Africanist.

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Bowman, Larry W., and Diana T. Cohen. "Identifying New Directions for African Studies: Methodology Report and Survey Results." African Issues 30, no. 2 (2002): 76–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500006533.

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The sample frame was constructed over several months through the combined efforts of three graduate students and Prof. Larry W. Bowman. Using the Internet whenever possible, and backed by the assistance of colleagues from many institutions, we constructed a sample frame of 1,793 U.S.-based Africanists. Our sample frame includes 46 percent more Africanists than the 1,229 individual U.S. members of the African Studies Association (ASA) in 2001 (1,112 individual members and 117 lifetime members). In all cases we allowed institutions to self-define who they considered their African studies faculty to be. By assembling this broad sample frame of African studies faculty, we probe more deeply into the national world of African studies than can be done even through a membership survey of our largest and most established national African studies organization. The sample frame for this study approximates a full enumeration of the Africanist population in the United States. Therefore, data collected from samples drawn from this frame can with some confidence be generalized to all Africanists in the United States, with minimal coverage error.

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WILLIAMS, THEO. "GEORGE PADMORE AND THE SOVIET MODEL OF THE BRITISH COMMONWEALTH." Modern Intellectual History 16, no. 02 (January 16, 2018): 531–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000634.

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This article argues for an appreciation of the permeability of the Western socialist and black radical traditions and a recognition of their codevelopment. This relationship is illustrated through an analysis of George Padmore's intellectual history, particularly focusing on How Russia Transformed Her Colonial Empire (1946), in which Padmore applied Marxist ideas to his project of colonial liberation. The book functions as Padmore's manifesto for the transformation of the British Empire into a socialist federation following the model of the Soviet Union. Through comparisons with the manifestos of British socialist F. A. Ridley and American pan-Africanist W. E. B. Du Bois, this article contextualizes this manifesto within a moment of postwar internationalist optimism. This approach also facilitates a discussion of the meaning of “pan-Africanism” to Padmore, concluding that pan-Africanism was, for him, a methodology through which colonial liberation, and eventually world socialism, could be achieved.

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Sesanti, Simphiwe. "Pan-African Linguistic and Cultural Unity." Theoria 64, no. 153 (December 1, 2017): 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2017.6415303.

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Abstract Contrary to the view that Africa is populated by many ethnic groups whose cultures and languages have no relation to one another, scientific research, as opposed to impressionistic arguments, points to the fact that African languages are connected, and by extension, demonstrate African cultural connectivity and unity. By making reference to both African and European scholars, this article demonstrates pan-African linguistic and cultural unity, and echoes pan-Africanist scholars’ call for African linguistic and cultural unity as a basis for pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance.

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Ede, Amatoritsero. "Afropolitan Genealogies." African Diaspora 11, no. 1-2 (December 9, 2019): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725465-01101010.

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Abstract Afropolitanism’s first enunciation in public discourse can be traced to Taiye Selasi’s 2005 online article, Bye-Bye Babar. This idea of a new subjective experience of African diasporic self-identity then migrated into academic contemplation initially through Achille Mbembe, Wawrzinek and Makokha, Simon Gikandi, and Chielozona Eze’s scholarly and philosophical deepening of Afropolitanism, which has since been variously expanded by many Africanist critics. This keyword think-piece maps the disciplinary beginning and trajectory of Afropolitan ontology and scholarship. It considers the cultural materialialist and phenomenological aspects of the term and its relationship to the concept of Pan-Africanism and concludes with a projection of its possible future critical development.

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Truchon, Karoline. "Montrer l’autre, faire apparaître notre relation à l’autre." Ethnologies 31, no. 2 (March 9, 2010): 191–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/039370ar.

