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Journal articles on the topic 'Agriculture, prehistoric'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Lepofsky, Dana. "A Radiocarbon Chronology for Prehistoric Agriculture in the Society Islands, French Polynesia." Radiocarbon 37, no. 3 (1995): 917–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200014995.

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I discuss a suite of 29 radiocarbon age determinations from four valleys on the islands of Mo'orea and Raiatea in the Society Archipelago. These dates provide the first sequence for the development of prehistoric agricultural production and human-induced environmental change in the Society Islands. Indirect evidence of small-scale agriculture, and by association, human occupation, dates to at least the 7th–10th centuries ad. Agricultural sites themselves date from the early 13th century ad until the late prehistoric/early historic period, with most agricultural activity clustering at the end of the temporal sequence. Valleys with the greatest arable potential were cultivated earlier than less preferred sites. Evidence for extensive landscape transformation in the Opunohu Valley, likely associated with clearing for agricultural purposes, begins soon after the earliest evidence for cultivation and continues throughout prehistory. A larger sample of 14C determinations from strati-graphic excavations in both archaeological sites and “off-site” contexts is required to address many as yet unanswered questions about the prehistoric social and economic development of the Society Islands.

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2

Fedoroff, N. V. "AGRICULTURE: Prehistoric GM Corn." Science 302, no. 5648 (November 14, 2003): 1158–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.1092042.

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3

Goodman, A. H. "Dental Enamel Hypoplasias in Prehistoric Populations." Advances in Dental Research 3, no. 2 (September 1989): 265–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08959374890030022801.

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Recent years have witnessed an impressive increase in research on enamel hypoplasias in archaeological populations. By reviewing a series of studies of enamel hypoplasias at Dickson Mounds, Illinois, North America (950-1300 A.D.), a prehistoric site involved in the transition from gathering-hunting to agriculture, this paper provides an illustration of this type of research. The location of linear hypoplasias on labial tooth surfaces of 111 adults was studied with a thin-tipped caliper, and this location was converted to an age at development. Most defects developed between two and four years of developmental age. Hypoplasias increased in prevalence from 45% in the pre-agriculture group to 80% in the agricultural group (p < 0.01). The transition to agriculture occurred at a cost to infant and childhood health. Defects are associated with decreased longevity. Individuals with defects have a life expectancy of nearly ten years fewer than those without defects, suggesting that the development of a defect marks a significant and lasting health event. Enamel hypoplasias occur most frequently on anterior teeth, polar teeth in developmental fields, and the middle developmental thirds of teeth. Analysis of these data suggests that enamel may be differentially susceptible to growth disruption and that susceptibility varies both within and among teeth. The study of enamel defects at Dickson provides insights into the health and nutritional consequences of the economic change from hunting and gathering to agriculture. More generally, with the availability of teeth from genetically homogeneous populations, studies of enamel hypoplasias in prehistory should provide a useful complement to research on this condition in contemporary peoples.

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4

Denevan, William M. "Comments on Prehistoric Agriculture in Amazonia." Culture Agriculture 20, no. 2-3 (June 1998): 54–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cag.1998.20.2-3.54.

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5

Crawford, Gary W., and Masakazu Yoshizaki. "Ainu ancestors and prehistoric Asian agriculture." Journal of Archaeological Science 14, no. 2 (March 1987): 201–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0305-4403(87)90007-0.

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6

Gustafsson, Stefan. "The Farming Economy in South and Central Sweden during the Bronze Age - A Study Based on Carbonised Botanical Evidence." Current Swedish Archaeology 6, no. 1 (June 10, 2021): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.37718/csa.1998.05.

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The article provides a survey of carbonised seed finds in south and central Sweden which can be attributed to the Swedish Bronze Age, 1800—500 B.C. This period must be considered one of the most dynamic with regard to prehistoric agriculture. The material has been collected at prehistoric dwelling sites and largely consists of household refuse. During the Early Bronze Age agriculture was based on speltoid wheat's and naked barley. Around 1000 B.C. the speltoid wheats and the naked barley decline strongly, while hulled barley takes over as the most important crop. This shift in the choice of crop indicates the introduction of agricultural fertilization and systems with permanent, manured fields.

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7

Green, Stanton W., and Marek Zvelebil. "The Mesolithic Colonization and Agricultural Transition of South-east Ireland." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 56 (1990): 57–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x0000503x.

