Academic literature on the topic 'Afro-ecuadorians'

In this work, we consider the problem of surveying a population of young Indigenous, Montubios and Afro-Ecuadorians to study their living conditions and socioeconomic issues. We conducted a Respondent-driven sampling (RDS) survey in the canton of Riobamba, Ecuador. RDS is a network-based sampling method intended to survey hidden or hard-to-reach populations. We have obtained RDS estimates and confidence intervals of these characteristics. We have illustrated and discussed some of the assumptions of the method using some available diagnostic tools. Our results suggest that RDS is an effective methodology for studying social and economic issues of this ethnic minority in Ecuador. This technique is relatively easy to implement and has the potential to be applied to survey other hidden populations in other settings.

Abstract Objective: Social and economic changes associated with new roads can bring about rapid nutritional transitions. To study this process, we: (1) describe trends in adult overweight and obesity (OW/OB) among rural Afro-Ecuadorians over time and across a gradient of community remoteness from the nearest commercial centre; (2) examine the relationship between male and female adult OW/OB and factors associated with market integration such as changing livelihoods and (3) examine the co-occurrence of adult OW/OB and under-five stunting and anaemia. Design: Adult anthropometry was collected through serial case–control studies repeated over a decade across twenty-eight communities. At the same time, anthropometry and Hb were measured for all children under 5 years of age in every community. Setting: Northern coastal Ecuador. Participants: Adults (n 1665) and children under 5 years of age (n 2618). Results: From 2003 and 2013, OW/OB increased from 25·1 % to 44·8 % among men and 59·9 % to 70·2 % among women. The inverse relationship between remoteness and OW/OB in men was attenuated when adjusting for urban employment, suggesting that livelihoods mediated the remoteness–OW/OB relationship. No such relationship was observed among women. Communities with a higher prevalence of male OW/OB also had a greater prevalence of stunting, but not anaemia, in children under 5 years of age. Conclusions: The association between male OW/OB and child stunting at the community level, but not the household level, suggests that changing food environments, rather than household- or individual-level factors, drove these trends. A closer examination of changing socio-economic structures and food environments in communities undergoing rapid development could help mitigate future public health burdens.

Abstract Background In Ecuador eclampsia and preeclampsia were identified as the third cause of maternal death. Like other Latin-American countries, Ecuador has human settlements living from 0 to more than 4000 m of altitude and comprising a wide ethnic-diversity across all these altitude changes. These characteristics offer the possibility to study a wide variety of possible risk factors for preeclampsia and eclampsia. Methods We conducted a population-based retrospective study of all deliveries in Ecuador from 2015 through 2017. The main variables analyzed were: altitude, ethnic self-identification, geographic location, and maternal age. The data comes from the Ecuadorian National Institute of Statistics and Census (INEC) and the Ecuadorian Ministry of Health. Data information regarding maternal parity and socioeconomic status was not available from official records. Logistic regression analysis was used to study the relationship between preeclampsia and eclampsia with the variable of interest. Geospatial statistical analysis was done to identify statistically significant spatial clusters of preeclampsia and eclampsia cases. Results The incidence of preeclampsia was estimated between 5.11 (5.05–5.18) and 6.23 (6.16–6.30), and 0.25 (0.23–0.26) for eclampsia. Native American have a lower incidence regarding preeclampsia compared to other ethnic groups. High altitude has a significant odds ratio (OR = 2.31, 1.93–2.78) of preeclampsia. Montubio residing in middle altitude (1500–3500 m) have the highest risk of preeclampsia (OR = 18.13, 9.53–34.50). Afro-Ecuadorians also have an increased risk of preeclampsia associated with altitude (OR = 2.36, 1.78–3.14). Ethnicity was not identified as a risk factor for eclampsia. Early and older maternal age was associated with an increased risk of preeclampsia and eclampsia. Women living more than 20 km from the obstetric unit have an OR = 2.61 (2.32–2.95, p-value< 0.01) and OR = 1.87 (1.82–1.92, p-value< 0.01) of developing eclampsia and preeclampsia respectively. Conclusions Preeclampsia is widespread across low and high-altitude areas, while eclampsia is mostly located at lower altitudes. Montubios living at middle or high altitudes represents the ethnic group with a higher risk of preeclampsia. No ethnic effect was identified as a potential risk factor for eclampsia. Moreover, in eclampsia the associated risk of young women seems to be higher than in preeclampsia.