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À Montréal, dans certains quartiers économiquement défavorisés, mais aussi ailleurs, un jeune homme à la peau noire est souvent « vu » et « perçu » comme un bandit et/ou une victime, actuels ou en devenir. Cette exclusion sociale fondée sur la couleur de la peau est également partagée par des résidents d’habitations à loyers modiques (HLM) de la métropole. Par conséquent, se sortir de cette image stéréotypée par la découverte d’une autre culture était un des objectifs de l’atelier « Mon Afrique à moi » présentée au cours de l’été 2007 par Fako Soulama, originaire du Burkina Faso et animateur au Centre des jeunes Boyce-Viau, un organisme d’intervention familiale opérant au sein d’un des HLM du quartier Hochelaga-Maisonneuve à Montréal. Or, si les intentions de cet atelier étaient louables et nécessaires, que reste-t-il de l’atelier « Mon Afrique à moi »? Quels ont été les apprentissages des participants et des artisans de cet atelier? Est-ce que des perceptions quant à l’« Africanité » et au vivre-ensemble de personnes aux origines diverses ont changé depuis? Que voudraient montrer les participants de cet atelier s’ils étaient invités à représenter et à diffuser dans l’espace public ce qu’ils en ont retenu? Une pratique reliée à un nouveau média peut-elle devenir une méthode de recherche? Cette note de recherche présente quelques réponses à ces questions en dévoilant de manière réflexive des enjeux reliés à « l’infrastructure de visibilisation » que nous avons mise en place dans le cadre de notre recherche doctorale pour réfléchir en quoi les définitions, articulations et représentations du vivre-ensemble des personnes directement concernées s’arriment ou diffèrent des images et des discours projetés dans l’espace public par les observateurs et décideurs.

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Sanders, A. J. G. M. "The Freedom Charter and Ethnicity— towards a Communitarian South African Society." Journal of African Law 33, no. 1 (1989): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300008020.

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At national as well as international level the South African Freedom Charter has become a symbol of the long-standing struggle against apartheid. In this essay the emphasis will be on the charter's provisions relating to ethnicity. The question of ethnicity is a crucial one, for on its solution depends the outcome of the economic and other social problems which trouble South African society.The 1955 Freedom Charter, which was the outcome of a joint venture of the African National Congress (A.N.C.), the South African Indian Congress, the South African Coloured People's Organisation and the predominantly European South African Congress of Democrats, suggests a unitary, participatory welfare state, which will acccord equal rights to all “national groups and races”.For the A.N.C., the senior partner in the “Congress Alliance”, the reference in the charter to “national groups and races” soon became a major headache. Could it be said that the charter lent support to the creation of “four nations”? A number of people within the A.N.C. feared that much. Prominent among them were the “Africanists” who in April 1959 broke away from the A.N.C, and formed the Pan-Africanist Congress (P.A.C.) “Charterists” and “Africanists” are still at loggerheads, but the A.N.C.'s “Revolutionary Programme” of 1969 and its “Constitutional Guidelines for a Democratic

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Dladla, Ndumiso. "The Azanian Philosophical Tradition Today." Theoria 68, no. 168 (September 1, 2021): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2021.6816801.

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Even though the Pan Africanist Congress was formed in 1959 after departing from the African National Congress at a point marking out the irreconcilability of the Azanian ‘faith’ with the other interpretations of the struggle within the ‘broad church’ of the Congress Movement, it was only six years later, in 1965, that it modified its name to the PAC of Azania. The name Azania is supposed to have been suggested by Nkrumah at the All-African Peoples’ Conference in 1958 attended by the Africanists even before the inauguration of the PAC (Diaz 2009: 239; Hilton 1993: 5). The Azanian tendency in ‘South African’ history can arguably be said to have existed from the earliest times of resistance by the indigenous people against the unjust wars of colonisation (see Dladla 2020: 71–108).

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Bunting, I. "Towards a Pan African political culture: Critical pedagogy, reparative justice and the end of global white supremacy." Contemporary Journal of African Studies 6, no. 1 (May 31, 2019): 138–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/contjas.v6i1.8.

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This paper is an extension of previous work on African peoples’ experiential knowledge, cognitive interests, contested political and cultural power. African centered critical pedagogy, reparatory justice and Pan African political culture are presented as integral to realizing emancipation from the destruction of imperialist domination. The paper posits that to realize AU Agenda 2063 and the global Pan African aspirations, a Pan African political culture must be inculcated in all institutions of the African world. Challenges related to the Pan African Movement and realization of the AU Agenda 2063 are noted. Rather than a consensus of meaning, ideological clarity and strategic purpose, a dissonant cacophony of ideas and agendas proliferate. The paper notes a disconnect between African governments’ state centric approach to Pan Africanism and the endogenous people centric Pan Africanism, and despite recognition of the need for Pan Africanist institutions and policies there is an absence of cohesive and persistent effort, clarity of purpose and sustainable institutional support. It concludes that there is a general consensus that continental political unity, global Pan African solidarity, participatory democracy and non-capitalist people centered economy are fundamental to the Pan African purpose, and global Pan African organization is necessary for African peoples to regain power of political self-determination, overcome impoverishment, racial based oppression and the structural violence of global white supremacy.

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Maquet, Jacques. "Africanity." Critical Interventions 3, no. 1 (January 2009): 158–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19301944.2009.10781366.