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This paper presents the first systematic archaeological evidence from the early prehistory of south-east Ireland. The research is designed to investigate the colonization of the area during the Mesolithic period and the subsequent transition to agriculture. From a theoretical perspective, we offer a view of indigenous development. That is, we look for continuities between Mesolithic and Neolithic Ireland in terms of technology and settlement. The data, we are gathering include surface and excavated materials. Lithic assemblages were systematically collected from ploughsoils surrounding the Waterford Harbour area during the years 1983 through 1987. These materials are analyzed from the point of view of geography, raw material, reduction sequences, manufacturing technology, and chronological typology to yield an initial glimpse into the rich prehistory of the region and its pattern of settlement. Excavations during 1986, 1987 and 1989 have begun to fill in some detail including the region's first prehistoric barley, a Neolithic radiocarbon date, prehistoric pottery, a rhyolite quarry and several rich lithic assemblages.

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8

Barfield, Lawrence, and Christopher Chippindale. "Meaning in the Later Prehistoric Rock-Engravings of Mont Bégo, Alpes-Maritimes, France." Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 63 (1997): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0079497x00002395.

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The later prehistoric rock-engravings of Mont Bégo, in the Maritime Alps on the French–Italian border, provide a rare possibility of grasping the meaning of a group in prehistoric art. Two elements in their limited repertoire of forms are daggers and halberds, which also occur as physical objects or as images in the contemporary sites of adjacent north Italy; their contexts show they are, in that area, associated with the status of adult males in society. That same interpretation is applied to the Mont Bégo figures, and this is found congruent with other motifs — especially ploughs and cattle — in the repertoire. It may explain also the other common motif, a geometrical form interpreted as a map of a prehistoric farmstead, by associating it with plough agriculture and land division. The insights developed from the study for what ‘meaning’ amounts to in the study of prehistory are set down.

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9

Preucel, Robert W., and W. H. Wills. "Early Prehistoric Agriculture in the American Southwest." Journal of Field Archaeology 17, no. 4 (1990): 475. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/530009.

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10

Lewis, David Rich, and W. H. Wills. "Early Prehistoric Agriculture in the American Southwest." American Indian Quarterly 14, no. 4 (1990): 410. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1184976.

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11

Fleming, Andrew, and Mark Edmonds. "St Kilda: quarries, fields and prehistoric agriculture." Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland 129 (November 30, 2000): 119–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.9750/psas.129.119.159.

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On the western side of Village Bay, on the island of Hirta in the St Kilda archipelago, there are extensive dolerite quarries for the extraction of stone for production of `flaked stone bars' or hoe-blades, which are closely comparable to similar tools found in Neolithic and Bronze Age contexts in the Northern Isles. Broken hoe-blades are widely distributed among the walls and buildings of the village abandoned in 1930. Their use was probably coeval with that of irregular walled field systems in Village Bay and Gleann Mór. A viable community evidently occupied Hirta well before the Iron Age. These findings suggest that current views of the prehistory of Hirta and of the role of agriculture in the island's history should be revised.

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12

Hutchinson, Dale L., Clark Spencer Larsen, Margaret J. Schoeninger, and Lynette Norr. "Regional Variation in the Pattern of Maize Adoption and Use in Florida and Georgia." American Antiquity 63, no. 3 (July 1998): 397–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2694627.

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Dietary reconstruction using carbon and nitrogen stable isotopes from archaeological human bone samples from coastal Georgia and northern and Gulf Coast Florida dating between 400 B.C. and A.D. 1700 serves to illustrate the complexity of the agricultural transition in that region. Isotope analysis of 185 collagen samples drawn from early prehistoric, late prehistoric, and contact-period mortuary sites encompasses two major adaptive shifts in the region, namely the adoption of maize agriculture in late prehistory and the increased emphasis on maize during the mission period. Prior to European contact—and especially before the establishment of Spanish missions among the Guale, Yamasee, Timucua, and Apalachee tribal groups—diet was strongly influenced by local environmental factors. Before contact, coastal and inland populations had different patterns of food consumption, as did populations living in Georgia and Florida. Coastal populations consumed more marine and less terrestrial foods than inland populations. In general, maize was adopted during the eleventh century A.D. by virtually all Georgia populations. However, with the exception of the Lake Jackson site, a major Mississippian center in northern Florida, Florida populations show little use of maize before contact. Following European contact, maize became wide-spread, regardless of location or habitat within the broad region of Spanish Florida. Missionization appears to have been an important factor in the convergence of native diets toward agriculture and away from foraging. This increased emphasis on maize contributed to a decline in quality of life for native populations.