La inclusión del pueblo montuvio en Ecuador a través de la democracia The inclusión of the montuvio people in Ecuador María Andrea Gonzaga Universidad Pública de Navarra, Campus Arrosadía s/n, Pamplona, España. E-mail: m.andreitag@hotmail.es DOI: https://doi.org/10.33017/RevECIPeru2016.0015/ Resumen En esta comunicación se describe la inclusión del pueblo montuvio en Ecuador, a través de la democracia. Se puede explicar por su complejidad étnica y el autorreconocimiento cultural como minoría que ha diversificado su mapa étnico, legitimándose en letra normativa de derechos de la etnia montuvia por parte del Estado ecuatoriano. De este modo, logra insertarse en la planificación nacional pública y, de ahí, la necesidad de un análisis crítico que permita comprender su participación histórica. En estudios recientes se establece que desde la década de los noventa se ha visibilizado el pueblo montuvio significativamente. Con la creación de varias instituciones estatales, “el primer reconocimiento que hizo el estado ecuatoriano en el 2001 de la presencia de los montuvios en el escenario político y social del Ecuador con la creación del Consejo de Desarrollo del Pueblo Montubio de la Costa Ecuatoriana y Zonas Subtropicales de la Región Litoral” [1]. Otro avance fue su reconocimiento en la Constitución del 2008, se crea el Consejo de Participación Ciudadana y Control Social y los Consejos Nacionales para la Igualdad y Participación de los Pueblos (2010) y para finalizar el reconocimiento voluntario que obtiene el ciudadano ecuatoriano al sacar su documento de identidad en el Registro civil o el ingreso de etnia de madre y padre del nacido según anuario estadístico 2013 Ecuador INEC, como un “derecho de toda persona, a decidir de manera libre y voluntaria su pertenencia a una nacionalidad o pueblo” [2], recalcando que las identidades más representativas del Ecuador son: indígena, afroecuatoriana, montuvia y otros. Lo que permite acceder a sus miembros a información separada propia de un estado plurinacional desde la perspectiva de diversidad cultural. [1] Este estudio plantea determinar las etapas democráticas que atraviesa el pueblo montuvio en las últimas tres décadas, la creación de instituciones que acogen e incluyen su participación como etnia, identificando su reconocimiento atribuido por el Estado a partir de la Constitución de la República del 2008. Partiendo de la democracia deliberativa se analizan las nuevas formas de democracia participativa y comunitaria, que afloran con el reconocimiento cultural de las constituciones de la república del Ecuador de 1998 y 2008. La presente investigación se basa en una exploración bibliográfica con enfoque cualitativo que permite recopilar doctrinas y pensamientos enfocados al ámbito social y jurídico de la minoría étnica montuvia, se utilizaron varios métodos como el inductivo y deductivo, y para llegar al resultado de las interpretaciones y análisis del objeto de estudio en función a las realidades intervienen los métodos: analítico y sintético. Se pretende ofrecer algunos resultados reflejados en discursos, basados en publicaciones científicas, textos legislativos y artículos periodísticos que tributan en la redacción de conclusiones. Los resultados ponen en evidencia el progreso discursivo, el proceso histórico de la inclusión del pueblo montuvio y las etapas de democracia, fundadas en la recopilación de información que han plasmado distintos autores. Partiendo de la democracia deliberativa, las nuevas formas de democracia participativa y comunitaria; y los retos del Estado como la creación de instituciones que amparan sus derechos. Como conclusiones se determina que desde la democracia deliberativa el pueblo montuvio y con la legislación del 2008 se comprende nuevos paradigmas democráticos que dinamizan la armonía y solidaridad social hacia las etnias, sin perder sus costumbres con una historia heredada, su visibilidad se ha generado con el actual gobierno de corte socialista que reconoce a través de la Constitución a los grupos étnicos, valorando su diversidad social y cultural, fortaleciendo la plurinacionalidad, de donde pueden hacer uso de sus derechos los grupos minoritarios del pueblo ecuatoriano. Descriptores: democracia, pueblo montuvio, reconocimiento, inclusión, derechos. Abstract This document describes the inclusion of the montuvio people in Ecuador, through democracy. It can be explained by its ethnic complexity and cultural self-recognition as a minority that has diversified its ethnic map, legitimating itself in the law of rights of the montuvia ethnic group by the Ecuadorian State. In this way, it succeeds in inserting itself into public national planning and, the need for a critical analysis to understand its historical participation. In recent studies, it is established that since the 1990s the Montuvio people have been significantly visible. With the creation of several state institutions, "the first recognition made in 2001 by the Ecuadorian state of the presence of montuvios in the political and social scenario of Ecuador, with the creation of the Council of Development of the Montubio People of the Ecuadorian Coast and Subtropical Zones of the Coastal Region "[1]. Another sign of progress was the recognition it got by the Constitution of 2008, the creation the Council of Citizen Participation and Social Control and the National Councils for Equality and Participation of the Peoples (2010) finally, the voluntary recognition obtained by the Ecuadorian citizens when they acquire their identification card at the Civil Registration Office or the entry of ethnicity of mother and father of the new born, according to statistical yearbook 2013 Ecuador INEC, as a "right of everyone, to decide freely and voluntarily their membership of a nationality or people" [2], Emphasizing that the most representative identities of Ecuador are: indigenous, Afro-Ecuadorians, montuvia and others. This allows access to their members to information separate from a plurinational state and from the perspective of cultural diversity.This analysis proposes to determine the democratic stages that the montuvio people have undergone in the last three decades, the creation of institutions that accept and include their participation as ethnicity, identifying their recognition attributed by the State from the Constitution of the Republic of 2008. Starting from deliberative democracy that analyzes the new forms of participatory and community democracy, which arise with the cultural recognition of the constitutions of the republic of Ecuador in 1998 and 2008.This research is based, on a bibliographic exploration with a qualitative approach, that allows to collect doctrines and thoughts, focused on the social and juridical scope of the Montuvio minority ethnic. Several methods were used, such as the inductive and deductive, and to get to the result of the interpretations and analyzes of this document in function of the realities, the following methods were used: analytical and synthetic methods. It aims to offer some results reflected in speeches, based on scientific publications, legislative texts and journalistic articles that help in the writing of conclusions.The results show the discursive progress, the historical process of the inclusion of the Montuvio people and the stages of democracy, based on the collection of information that different authors have shaped. Starting from deliberative democracy, the new forms of participatory and community democracy; and the challenges of the State as the creation of institutions that protect their rights grow. As a conclusion, it is determined that from the deliberative democracy, the montuvio people and with the legislation of 2008 are understood. New democratic paradigms that dynamize the harmony and social solidarity towards the ethnic groups, without losing their customs with an inherited history, its visibility has been generated with the current government of socialist ideologies, that recognizes the ethnic groups, valuing their social and cultural diversity, strengthening the plurinationality, from where the minority groups of the Ecuadorian people can exercise their rights. Keywords: democracy, montuvio people, recognition, inclusion, rights

