Journal articles: 'Agathon'

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Lichocka, Barbara. "Ergon agathon." Études et Travaux, no. 30 (August 23, 2017): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/etudtrav.30.001.

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Vegetti, Mario. "To siôpoumenon agathon." Chôra 15 (2017): 17–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chora2017/201815/162.

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Janca, Timo. "Zum Verhältnis von Geist und Gegenstand als Gradmesser einer inneren Entwicklung in Wielands "Geschichte des Agathon"." Studia Germanica Gedanensia 44 (October 12, 2021): 48–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/sgg.2021.44.04.

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In Christoph Martin Wielands Geschichte des Agathon (Erste Fassung 1766/67) durchlauft der Protagonist einen inneren Reifeprozess, wobei das Verhaltnis innerlicher Erkenntnis im Wechselspiel mit der Objektwelt im Zentrum steht. Der nachfolgende Artikel bringt den Werdegang in Zusammenhang mit der philosophischen Debatte zwischen Idealismus und Realismus sowie der versuchten Versohnung beider Positionen durch Immanuel Kant. Auf dieser Grundlage sollen Agathons zwischenmenschliche Begegnungen von Pytia bis Danae uberpruft wie auch als Gradmesser seiner inneren Reifung betrachtet werden.

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Hecht, Christine. "Konzeptionelle Ursprünge des Asianismus in klassischer Zeit – das Beispiel von Agathon." Rhetorica 37, no. 1 (2019): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2019.37.1.1.

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This article seeks to demonstrate that, already at the end of the fifth century BCE, the style of the tragedian Agathon was described in terms that would also be used for what is later called Asianism in the first century BCE. This is accomplished by relating the characterization of the Asiatic style, as provided by Cicero, to the descriptions of Agathon's style. Both Agathon's style and the later Asiatic style are conceptualized as ‘Asiatic-barbaric.’ Consequently, the Atticists of the first century BCE were not the first to vilify their opponents by situating specific stylistics and rhetoric within Asia since Agathon's critics had already used similar strategies to mark his style as exotic and extravagant.

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Payne, Andrew. "The Refutation of Agathon." Ancient Philosophy 19, no. 2 (1999): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil199919227.

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Donnay, Guy. "Signature du sculpteur Agathon d'Anargyre." Bulletin de correspondance hellénique 112, no. 1 (1988): 445–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bch.1988.1755.

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Pichanick, Alan. "The Koinon Agathon of Plato’s Charmides." Areté 36 (March 28, 2022): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/arete.2022ext.003.

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Given the number of references to koinōnia in Plato’s dialogues, it is striking that the phrase “common good” (koinon agathon) is used only once – at Charmides 166d. Socrates asks his interlocutor Critias a question, “Do you not think it is for the common good, almost (schedon), of all men, that how all the beings (tōn ontōn) are should be discovered?” The question emerges after Critias has claimed that sōphrosynē is self-knowledge, which he then specifies as a “knowledge of all other knowledges and of itself”. In this paper, I argue that it is no accident that Socrates mentions the “common good” at precisely this moment in his discussion with Critias. The notion of sōphrosynē that Critias defends is incoherent owing to what Critias claims to be its distinguishing feature – its reflexivity. Because of its total reflexivity, it points to no end beyond itself and thereby it is neither capable of disclosing “the beings” nor of being connected to any good outside of itself. The common good Socrates mentions here is therefore essentially related to an acknowledgment of ignorance that motivates one to wonder (thauma) at a good beyond one’s love of one’s own things. I thus suggest an explanation for the curious addition of “almost” (schedon) in Socrates’ remark here: Critias himself shows that unless he (or his young cousin Charmides) can admit ignorance and experience such wonder, then he is constitutionally not included in this common good.

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Rokem, Freddie. "THE PHILOSOPHER AND THE TWO PLAYWRIGHTS: SOCRATES, AGATHON, AND ARISTOPHANES IN PLATO'S SYMPOSIUM." Theatre Survey 49, no. 2 (October 23, 2008): 239–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557408000136.

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This article reflects my current research, exploring the complex interactions between the discursive practices of theatre and performance on the one hand and philosophy on the other. Instead of beginning by trying to formulate the general principles for such an interaction, I examine actual encounters: direct face-to-face meetings and actual dialogues between philosophers and representatives of the Thespian professions. The earliest recorded encounter of this kind is in Plato's Symposium depicting the banquet in Agathon's house, celebrating his victory at the Lenaean theatre festival in 416 b.c., during which the celebrants spent the whole night eulogizing Eros. On this occasion Socrates and the two playwrights, Agathon and Aristophanes, interacted directly on several occasions.

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Stepantsov, Sergey A. "Was there a Sword? On Aristophanes’ Thesmophoriazusae (v. 134–140)." Studia Litterarum 7, no. 3 (2022): 66–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2500-4247-2022-7-3-66-83.