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13

Haberle, Simon G. "Prehistoric human impact on rainforest biodiversity in highland New Guinea." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 362, no. 1478 (January 5, 2007): 219–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2006.1981.

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In the highlands of New Guinea, the development of agriculture as an indigenous innovation during the Early Holocene is considered to have resulted in rapid loss of forest cover, a decrease in forest biodiversity and increased land degradation over thousands of years. But how important is human activity in shaping the diversity of vegetation communities over millennial time-scales? An evaluation of the change in biodiversity of forest habitats through the Late Glacial transition to the present in five palaeoecological sites from highland valleys, where intensive agriculture is practised today, is presented. A detailed analysis of the longest and most continuous record from Papua New Guinea is also presented using available biodiversity indices (palynological richness and biodiversity indicator taxa) as a means of identifying changes in diversity. The analysis shows that the collapse of key forest habitats in the highland valleys is evident during the Mid–Late Holocene. These changes are best explained by the adoption of new land management practices and altered disturbance regimes associated with agricultural activity, though climate change may also play a role. The implications of these findings for ecosystem conservation and sustainability of agriculture in New Guinea are discussed.

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14

Hansen, Julie M. "Agriculture in the Prehistoric Aegean: Data versus Speculation." American Journal of Archaeology 92, no. 1 (January 1988): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/505869.

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15

Dreibrodt, Stefan, Robert Hofmann, Marta Dal Corso, Hans-Rudolf Bork, Rainer Duttmann, Sarah Martini, Philipp Saggau, et al. "Earthworms, Darwin and prehistoric agriculture-Chernozem genesis reconsidered." Geoderma 409 (March 2022): 115607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoderma.2021.115607.

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16

Zahid, H. Jabran, Erick Robinson, and Robert L. Kelly. "Agriculture, population growth, and statistical analysis of the radiocarbon record." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 113, no. 4 (December 22, 2015): 931–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1517650112.

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The human population has grown significantly since the onset of the Holocene about 12,000 y ago. Despite decades of research, the factors determining prehistoric population growth remain uncertain. Here, we examine measurements of the rate of growth of the prehistoric human population based on statistical analysis of the radiocarbon record. We find that, during most of the Holocene, human populations worldwide grew at a long-term annual rate of 0.04%. Statistical analysis of the radiocarbon record shows that transitioning farming societies experienced the same rate of growth as contemporaneous foraging societies. The same rate of growth measured for populations dwelling in a range of environments and practicing a variety of subsistence strategies suggests that the global climate and/or endogenous biological factors, not adaptability to local environment or subsistence practices, regulated the long-term growth of the human population during most of the Holocene. Our results demonstrate that statistical analyses of large ensembles of radiocarbon dates are robust and valuable for quantitatively investigating the demography of prehistoric human populations worldwide.

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17

Harris, D. R., V. M. Masson, Y. E. Berezkin, M. P. Charles, C. Gosden, G. C. Hillman, A. K. Kasparov, et al. "Investigating early agriculture in Central Asia: new research at Jeitun, Turkmenistan." Antiquity 67, no. 255 (June 1993): 324–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00045385.

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In 1989 ANTIQUITY published a special section of papers on the archaeology of the steppe zone, to notice the special role of that great sweep of land that links the northern fringes of early prehistoric agriculture in Europe and Asia. A new international team has now returned to Jeitun, the key early agricultural site in Turkmenistan, on the edge of the Kara Kum desert.

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18

Oh, Yongje, Matthew Conte, Seungho Kang, Jangsuk Kim, and Jaehoon Hwang. "Population Fluctuation and the Adoption of Food Production in Prehistoric Korea: Using Radiocarbon Dates as a Proxy for Population Change." Radiocarbon 59, no. 6 (November 16, 2017): 1761–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rdc.2017.122.