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Weiss, Holger. "Framing Black Communist Labour Union Activism in the Atlantic World: James W. Ford and the Establishment of the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers, 1928–1931." International Review of Social History 64, no. 2 (July 2, 2019): 249–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085901900035x.

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AbstractThe International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers (ITUCNW) was a radical trans-Atlantic network for the propagation of black proletarian internationalism, established by the Red International of Labour Unions in 1928. Its key mastermind was James W. Ford, an African American communist labour union activist who was in charge of the organization and its operations until the autumn of 1931. This article critically highlights Ford's ambitions as well as the early phase of the organization. Both in terms of its agenda and objective as well as in its outreach among black workers in the Black Atlantic, the ITUCNW and its main propagators stressed the “class-before-race” argument of the Comintern rather than the pan-Africanist “race-before-class” approach. This is not surprising as the ITUCNW was one of the organizations that had been established when the Comintern and the RILU had started to apply the “class-against-class” doctrine, which left no room for cooperation between communists and radical pan-Africanists.

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Anderson, Patrick. "Pan-Africanism and Economic Nationalism: W. E. B. Du Bois’s Black Reconstruction and the Failings of the “Black Marxism” Thesis." Journal of Black Studies 48, no. 8 (July 9, 2017): 732–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717717979.

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In recent decades, it has become popular to read the later work of W. E. B. Du Bois through a Marxist lens. Not only is Du Bois often considered a participant in the Marxist tradition, his historiographical masterpiece Black Reconstruction is often offered up as evidence for such arguments. Here, I challenge those who have attempted to interpret Du Bois as a Marxist by situating his work in relation to the Pan-African tradition to which he dedicated decades of his life. Du Bois’s views on Reconstruction and economics are shaped by Pan-African ideas, not Marxist theory, and his theoretical and practical confrontations with both his White and Black Marxist contemporaries reveals the distance between his Pan-Africanism and their Marxism. Contrary to the prevailing interpretations, Du Bois’s Black Reconstruction is not a Marxist text but a Pan-Africanist argument against Marxism’s inability to account for the structure of modern European Empire.

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Ferim, Valery B. "Reassessing the Relevance of the Pan-African Discourse in Contemporary International Relations." Theoria 64, no. 153 (December 1, 2017): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2017.6415306.

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Abstract Spearheaded by pan-Africanists around the beginning of the twentieth century, the pan-African movement hosted a series of Pan-African congresses. Though the main objectives of the First Pan-African Congresses were to fight against the colonisation of Africa and the oppression of black people, the messages behind pan-Africanism have evolved over time. The central theme behind these Congresses, however, is to reiterate calls that African unity is the most potent force in combating the malignant forces of neocolonialism and entrenching Africa’s place in the global hierarchy. These calls have clamoured for the solidarity of Africans both on the continent and in the diaspora through associated paradigms such as ‘Afrocentrism’, ‘postcolonialism’, ‘African indigenous knowledge systems’ and ‘African solutions to African problems’. Despite this, contemporary societies are characterised by the encroachment of Westernisation, which has become synonymous to globalisation. This article reassesses the relevance of the pan-African discourse within the context of the contemporary world.

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Diagne, S. B. "Keeping Africanity Open." Public Culture 14, no. 3 (October 1, 2002): 621–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08992363-14-3-621.

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Ugwuanyi, Lawrence Ogbo. "Critiquing Sub-Saharan Pan-Africanism through an Appraisal of Postcolonial African Modernity." Theoria 64, no. 153 (December 1, 2017): 58–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/th.2017.6415305.

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Abstract What vision directs pan-Africanism and which developmental model does it support and promote? To answer this question, the article evaluates pan-Africanism within the demands of African modernity and locates the extent to which pan-Africanism meets the aspiration of African modernity. It argues that pan-Africanism has what amounts to a north-bound gaze and supports development imperialism, and shows that for this reason it is not properly grounded on African realities, the consequence of which is the weakness of African modernity. The article suggests a re-articulation of pan-Africanism through the ideology of pro-Africanism, which holds that autonomy and self-will are two cardinal principles that are fundamental to African self-definition but which pan-Africanism is not in a position to provide because it amounts to a subordination of African difference. It concludes that a redirection of the African vision in this direction is a worthier ideological alternative to pan-Africanism.

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Ndjio, Basile. "POST-COLONIAL HISTORIES OF SEXUALITY: THE POLITICAL INVENTION OF A LIBIDINAL AFRICAN STRAIGHT." Africa 82, no. 4 (November 2012): 609–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972012000526.