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In the prologue of Aristophanes’ Thesmophoriazusae (134–140) Euripides’ Inlaw after seeing the poet Agathon expresses his bewilderment at the mixture of gender signals emitted by Agathon’s clothes and the objects he is surrounded with. Inlaw enumerates several couples of objects incompatible because of their relatedness to one or another gender: barbitos and saffron gown, lyre and headband, lekythos (an attribute of athletics) and breast band, sword and mirror. In this paper I reconsider commentators’ opinions on the question whether there was indeed a sword among the props visible to the public or the sword was mentioned by Inlaw because it was present in the passage from Aeschylus’ Edonians explicitly parodied in the questions asked by Inlaw. A. Sommestein’s speculation that Agathon needs a sword to get into a male role is rejected as contradicting Agathon’s words in v. 154–155. I also call in question G. Kaibel’s surmise (supported by C. Prato, C. Austin and D. Olson) that the sword was present in the parodied scene of the Edonians because Dionysus was represented in armis there, as a conqueror of new lands. I consider that there are no firm reasons to think that there was a sword among the props of the comedy or that it was mentioned in the parodied tragedy as a thing present in the scene in which Lycurgus interrogated Dionysus. It is more probable that sword (as well as lekythos) is mentioned by Inlaw just as a most typical male thing opposed to typically female mirror. I also suppose that v. 140 “What can a sword and a mirror have in common?” is rather a recast of the anonymous comic aphorism “What can a blind man and a mirror have in common?” (apud Stob. 4.30.6a) than vice versa (whoever the author of this aphorism might be).

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Fraser, P. M. "Agathon and Kassandra (IG IX. 12 4. 1750)." Journal of Hellenic Studies 123 (November 2003): 26–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246258.

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AbstractThe author discusses an inscription of the late fourth or early third century BC carved on a bronze plaque found in the first excavations at Dodona, on which a Zakynthian, by name Agathon, records a link of proxeny between himself and his family and the Epirote koinon of the Molossians, through Kassandra, the Trojan prophetess. The plaque is decorated by a prominent phallus with testicles, which the author interprets as referring to the continuity, past and future, of the γενεά of Agathon. Other explanations of the whole piece have been proposed, and the present essay is intended only to explore the possibility of this interpretation.

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Walker, Andrew. "Erōs and the eye in the Love-Letters of Philostratus." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 38 (1993): 132–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500001656.

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The close association in the literature of antiquity of seeing with sexual desire inspired the tragic poet Agathon to pun on the similarity between the Greek verb ‘to see’ (ὁρᾶν) and the verb ‘to desire’ (ἐρᾶν), as suggested by a fragment preserved by Zenobius: ἐκ τοῦ γὰρ ἐσορᾶν ἐγένετ' ἀνθρώποις ἐρᾶν. As is the case with many fragments, it is difficult to identify the degree of irony (or seriousness) with which Agathon intended this isolated line, but the passage is repeated (without attribution) in a number of other ancient sources, and it perhaps lays some claim to a measure of ‘folk wisdom’: for human beings the source of erotic desire lies in an act of seeing. In his brief and pithy love-letter ‘To Nicetes’ (Epistle 52), which Nauck observes may well draw on the pun of Agathon, the third-century sophist Philostratus would similarly appeal to the association of ὀρᾶν with ἐρᾶν to refute, in an ironic way, two time-honoured maxims about erōs: that love is a ‘disease’; and that lovers are ‘blind’: οὐ τὀ ἐρᾶν νόσος ἀλλὰ τὸ μὴ ἐρᾶν· εἰ γὰρ ἀπὸ τοῦ ὁρᾶν τὸ ἐρᾶν, τυφλοὶ οἱ μὴ ἐρῶντες.

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Youssef, Youhanna Nessim. "Coptic liturgical texts relating to Agathon the Stylite." Cuestiones Teológicas 48, no. 109 (2021): 147–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18566/cueteo.v48n109.a10.

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While Egypt was the cradle of monasticism since Antony, the stylite type of monasticism is rarely represented in the Coptic corpus of monastic literature. Hence every text will contribute to our knowledge. In this article, we will highlight the importance of the city of Sakha, in the book of history of the Patriarchs, the book of the Churches and Monasteries (twelfth century). The liturgical texts relating to this saint are exceedingly rare, hence the importance publishing all texts. We will edit, translate all the liturgical texts relating to one of this group, we were able to find a doxology Batos not attested in most of the manuscripts as well as the texts of the Antiphonarion (Difnar). It is important to mention that this saint lived in Lower-Egypt around the sixth-seventh century which means that it was around the time of important events such as the usurper of Phocas, the Persian invasion, the Byzantine reconquest, and the Arabic conquest. He was influenced by the biography of the great Simon the Stylite. Nowadays, no traces of his cult survive in Sakha which explains the rarity of manuscripts containing anything relating to this saint, however Sakha is nowadays known as a step of the journey of the Holy Family.

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Bieda, Esteban. "Gorgias en el Banquete de Platón. Ecos del Encomio de Helena en el discurso de Agatón." Elenchos 31, no. 2 (June 1, 2010): 213–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/elen-2010-310203.