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AbstractPopulation growth has been evoked both as a causal factor and consequence of the transition to agriculture. The use of radiocarbon (14C) dates as proxies for population allows for reevaluations of population as a variable in the transition to agriculture. In Korea, numerous rescue excavations during recent decades have offered a wealth of14C data for this application. A summed probability distribution (SPD) of14C dates is investigated to reconstruct population trends preceding and following adoptions of food production in prehistoric Korea. Important cultivars were introduced to Korea in two episodes: millets during the Chulmun Period (ca. 6000–1500 BCE) and rice during the Mumun Period (ca. 1500–300 BCE). The SPD suggests that while millet production had little impact on Chulmun populations, a prominent surge in population appears to have followed the introduction of rice. The case in prehistoric Korea demonstrates that the adoption of food production does not lead inevitably towards sustained population growth. Furthermore, the data suggest that the transition towards intensive agriculture need not occur under conditions of population pressure resulting from population growth. Rather, intensive rice farming in prehistoric Korea began during a period of population stagnation.

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19

Laylander, Don. "The question of prehistoric agriculture among the western Yumans." Estudios Fronterizos, no. 35-36 (January 1, 1995): 187–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.21670/ref.1995.35-36.a09.

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Agriculture fanned an important part of the subsistence system of the prehistoric: Yuman-speaking peoples who lived along or near the lower Colorado River. Some recent scholars have argued that the Yumans of nnorthwestern Baja California and southwestern California also practiced agriculture prehistorically. A critical review of the evidence fills to fails any substantial support for that conclusion.

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20

Moore, Jerry D. "Prehistoric Raised Field Agriculture in the Casma Valley, Peru." Journal of Field Archaeology 15, no. 3 (1988): 265. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/530308.

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21

Arendt, M., K. M. Cairns, J. W. O. Ballard, P. Savolainen, and E. Axelsson. "Diet adaptation in dog reflects spread of prehistoric agriculture." Heredity 117, no. 5 (July 13, 2016): 301–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/hdy.2016.48.

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22

Moore, Jerry D. "Prehistoric Raised Field Agriculture in the Casma Valley, Peru." Journal of Field Archaeology 15, no. 3 (January 1988): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/009346988791974402.

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23

Kaplan, Lawrence. "Early Prehistoric Agriculture in the American Southwest.Wirt H. Wills." Quarterly Review of Biology 65, no. 1 (March 1990): 120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/416694.

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24

Bentley, R. Alexander, Michael Pietrusewsky, Michele T. Douglas, and Tim C. Atkinson. "Matrilocality during the prehistoric transition to agriculture in Thailand?" Antiquity 79, no. 306 (December 2005): 865–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00115005.

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Stable isotopes in teeth are providing important correlations between ancient people and the geographical location of their childhood homes. In an exciting new application, the authors measured the varying signatures of strontium, oxygen and carbon isotopes in the teeth of a sequence of people buried in Thailand during the period of the introduction and intensification of agriculture. Preliminary results point to the arrival of immigrant men, followed by a change in the relationship between the sexes: the women grow up on local food, the men have access to more widespread resources. This perhaps implies a matrilocal system, where forager men raised elsewhere marry into farming communities. It provides a likely antithesis to the social consequences of introducing agriculture into central Europe.

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25

Schollmeyer, Karen Gust, and Christy G. Turner. "Dental Caries, Prehistoric Diet, and the Pithouse-to-Pueblo Transition in Southwestern Colorado." American Antiquity 69, no. 3 (July 2004): 569–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4128407.

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Researchers in different parts of the southwestern United States continue to debate whether the end of the Basketmaker period coincides with a general shift from supplemental to intensive maize agriculture across the U.S. Southwest. In some areas this transition appears to have occurred earlier, with heavy reliance on agriculture appearing by the Basketmaker II period. In this study, evidence from dental caries in southwestern Colorado populations supports the latter view, suggesting that Basketmaker subsistence in this area included a heavy reliance on agricultural products. Dental caries frequencies in both Basketmaker and post-Basketmaker samples are well within the expected range for full-time agriculturalists. Although there is no significant association between time period and caries rate, frequencies of interproximal caries and numbers of carious teeth per individual may indicate maize-processing differences between samples obtained from the two temporal periods. Differences in the intensity of maize production, rather than consumption, may contribute to the current lack of agreement on the timing of Southwestern agricultural dependence.