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ABSTRACTThis study addresses the problem of sexuality and ideology in relation to (pan)-Africanist doctrines that have been instrumental in the effort of post-colonial African elites to constitute an exclusive African sexual selfhood. The focus is on their efforts to ‘Africanize’ the sexuality of the masses in a global context that dramatizes the uncontrolled flow of sexual desires, and favours the emergence of new forms of sexual expressions and practices that destabilize the post-colonial sexual order. The leading question informing this study is how a hegemonic heterosexual identity has come to be internalized in post-colonial Africa, and how both men and women have come to believe that to be ‘good’ citizens or ‘real’ Africans they have to become repressed subjects who not only limit their sexuality solely to heterosexual desires, but also have a natural aversion to other forms of sexuality such as same-sex relations. My main argument is that in most African countries, and specifically in Cameroon, both the edification of a phallocratico-patriarchal society and the political invention of the sublimated Muntu, the so-called libidinal African straight, went along with the suppression, annihilation or negation of gays and lesbians, generally misrepresented as deracinated Africans and dangerous ‘witch-others’.

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Mazrui, Ali A. "Pan-Africanism: From Poetry to Power." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 1 (1995): 35–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700009033.

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We start with a fundamental duality in the paradigm of Pan-Africanism, the distinction between Pan-Africanism of liberation and Pan-Africanism of integration. Under both headings the name of Ghana's founder-president, Kwame Nkrumah, is immortalized.

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Sundiata, Ibrahim K. "Africanity, Identity and Culture." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 2 (1996): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1166838.

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Lamola, Malesela John. "Senghor, globalism and Africanity." Phronimon 17, no. 2 (2016): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2413-3086/2016/1967.

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Sylvanus, Nina. "The fabric of Africanity." Anthropological Theory 7, no. 2 (June 2007): 201–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499607077298.

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Toasije, Antumi. "The Africanity of Spain." Journal of Black Studies 39, no. 3 (April 13, 2007): 348–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934706297563.

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Sundiata, Ibrahim K. "Africanity, Identity and Culture." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 2 (1996): 13–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502285.

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What is the meaning of the term “African Diaspora” and what is its extent? What is its future? Although the term has long been used for the scattered daughters and sons of Africa in the Americas, little attention has been devoted to delimiting its boundaries. From the fifteenth century onward, over ten million forced migrants left the African continent to people both of the Americas and the islands of the Caribbean. Their culture was never static; it involved syncretistic reformation, subsumption/transmogrification and reintegration/reassertion.

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Akyeampong, Emmanuel K. "Race, Identity and Citizenship in Black Africa: The Case of the Lebanese in Ghana." Africa 76, no. 3 (August 2006): 297–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.0033.

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AbstractAs we approach the post-colonial half century, transnationalism has become a major reality in Africa and the wider world with the proliferation of immigrants, refugees and displaced persons. But transnationalism is not a new development, and diaspora and globalization – both historical processes – have long served as contexts for the remaking of identity, citizenship and polity. Today, concepts such as ‘cosmopolitanism’ and ‘flexible citizenship’ are in vogue in a globalized world, as transnationalism challenges statist concepts of political citizenship. In this article, using the case of Ghana, I revisit the historic presence of a Lebanese diaspora in west Africa from the 1860s, and the intellectual and political obstacles that have worked against their full incorporation as active political citizens. I seek to understand why the prospect of non-black citizenship was considered problematic in black Africa during the era of decolonization, interrogating the institutional legacies of colonial rule and pan-Africanist thought. The intellectual rigidity of pan-Africanism on race is contrasted with current notions of the constructedness of identity. I probe the ways in which the Lebanese in Ghana constructed their identities, and how these facilitated or obstructed assimilation. As African governments seek to tap into the resources of the new African communities in Europe and North America, the article suggests the timeliness of exploring alternative criteria to indigeneity when defining citizenship in black Africa.

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Peter LaSalle. "Honorary Africanist." Antioch Review 76, no. 3 (2018): 401. http://dx.doi.org/10.7723/antiochreview.76.3.0401.

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Allen, C. H. "Africanist Bibliography." Africa Bibliography 1991 (March 1993): vi—ix. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266673100005547.

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Barreto, Soter. "O Africanista." Via Atlântica, no. 30 (December 28, 2016): 331. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/va.v0i30.118098.