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Abstract After Agathon's speech in Plato's Symposium, Socrates takes a little time to make some comments about it. One of these comments is that the speech brought Gorgias to his memory (198 c 2-5). In this article we intend to track down in three complementary levels the diverse reasons why this recollection took place: (A) regarding the form of the speech, we will try to show that there is an equivalence in how both Gorgias in his Encomium to Helen and the character of Agathon in the Symposium construct their respective logoi; (B) regarding the style of writing, we will see the frequent use in the poet's speech of the rhetoric resource of "saying things alike'' (isa legein) usually ascribed to Gorgias; (C) finally, regarding the contents of both speeches we will try to show that many of the elements used by the sophist to praise the logos in his Encomium to Helen may be found, more or less, in Agathon's praise of Eros. The article will try to show, thus, which are the precise elements that may have made Socrates remember Gorgias after listening to the tragic poet.

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Sheppard, Anne. "Rhetoric, Drama and Truth in Plato's Symposium." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 2, no. 1 (2008): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254708x282277.

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AbstractThis paper draws attention to the Symposium's concern with epideictic rhetoric. It argues that in the Symposium, as in the Gorgias and the Phaedrus, a contrast is drawn between true and false rhetoric. The paper also discusses the dialogue's relationship to drama. Whereas both epideictic rhetoric and drama were directed to a mass audience, the speeches in the Symposium are delivered to a small, select group. The discussion focuses on the style of the speeches delivered by Aristophanes, Agathon, Socrates and Alcibiades. Aristophanes speaks in the simple style of comedy, fable and folktale, also used by Protagoras in Plato's Protagoras. Agathon speaks in the high-flown style of Gorgias. Socrates' speech is a miniature Platonic dialogue, and both Alcibiades' speech and Socrates' speech may be compared to satyr play. The paper concludes with a suggestion that the claim at 223D, that the same person should be able to write both comedy and tragedy, refers to style as well as subject-matter.

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Mooney, T. Brian. "The Dialectical Interchange between Agathon and Socrates: Symposium 198b–201d." Antichthon 28 (1994): 16–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400000836.

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In recent years philosophers working within the field of Platonic studies have begun to stress the relationship between form and content in Plato’s works. This ‘revelation’ in its turn has led to a richer understanding of Platonic texts; no longer (or at least not so often) do we find a Socratic argument excised from its dramatic context and syllogistically and analytically examined. Analysis, of course, can never be divorced from philosophy but with respect to the corpus Platonicum philosophical analysis has been supplemented by a sensitivity to the denouement of an argument, in other words, the dramatic context.

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Martens, Lorna. "Constructing Interiority in Eighteenth-Century Narrative Fiction: Wieland'sGeschichte des Agathon." German Quarterly 81, no. 1 (January 2008): 49–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1756-1183.2008.00007.x.

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Robinson, Steven. "The Contest of Wisdom between Socrates and Agathon in Plato’s Symposium." Ancient Philosophy 24, no. 1 (2004): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil20042415.

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Fierro, María Angélica. "Elenchos y Eros: el caso de Sócrates y Agatón en SMP. 199C-201A." Revista Archai, no. 14 (2015): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1984-249x_14_8.

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Roudik, Peter. "Lawmaking by Initiative: Issues, Options, Comparisons. (Agathon Series on Representation; v. 4). By Philip L. Dubois, F. Feeney. Agathon Press, N.Y.: 1998, Pp. 268, ISBN 0-87586-120-2." International Journal of Legal Information 27, no. 1 (1999): 136–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500008404.

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20

Griffith, John G. "Static Electricity in Agathon's Speech in Plato's Symposium." Classical Quarterly 40, no. 2 (December 1990): 547–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800043159.

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Agathon's mannered yet striking encomium on Eros in Plato's Symposium (197c ff.) has attracted critical attention in ample measure, yet at least one dark corner remains unilluminated. As the speaker approaches his climax in the words quoted above, he slips into nautical imagery: κυβερν⋯της ⋯πιβ⋯της … (a soldier on shipboard), but then disconcerts readers and commentators alike by immediately lapsing into the down-to-earth language of παραστ⋯της τε⋯ σωτ⋯ρ … words which seem to lack maritime connotations. The standard editions offer no help: Hug–Schöner (1909) devote several lines to the metaphors as they conceive them and suggest various groupings, but conclude somewhat despairingly: ‘dass es im ubrigen hier nicht auf Schärfe der Begriffe ankommt, leuchtet ein’. Dover, elsewhere a supportive editor, here only offers observations on ⋯πιβ⋯της and the ‘predominantly nautical sense’ of κυβερν⋯της (‘pilot’); he translates παραστ⋯της as ‘comrade-in-arms, – strictly the hoplite posted beside one’. Bury (1909, ad loc.) has some desultory statements which lead nowhere, while lecture-notes of pupils betray perplexity; some consider the four nouns here to be an ‘odd assortment’, and say that ‘many emendations have been suggested’. It has even been suggested that it was perhaps Plato's intention to show Agathon talking ‘near-nonsense’.