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26

Baden, William W., and Christopher S. Beekman. "Culture and Agriculture: A Comment on Sissel Schroeder, Maize Productivity in the Eastern Woodlands and Great Plains of North America." American Antiquity 66, no. 3 (July 2001): 505–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2694248.

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Using selective maize yield data from ethnohistoric and government sources dating between the mid-nineteenth and mid-twentieth centuries, Schroeder (1999) argues that Mississippian average yield potential fell within a 9-10 bu/acre range. We evaluate her argument in terms of well-established climatic, environmental, varietal, and behavioral constraints on maize agriculture and conclude that reconstructing prehistoric agricultural potential requires a more precise methodology that incorporates these factors.

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27

Killion, Thomas W. "Cultivation Intensity and Residential Site Structure: An Ethnoarchaeological Examination of Peasant Agriculture in the Sierra de los Tuxtlas, Veracruz, Mexico." Latin American Antiquity 1, no. 3 (September 1990): 191–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/972161.

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Agricultural and residential space were integrated in prehistoric lowland Mesoamerica for productive and domestic activities to produce distinctive patterns of settlement and land use visible in the archaeological record. Ethnoarchaeological studies provide information on the behavioral component of site formation in such contexts. Contemporary residential refuse treatment and the use of infield agricultural land are examined here from a sample of farming households in the Sierra de los Tuxtlas of southern Veracruz, Mexico. A model of site structure (the House-Lot model) relates the maintenance of refuse-free (clear area) and refuse-laden (intermediate area) spaces within the house lot to household farming activities outside of the residential lot. Variation in the intensity of cultivation on infield plots is shown to correlate with variability in the size of areas within house lots. This research suggests that the distribution of prehistoric residential debris might be used to diagnose factors of ancient agriculture and settlement in contexts commonly encountered during archaeological excavation and survey.

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28

Ladefoged, Thegn N., Michael W. Graves, and Richard P. Jennings. "Dryland agricultural expansion and intensification in Kohala, Hawai'i island." Antiquity 70, no. 270 (December 1996): 861–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x0008412x.

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Intensified dryland agriculture was a component of the late prehistoric Hawaiian subsistence base. Which environmental factors permitted, encouraged, restricted, blocked the spreading of intensive agriculture into new areas of fields? A GIS study of the great field system at Kohala on the leeward side of Hawai'i Island explores the controlling variables.

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29

Barlow, K. Renee. "Predicting Maize Agriculture among the Fremont: An Economic Comparison of Farming and Foraging in the American Southwest." American Antiquity 67, no. 1 (January 2002): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2694877.

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Variation in the costs and benefits of maize agriculture relative to local foraging opportunities structured variation in the relative intensity of agricultural strategies pursued by prehistoric peoples in the American Southwest. The material remains of Fremont farmers and horticulturists, long identified as the "northern periphery" of Southwestern archaeological traditions, are examined as a case representing extreme intersite variation in the economic importance of farming. New data quantifying the energetic gains associated with maize agriculture in Latin America are compared to caloric return rates for hunting and collecting indigenous foods. These data suggest that prehistoric maize farming was economically comparable to many local wild plants, but that intensive farming practices were most similar to very low-ranked seeds. The model predicts a continuum of pre-historic strategies that included horticulture within a system of indigenous resource collection and high residential mobility at one end, and at the other sedentary farmers heavily invested in agricultural activities with residences maintained near fields during a significant portion of the growing season. Differences in agricultural strategies should have been strongly influenced by the effects of local ecology on the marginal gains for time spent in maize fields and the abundance of key, high-ranked wild foods, not harvest yields per se. Increasing agricultural investments are expected with decreasing opportunities to collect higher-ranked foods, while decreases in time spent farming are expected only with increases in alternative economic opportunities.

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30

Li, Haiming, Nathaniel James, Junwei Chen, Shanjia Zhang, Linyao Du, Yishi Yang, Guoke Chen, Minmin Ma, and Xin Jia. "Agricultural Economic Transformations and Their Impacting Factors around 4000 BP in the Hexi Corridor, Northwest China." Land 12, no. 2 (February 6, 2023): 425. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/land12020425.