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Guevara, Raul Diaz. "Pan-Africanism." SAGE Open 3, no. 2 (April 14, 2013): 215824401348447. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244013484474.

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Fuglestad, Finn. "The Trevor-Roper Trap or the Imperialism of History. An Essay." History in Africa 19 (1992): 309–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172003.

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This is, as the title makes clear, an essay; that is to say, a genre in which it is considered legitimate for the author to put forward his own more or less (in this case rather more) subjective viewpoints. As such it contains quite a number of short cuts and mouthfuls. I have also deemed it necessary, for the sake of the logic of the argumentation, to make occasional and rather long de-tours via a number of obvious, and at times downright elementary, points. My excuse is that the genre virtually requires it. And my hope is that the following pages will provide at least some food for thought.Back in the early 1960s the distinguished Professor Hugh Trevor-Roper of Oxford University proclaimed, as every Africanist probably knows, that at least precolonial Black Africa had no history. He must have meant what he said, for he repeated his contention in 1969 by putting the label “unhistoric” on the African continent; the whole of the African continent that is, including Ethiopia, Egypt, and the Maghrib.On the face of it there is little reason why we should bother with this type of point of view now in the 1990s. After all, the avalanche of articles and books on African history—including several multi-volume General Histories—which have been published since the 1960s, in a sense bear testimony to the absurdity of Trevor-Roper's position.And yet, for all that, I am not quite certain that the malaise engendered by Trevor-Roper and his like has been entirely dissipated. After all, Trevor-Roper remains a frequently-quoted historian. But more to the point, there is often in my opinion a rather embarrassing insistence in the specialist Africanist litera¬ture on the “extraordinary complexity and dynamism” of Black Africa's past; an insistence not infrequently coupled with the urge, apparently never appeased, to put to rest the myth of Primitive Africa. There is also an equally embarrassing insistence on behalf of many Africanists to pin the label “state” on even the tiniest of polities in precolonial Africa, thus obscuring the appar¬ent fact that perhaps a majority of Africans in the precolonial era lived in so-called “acephalous” societies.

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Demart, Sarah, and Joseph Tonda. "‘MBOKA MUNDELE’: AFRICANITY, RELIGIOUS PLURALISM AND THE MILITARIZATION OF PROPHETS IN BRAZZAVILLE AND KINSHASA." Africa 86, no. 2 (April 6, 2016): 195–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972016000012.

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ABSTRACTIn recent decades, Kinshasa and Brazzaville have given rise to movements of prophecy, messianic fervour and revival (Pentecostalist in nature) in the field of religion. The patterns of liberation and deliverance that can be discerned here reflect forms of identity politics in which Africanity, in the ethnic and national sense, is not only a major issue, but a component that is increasingly associated with armed conflict. These processes express a radical paradigm shift that we place within the context of the relationship between Africanity and religious pluralism that has become evident in these two religious areas in recent years. The term ‘Mboka Mundele’ (the village or country of the Whites) points to an experience of ‘colonial modernity’, and allows us to describe in objective terms the current urban context in which these ‘businessmen of God’ emerge. Fernando Kutino, Ntoumi, Yaucat Guendi and Ne Muanda Nsemi are four major politico-religious figures who embody an ideology of Africanity related to complex types of ‘magic’ and processes of pluralization.

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Nyamnjoh, Francis B. "Journalism in Africa: Modernity, Africanity." African Journalism Studies 36, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 37–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23743670.2015.1008128.

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Morejon, Nancy, and David L. Frye. "Cuba and its Deep Africanity." Callaloo 28, no. 4 (2005): 933–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cal.2006.0029.

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Bouwer, K. "Identity and Beyond: Rethinking Africanity." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 24, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 289–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-24-1-289.

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Maparyan, Layli. "Africanity, Womanism, and Constructive Resilience." Journal of Bahá’í Studies 30, no. 3 (May 19, 2021): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31581/jbs-30.3.318(2020).

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According to the Bahá’í Writings, the Black people of the world can be compared to the pupil of the eye, through which “the light of the spirit shineth forth.” We are “dark in countenance,” yet “bright in character,” potentially the “fount of light and the revealer of the contingent world” (‘Abdu’l-Bahá, Selections 78:1). According to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, “the blackness of the pupil of the eye is due to its absorbing the rays of the sun” (Some Answered Questions 49:5). Shoghi Effendi, quoting ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, recalls that...

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RANGER, TERENCE. "an Africanist comment." American Ethnologist 14, no. 1 (February 1987): 182–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1987.14.1.02a00110.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Africanité'

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