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Glockhamer, Heidi. "The Apprenticeship of a Hetaera: Gender and Socialization in Wieland's Geschichte des Agathon." German Quarterly 61, no. 3 (1988): 371. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/406439.

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Saetta Cottone, Rossella. "Agathon, Euripide et le thème de la ΜΙΜΗΣΙΣ dramatique dans les Thesmophories d'Aristophane." Revue des Études Grecques 116, no. 2 (2003): 445–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reg.2003.4546.

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Lenner, Zdenek. "Koinōnia in the Symposium: from community to communion?" Areté 36 (March 28, 2022): 71–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/arete.2022ext.005.

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Plato’s Symposium stages a playful subversion of paiderastia by philosophia through successive interconnected speeches. Phaedrus and Agathon praise Erōs as a god presiding over homoerotic relationships, be it at war or at peace. Pausanias and Eryximachus distinguish between two Erōtes, being eager to supervise these paiderastic communities or even the cosmic harmony. But Aristophanes subverts their perspective by introducing the Androgyne, a combination of male and female, which being displayed by Socrates-Diotima will finally give birth to the Erōs-Daimōn. Only he ensures us real human community by enabling true communion with the divine, witness Alcibiades’ final praise of Socrates.

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Borowski, Yvonne. "Transwestyci (?) w "Thesmoforiach" Arystofanesa." Collectanea Philologica 14 (January 1, 2011): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-0319.14.05.

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The article discusses the question of transvestism in the Thesmophoriazusae of Aristophanes. To provide a useful theoretical backdrop, the author begins with an analysis of the definition of cross-dressing as a complex socio-behavioural phenomenon. Next follows an examination of the four examples of male characters dressing up in female clothing in the analyzed comedy. These are the cases of Agathon, Cleisthenes, Mnesilochus and Euripides. The aim of the investigation is to point out the purposes of employing cross-dressing in the drama as well as to distinct the genuine transvestites among the comic dramatis personae.

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Wesoły, Marian. "»Megiston Agathon« (Pl. Ap., 38 a) – The Heart of Socrates’ Life and Philosophical Challenge." Peitho. Examina Antiqua, no. 1(2) (February 27, 2018): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2011.1.6.

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We suggest a certain minimal approach to the historical Socrates on the basis of Plato’s Apology. This text makes it possible to reconstruct the authentic charge and the defense line of Socrates, as well as his motivation and the quintessence of his philosophical challenge. The most important thing is what the philosopher says in the face of his death sentence: that the greatest good for a man is to live an examined life focusing on virtues and ethical values. Unfortunately, the preponderance of studies, even the most recent ones, fail to recognize the philosopher’s provocative challenge, whilst it is not only a crucial motif in the Socratic examining (ἐξετάζειν), i.e. testing the interlocutors’ knowledge by means of irony, elenchos and aporia, but also an inspiration for his direct and indirect followers in seeking virtues and the greatest good.

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Wessels, M. "The Parrhesiastic Urszene of the Modern Novel in Wielands Geschichte des Agathon: Subject as Method." Monatshefte 107, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 558–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/m.107.4.558.

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Ehrhard Bahr. "Erzählstruktur und Bildungsroman: Wielands Geschichte des Agathon, Goethes Wilhelm Meisters Lehrjahre (review)." Goethe Yearbook 14, no. 1 (2006): 236–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/gyr.2011.0437.

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Lawudjaja, Anita. "Estetika Platon Dalam Konteks Revolusi Seni Rupa Yunani." DISKURSUS - JURNAL FILSAFAT DAN TEOLOGI STF DRIYARKARA 15, no. 2 (October 1, 2016): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.26551/diskursus.v15i2.8.

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Abstrak: Mayoritas pembaca Platon menafsirkan filsafat Platon dalam perspektif dualisme, yaitu terdapat dunia idea (kosmos noetos) yang berlawanan dengan dunia indrawi (kosmos aisthetos). Cara tafsir ini menimbulkan banyak kontradiksi. Dalam estetika, E.H. Gombrich, sejarawan seni yang menelurkan teori Revolusi Seni Rupa Yunani, juga membaca Platon dalam tafsir dualisme. Gombrich menyimpulkan bahwa bagi Platon kontemplasi keindahan dapat membawa kita ke dunia idea yang transenden, sedangkan seni hanya menyenang-nyenangkan, mengelabui indra dan menggoda pikiran untuk terikat pada bayang-bayang. Padahal dalam teorinya sendiri, Gombrich menjelaskan bahwa karya seni rupa Yunani terkemuka persis karena keindahannya yang dihidupkan dengan daya ilusif-persuasif. Tulisan ini hendak melempangkan kontradiksi tersebut dengan mengoreksi dunia idea - dunia indrawi menjadi alam visibel – alam inteligibel (horatos topos – noetos topos), istilah yang dipakai Platon dalam corpus-nya. Tulisan ini menyimpulkan bahwa Platon tidak menolak daya ilusif-persuasif yang terdapat dalam seni rupa melainkan menempatkannya sebagai instrumen untuk merealisasikan Agathon. Kata-kata Kunci: Daya ilusif-persuasif, keindahan, akal, intelek, seni. Abstract: The majority of Plato’s reader interprets his philosophy in dualistic perspective, that there is the intelligible world (kosmos noetos) which opposed to the sensible world (kosmos aisthetos). This perspective caused many contradictions. In Aesthetics, E.H. Gombrich, an art historian who creates the Greek Revolution Theory, also read Plato under the perspective of dualism. For him, Plato thought that the contemplation of beauty can lead to the realm of transcendent ideas, while art can only flatter, deceive the senses and seduce the mind to feed on phantoms. Meanwhile, Gombrich also thought that Greek Art is beautiful precisely because of the power of illusion-persuasion. This article aims to reconcile the contradiction by replacing the intelligible world - sensible world to the intelligible realm - visible realm (topos noetos - horatos topos), the original term which Plato used in his corpus. And it concludes that Plato did not oppose the power of illusion-persuasion in art but placing them as an instrument to realize Agathon. Keywords: Illusion-persuasion, beauty, mind, intellect, art.