Le «grupo de Guayaquil» dénonçait l’exploitation des Indiens, et Ortiz révéla les Noirs dans Juyungo (1943).Les personnages évoluent à Esmeraldas, sa province. Bien que les sachant victimes de racisme, il prônait la lutte des classes pour améliorer leur sort : « Más que la raza la clase ». La société équatorienne peina à abandonner le féodalisme, et la pyramide sociale reste ethnocratique. Il passerait du négrisme à une écriture empreinte d’hispanité. L’Esméraldien Estupiñán Bass, de la même « generación de los 30 », offrit Cuando los guayacanes florecían ; l’action se déroule de 1913 à 1916. Il resta, lui, la voix des Noirs. Qualifiés d’auteurs du monde noir, ces « mulâtres » s’inspirent pour ces romans, d’un art d’être, de lutter et de vivre des Noirs de la Côte. Pour le groupe de Guayaquil, les Afrodescendants exclus de tout méritaient un hommage, et le réalisme social dénoncerait cette injustice en décrivant ce qui peut apparaître comme une spécificité nègre reflétée, selon eux, dans la personnalité des personnages, leur rapport au milieu naturel ou surnaturel, les faits historiques. Comment Ortiz et Bass abordent-ils la question du progrès social des Noirs, héritiers d’une société coloniale agonisante mais accrochée aux vieux privilèges liés à l’origine ethnique ? Bass tente de montrer comment des Noirs se sacrifièrent pour Concha en 1913 à travers ses personnages. Plus tard, ceux de Juyungo, parfois indigents, malades, victimes d’un racisme tenace, d’un mépris de soi parfois inconscient, incarnent le conflit politique et surtout « racial » qui, dans la réalité sociale du pays, opposa Noirs et conservateurs dans une offensive contre l’exclusion, la négation de leurs différences
The “grupo de Guayaquil” denounced the exploitation of the Indians, and Ortiz revealed the blacks in Juyungo (1943). The characters evolve in Esmeraldas, his province. Although he knew they were victims of racism, he advocated the class struggle to improve their lot: “Más que la raza la clase”. Ecuadorian society found it difficult to abandon feudalism, and the social pyramid remained ethnocratic. Ortiz would move from Negrism to a writing imbued with Hispanic. Estupiñán Bass, from the same “generación de los 30”, native of Esmeraldas too, offered When the Guayacans Were in Bloom; the action takes place from 1913 to 1916. He remained the voice of black people. Qualified as authors of the black world, these “mulattos” are inspired, for these novels, by an art of being, fighting and living of the Blacks of the Coast. For the group of Guayaquil, the Afrodescendants excluded from everything deserved a tribute, and social realism would denounce this injustice by describing what can appear as a Negro specificity reflected, according to them, in the personality of the characters, their relationship to the natural or supernatural environment, historical facts. How do Ortiz and Bass approach the question of the social progress of the Blacks, heirs of a dying colonial society but clinging to the old privileges linked to the ethnic origin? Bass attempts to show how black people sacrificed themselves for Concha in 1913 through her characters. Later, those of Juyungo, sometimes destitute, sick, victims of tenacious racism, of sometimes unconscious self-contempt, embody the political and especially “racial” conflict which, in the social reality of the country, opposed blacks and conservatives in an offensive against exclusion, the negation of their differences

Chapter 6 illustrates the empirical application of the social invisibility component of the invisibility bargain in Ecuador, showing how race, gender, and other markers of difference structure host society expectations of who belongs in the “community of value.” Using an intersectional lens, it teases apart the overlapping structures of exclusion that affect indigenous and Afro-Colombians, other Colombian migrants, and Afro-Ecuadorians quite differently in their access to human security and social integration in Ecuador. The chapter highlights accent as the primary marker of difference that heightens the social visibility of Colombian migrants, and it traces the coping mechanisms—including minimizing difference, reducing social distance, and informal negotiation through intermediaries, that migrants use to avoid the social sanctions of backlash under the invisibility bargain.