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Nikolaidou-Arabatzi, Smaro. "CHORAL PROJECTIONS AND EMBOLIMA IN EURIPIDES' TRAGEDIES." Greece and Rome 62, no. 1 (March 25, 2015): 25–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383514000229.

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In his Poetics Aristotle argued that the chorus being one of the actors, as in Sophocles, was its finest function, while he criticized Euripides' choruses for not being part of the whole and not sharing in the action. Aristotle also mentioned that in the work of other tragic poets (probably from the late fifth century onwards) the chorus's odes stood outside the context of the dramatic myth, and named these odes embolima, ascribing their origin to Agathon (who was active in the last quarter of the fifth century bc). So we should not assume that in Aristotle's view Euripides was responsible for paving the way for the practice of the embolima. However, it is at least certain that, in his opinion, Euripides' choral odes were less dependent upon the dramatic plot than those of Sophocles.

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Shields, Scott A. "Memorable Wreaths: Love, Death, and the Classical Text in La Farge's "Agathon to Erosanthe" and "Wreath of Flowers"." American Art 11, no. 2 (July 1997): 83–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/424297.

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Eldridge, S. V. "Narrating (Im)Maturity: The Progressive Popularization of Enlightenment Principles in Wielands Geschichte des Agathon and Engels Herr Lorenz Stark." Monatshefte 107, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 533–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/m.107.4.533.

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Taplin, Oliver. "Fifth-century tragedy and Comedy: A synkrisis." Journal of Hellenic Studies 106 (November 1986): 163–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/629650.

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At the very end of Plato'sSymposiumour narrator awakes to find Socrates still hard at it, and making Agathon and Aristophanes agree that the composition of tragedy and comedy is really one and the same thing:… προсαναγκάӡειν τὸν Σωκράτη ὁμολογεῖν αὐτοὺс τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἀνδρὸс εἷναι κωμωιδίαν καὶ τραγωιδίαν ἐπἰсταϲθαι ποιεῖν, καὶ τὸν τέχνηι τραγωιδοποιὸν ὄντα καὶ κωμωιδοποιὸν εἷναι. ταῦτα δὴ ἀναγκαӡομένουϲ αὐτοὺϲ … the two playwrights succumb to sleep, leaving Socrates triumphant. Socrates had to ‘force’ his case; and it is a fact that, though we know of well over 100 fifth-century playwrights, we do not know of a single one who produced both tragedy and comedy. In a famous fragment the comedian Antiphanes (fr.191K) complains that the tragedians have an easy time—familiar stories, thedeus ex machinaetc.—ἡμῖν δὲ ταῦτ' οὐκ ἔсτιν … It is a matter of ‘them’ and ‘us’. Furthermore, there was an entire separate genre besides tragedy and comedy. As Demetrius put it (de eloc.169), τραγωιδία χάριταϲ μὲν παραλαμβάνει ἐν πολλοῖϲ, ὁ δὲ γέλωϲ ἐχθρὸϲ τραγωιδίαϲ· οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐπινοήϲειεν ἄν τιϲ τραγωιδίαν παίӡουϲαν, ἐπεὶ ϲάτυρον γράψει ἀντὶ τραγωιδίαϲ.

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Wygralak, Paweł. "Rola biskupów Rzymu w sporach doktrynalnych starożytnego Kościoła." Vox Patrum 69 (December 16, 2018): 707–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3282.

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This article presents the role of the bishops of Rome in the resolution of three doctrinal disputes (nestorianism, monophysitism, monothelitism) that hit the community of the Church between the 5th and the 7th centuries. Both the teaching of Nestorius and Eutyches were unequivocally condemned by the contemporary bishops of Rome, respectively Celestine and Leon the Great. Their teachings were confirmed by the general councils of Ephesus (431) and Chalcedon (451). Solving the problem of monothelitism has caused even more difficulties to the Holy See because of the attitude of Honorius I, who supported the erroneous teaching of the Patriarch of Constantinople, Sergei. Thus, the work discusses the actions of the subsequent bishops of Rome (especially John IV, Theodore, Martin I and Agathon) for restoring orthodoxy, which resulted in the adoption of resolutions condemning monothelitism by the Third Council of Constantinople (680-681). The article was primarily written on the basis of the preserved correspondence between heresiarchs and the bishops of Rome, the bishops of Rome and the emperors, as well as the resolutions of synods and councils.

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Lebar, Mark. "Prichard vs. Plato: Intuition vs. Reflection." Canadian Journal of Philosophy Supplementary Volume 33 (2007): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cjp.0.0073.

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When H.A. Prichard launched his attack on the “mistake” in moral philosophy of “supposing the possibility of proving what can only be apprehended directly by an act of moral thinking,” he had Plato squarely in his sights. I Plato, in fact, is the poster boy for the strategy of trying to “supply by a process of reflection a proof of the truth of what … they have prior to reflection believed immediately or without proof.” As if this were not mistake enough, Prichard charges Plato with being the “most significant instance” of the error of trying to “justify morality by its profitableness,” because Plato's general acuity brings into sharp relief just how pernicious is the temptation to offer such justifications. Prichard has in view Plato's attempt in Republic to demonstrate that justice is oikeion agathon - one's own good - and Prichard complains that at best such an account can make us want to be just, rather than show us that we are obligated to be just, as direct apprehension purports to do.

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Lascher, Edward L. "Lawmaking by Initiative: Issues, Options, and Comparisons. By Philip L. Dubois and Floyd Feeney. New York: Agathon, 1998. 268p. $30.00." American Political Science Review 93, no. 3 (September 1999): 710–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585600.

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Eulau, Heinz. "Political Science: The Science of Politics. Edited by Herbert F. Weisberg (New York: Agathon Press, 1986. xii, 307p. $30.00, cloth; $15.00, paper)." American Political Science Review 81, no. 1 (March 1987): 253–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960789.

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Keating, Michael. "Culture, Structure or Choice? Essays in the Interpretation of the British ExperiencePaul V. Warwick New York: Agathon Press, 1990, pp. xiv, 251." Canadian Journal of Political Science 24, no. 1 (March 1991): 176–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900013639.

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Tuhkanen, Mikko. "Losing Real Life: James Baldwin and the Ethics of Trauma." James Baldwin Review 4, no. 1 (September 11, 2018): 114–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/jbr.4.9.

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This essay proposes that we turn to James Baldwin’s work to assess the cost of, and think alternatives to, the cultures of traumatization whose proliferation one witnesses in contemporary U.S. academia. Beginning with some recent examples, the essay briefly places these cultures into a genealogy of onto-ethics whose contemporary forms arose with the reconfiguration of diasporic histories in the idioms of psychoanalysis and deconstructive philosophy in 1990s trauma theory. Baldwin speaks to the contemporary moment as he considers the outcome of trauma’s perpetuation in an autobiographical scene from “Notes of a Native Son.” In this scene—which restages Bigger Thomas’s murderous compulsion in Native Son—he warns us against embracing one’s traumatization as a mode of negotiating the world. In foregoing what Sarah Schulman has recently called the “duty of repair,” such traumatized engagement prevents all search for the kind of “commonness” whose early articulation can be found in Aristotle’s query after “the common good” (to koinon agathon). With Baldwin, the present essay suggests the urgency of returning to the question of “the common good”: while mindful of past critiques, which have observed in this concept’s deployment a sleight-of-hand by which hegemonic positions universalize their interests, we should work to actualize the unfinished potential of Aristotle’s idea. Baldwin’s work on diasporic modernity provides an indispensable archive for this effort.

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O'Rourke, Timothy G. "Political Economy - Electoral Laws and Their Political Consequences. Edited by Bernard Grofman and Arend Lijphart (New York: Agathon, 1986. xiv, 335p. $38.00, cloth; $16.50, paper)." American Political Science Review 81, no. 4 (December 1987): 1427–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962665.

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Leduc, Lawrence. "Economic Conditions and Electoral Outcomes: The United States and Western EuropeHeinz Eulau and Michael S. Lewis-Beck, eds. New York: Agathon Press, 1985, pp. 248." Canadian Journal of Political Science 19, no. 3 (September 1986): 645–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900054834.

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Davidson, Roger H. "Congress and Policy Change. Edited by Gerald C. WrightJr. , Leroy N. Rieselbach, and Lawrence C. Dodd (New York: Agathon, 1986. xii, 292p. $32.00, cloth; $15.00, paper)." American Political Science Review 81, no. 3 (September 1987): 1015–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962721.

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Salamon, Janusz. "Atheism and Agatheism in the Global Ethical Discourse: Reply to Millican and Thornhill-Miller." European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 7, no. 4 (December 22, 2015): 197–245. http://dx.doi.org/10.24204/ejpr.v7i4.94.

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Peter Millican and Branden Thornhill-Miller have recently argued that contradictions between different religious belief systems, in conjunction with the host of defeaters based on empirical research concerning alleged sources of evidence for ‘perceived supernatural agency’, render all ‘first-order’, that is actual, religious traditions positively irrational, and a source of discord on a global scale. However, since the authors recognise that the ‘secularisation thesis’ appears to be incorrect, and that empirical research provides evidence that religious belief also has beneficial individual and social effects, they put forward a hypothesis of a ‘second-order religious belief’, with Universalist overtones and thus free of intergroup conflict, and free of irrationality, since supported (solely) by the Fine-Tuning Argument. While granting most of their arguments based on empirical research and embracing the new paradigm of the atheism/religion debate implicit in their paper, I contend that Millican’s and Thornhill-Miller’s proposal is unlikely to appeal to religious believers, because it misconstrues the nature and grounds of religious belief. I suggest that their hypothesis may be refined by taking into account a view of axiologically grounded religious belief that I refer to as ‘agatheism’, since it identifies God or the Ultimate Reality with the ultimate good (to agathon). I submit that agatheistic religious belief which is explicitly or implicitly presupposed in the first-order religious traditions as their doxastic core can be shown to be rational, and allows us to frame the relations between fundamental beliefs of adherents of various religions and worldviews in a non-conflictual way, conducive of their constructive participation in the global ethical discourse.

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Toti, Marco. "Religious Morphology, Hermeneutics and Initiation in Andrei Scrima's Il padre spirituale (The Spiritual Father)." Aries 11, no. 1 (2011): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156798911x546189.

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AbstractL'articolo in oggetto concerne alcuni temi tratti dalla versione italiana del libro di A. Scrima Timpul Rugului Aprins. Maestrul spiritual în tradiţia răsăriteană ('Il tempo del Roveto Ardente. Il maestro spirituale nella tradizione orientale'), pubblicato a Bucarest nel 1996 e parzialmente tradotto in italiano nel 2000. Scrima (1925–2000), monaco romeno, fu uno dei più raffinati teologi ortodossi del XX secolo. Gli aspetti qui considerati sono, da un lato, l'abbozzo da parte di Scrima stesso di una 'morfologia religiosa' fondata su di una profonda 'ermeneutica' intellettuale e spirituale, anche a mezzo dell'utilizzo della comparazione in specie tra Cristianesimo, Islâm ed Induismo (ciò che dà luogo al tentativo di rinnovare il linguaggio teologico cristiano); dall'altro, la discussione sulla valenza di un particolare rito cui il teologo romeno si riferisce esplicitamente, la 'benedizione di grazia', una 'iniziazione' trasmessa nel Rugul Aprins—un cenacolo esicasta di monaci e laici cui il giovane Scrima prese parte, e che operò dal 1944 al 1958, in particolare nel monastero Antim a Bucarest, sotto la direzione del giornalista e scrittore Sandu Tudor, in religione padre Agathon (1899–1960?)—ad opera del padre Ioan Kulygin (1885-?). Quest'ultimo tema è strettamente connesso alle relazioni intellettuali che Scrima ebbe con i maggiori rappresentanti dell''orientamento tradizionale' (René Guénon [1886–1951], Frithjof Schuon [1907–1998]), anche per quanto concerne la questione dell''universalismo' perennialista; su ciò, come spesso accade, Scrima assume posizioni molto sfumate. È chiaro che, data la complessità e la sottigliezza dei temi qui trattati, il presente contributo costituisce unicamente un saggio iniziale di una discussione più ampia (alla quale stiamo attualmente lavorando).

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Kolesnikova, Galina I. "The Concept and Formula of Happiness: Historical and Contemporary Criteria." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 63, no. 12 (March 25, 2021): 68–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2020-63-12-68-80.

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The article presents a historical and philosophical analysis of happiness as a socio-cultural phenomenon, considers the proposed criteria and components of the state of happiness as well as proposes the author's integrative definition of happiness. The relevance of this study is determined by the importance of the actual humanitarian indicators in assessing socio-political progress. As a result of the analysis of how the concept of happiness was historically formed and developed, it was shown that (a) the concept of happiness became widespread in the humanitarian discourse relatively late, (b) its predecessors are the ancient Greek concepts of agathon (the good) and eudaimonia (welfare, prosperity, supreme good), (c) in Western European philosophy, the understanding of good is contradictory and includes a wide range of meanings, from utilitarian to axiological, (d) the content of the concept of happiness includes two aspects: one is in the person's power and the other is determined by external factors. The article analyzes modern theories of happiness and feelings of life satisfaction as well as scientific studies of the components of the state of happiness. As a result of the analysis of these approaches, it is shown that in most modern studies, the emphasis in understanding happiness is placed on either socio-biological or socioeconomic factors. The author examines the criteria for the state of happiness. The author quotes other researchers and proposes certain steps as an algorithm for determining happiness, i.e., a formula for happiness. The importance of harmony of the following components of the human personality and life is substantiated: the belief system (and living in accordance with one's beliefs), abilities (and the possibility of their implementation in professional, cognitive activity), geographical location of residence, as well as social circle (and the balance of socio-psychological proximity and distancing).

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Di Silva, Maurizio Filippo. "Plotinus and Augustine on Beauty and Matter." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 16, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-bja10011.

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Abstract The aim of this paper is to examine whether and, if so, how far, the Augustinian notion of pulchrum is related to Plotinus’ concept of beauty, as it appears in Ennead I. 6. The Augustinian notion of beauty will be analyzed by focusing on the De natura boni, considering plurality and unity in Augustine’s identification of bonum with esse, both in their ontological and axiological dimensions. Topics selected for special consideration will be, first, beauty as outcome of modus, species and ordo naturalis (De nat. b. 14), and, secondly, corruptio as cause of deformitas (De nat. b. 15). The first part of the paper will attempt to explain the Augustinian identification of esse with bonum and pulchrum (De nat. b. 23).The second part will analyze Plotinus’ notion of beauty, as spelled out in Ennead I. 6, considering the Plotinian identity of to kalon and to agathon. Topics selected for analysis will be, first, the concept of form as cause of beauty (Enn. I. 6.2-3), and secondly, the notion of to aischron as partial or absolute lack of form (Enn. I. 6.2). The second part of the paper will attempt to explain Plotinus’ concept of good as yielding the nature of beauty through an analysis of Plotinus’ reflections on being and unity (Enn. I. 6.2-3). The third part of this paper will consider the differences between Plotinus’ and Augustine’s identity of ugliness and non-being, as related to the notion of matter. Topics selected for analysis will be, firstly, Plotinus’ identity of matter and to aischron (Enn. I. 6.5-6), and, secondly, Augustine’s concept of matter as capacitas formarum (De nat. b. 18). The conclusion will prove how Plotinus’ concept of matter as coinciding with ugliness (Enn. I. 6.6) shows a wide theoretical difference between Augustine’s and Plotinus’ ontological-axiological patterns.

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Mazzara, Giuseppe. "Plato: Smp. 212e4-223a9. Alcibiades: An Eulogy of Which Socrates? That of Plato, That of Antisthenes and Xenophon or That of All Three?" Peitho. Examina Antiqua 7, no. 1 (March 17, 2016): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2016.1.2.

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In the Symposium, there are two revelations: one is that of the woman of Mantinea, the other that of Alcibiades. The former (201d 1–212e 3) proposes a Socrates reshaped by Plato, but what Socrates does the latter (216a 6–217a 3) express? Can the praise for Socrates contained in the latter also be considered a tribute by Plato to his teacher? The opinions are divided. I looked at two scholars: Michel Narcy (2008) and Bruno Centrone (20142 ), whose judgments, as they are set out and argued, are irreconcilable. The contrast may be determined by a certain ambiguity in Plato’s attitude towards Alcibiades. Part One – In order to clarify this ambiguity and to overcome the contrast between the two scholars I have tried to show how in the praise of Alcibiades there overlap different portraits of Socrates that refer to the tradition, to different experiences of various Socratics and of Plato himself in Apologia, and how this differs from the others and from himself by proposing a whole new portrait of Socrates as a representative of an Eros megas daimōn, revealed by the woman of Mantinea, in contrast to an Eros megas theos. Part Two – As instead regards the accusation of hybris, the hypothesis is this: for Plato his colleagues, and especially Antisthenes and Xenophon, offering an image of Socrates founded exclusively on his way of life and not also on the erotic aspects alluding to the supersensible world, seem to end up arousing laughter and looking like “fools” (nēpioi), like Alcibiades, who at the end of his speech, after making the audience laugh, is unmasked by Socrates for his clumsy attempt to impart a “life lesson” to Agathon, which he did not need at all, paying at his own expenses for his ignorance of the revelation through arriving late at the party.

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Nagel, Jack H. "Congress and policy change, edited by Gerald C. Wright, Leroy N. Rieselbach, and Lawrence C. Dodd. New York: Agathon Press, Inc., 1986, 292 pp. Price: $32.00 cloth, $15.00 paper." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 8, no. 2 (February 1, 2007): 336–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pam.4050080229.

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Weatherford, M. Stephen. "Economic Conditions and Electoral Outcomes: The United States and Western Europe. Edited by Heinz Eulau and Michael S. Lewis-Beck. (New York: Agathon Press, 1985. Pp. viii + 248. $15.00, paper.)." American Political Science Review 80, no. 3 (September 1986): 1081–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1960619.

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Curran, Jane V. "'Ein anderes Selbst': Bild und Bildung im deutschen Roman des 18. Und 19. Jahrhunderts by Wilhelm VosskampErzÃ¤hlstruktur und Bildungsroman: Wielands 'Geschichte des Agathon', Goethes 'Wilhelm Meisters Lehrjahre' by Liisa Saariluoma." Modern Language Review 101, no. 4 (2006): 1165–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mlr.2006.0451.

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Curtis, James L. "Perspectives on the Constitutional Convention - Calvin C. Jillson: Constitution Making: Conflict and Consensus in the Federal Convention of 1787. (New York: Agathon Press, Inc., 1988. Pp. xiv, 242. $30.00. $15.00, paper.)." Review of Politics 51, no. 4 (1989): 613–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500016582.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Agathon'

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