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By 4000 BP, trans-Eurasian agricultural exchanges increased across the Hexi Corridor. However, the nature and timing of many early prehistoric agricultural exchanges remain unclear. We present systematically collected archaeobotanical data from the ancient Haizang site (3899–3601 cal a BP) within the Hexi Corridor. Adding to previous archaeobotanical studies of the Hexi Corridor, we find that agricultural production transformed from purely millet-based agriculture during the Machang Period (4300–4000) to predominantly millet-based agriculture increasingly supplemented with wheat and barley during the Xichengyi and Qijia periods (4000–3600 BP). These transformations are likely due to adaption to a cooler and drier climate through cultural exchange. A warm and humid climate during 4300–4000 BP likely promoted millet agriculture, Machang cultural expansion westward, and occupation across the Hexi corridor. However, after the “4.2 ka BP cold event” people adopted wheat and barley from the West to make up for declining millet agricultural productivity. This adoption began first with the Xichengyi culture, and soon spread further eastward within the Hexi Corridor to the Qijia culture.

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31

Liu, Xiaoming. "Human Prehistoric Demography Revealed by the Polymorphic Pattern of CpG Transitions." Molecular Biology and Evolution 37, no. 9 (May 5, 2020): 2691–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/molbev/msaa112.

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Abstract The prehistoric demography of human populations is an essential piece of information for illustrating our evolution. Despite its importance and the advancement of ancient DNA studies, our knowledge of human evolution is still limited, which is also the case for relatively recent population dynamics during and around the Holocene. Here, we inferred detailed demographic histories from 1 to 40 ka for 24 population samples using an improved model-flexible method with 36 million genome-wide noncoding CpG sites. Our results showed many population growth events that were likely due to the Neolithic Revolution (i.e., the shift from hunting and gathering to agriculture and settlement). Our results help to provide a clearer picture of human prehistoric demography, confirming the significant impact of agriculture on population expansion, and provide new hypotheses and directions for future research.

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32

Buikstra, Jane E., Lyle W. Konigsberg, and Jill Bullington. "Fertility and the Development of Agriculture in the Prehistoric Midwest." American Antiquity 51, no. 3 (July 1986): 528–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/281750.

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In this article we develop and apply a method for estimating fertility in paleodemographic study. The proportion D30+/D5+, generated from standard life table calculations, is used to estimate relative fertility rates for eight Woodland and Mississippian populations represented by skeletal series from west-central Illinois. The inferred pattern of fertility increase through time is then considered in the context of key variables that define diet, technology, and sedentism. We conclude that changes in diet or food preparation techniques are implicated in this demographic change. The absence of a significant increment in juvenile mortality in association with the elevated fertility rates suggests that these changes in fertility explain the regional population increase previously inferred from mortuary and habitation site densities.

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33

Shackley, M. Steven. ": Early Prehistoric Agriculture in the American Southwest . W. H. Wills." American Anthropologist 92, no. 3 (September 1990): 828. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1990.92.3.02a01010.

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34

Cordell, Linda S. "Early Prehistoric Agriculture in the American Southwest. W. H. Wills." Journal of Anthropological Research 45, no. 3 (October 1989): 335–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.45.3.3630286.

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35

XU, LIBIN, LIGUANG SUN, YUHONG WANG, ZHOUQING XIE, RENBIN ZHU, XIAODONG LIU, JIHUAI WANG, and LINGYU TANG. "PREHISTORIC CULTURE, CLIMATE AND AGRICULTURE AT YUCHISI, ANHUI PROVINCE, CHINA." Archaeometry 53, no. 2 (September 14, 2010): 396–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4754.2010.00551.x.

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36

Nasu, Hiroo, and Arata Momohara. "The beginnings of rice and millet agriculture in prehistoric Japan." Quaternary International 397 (March 2016): 504–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2015.06.043.

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37

Ferreira, Luiz F., Ana M. Jansen, and Adauto Araújo. "Chagas disease in prehistory." Anais da Academia Brasileira de Ciências 83, no. 3 (July 1, 2011): 1041–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0001-37652011005000013.

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The classical hypothesis proposes that Chagas disease has been originated in the Andean region among prehistoric people when they started domesticating animals, changing to sedentary habits, and adopting agriculture. These changes in their way of life happened nearly 6,000 years ago. However, paleoparasitological data based on molecular tools showed that Trypanosoma cruzi infection and Chagas disease were commonly found both in South and North American prehistoric populations long before that time, suggesting that Chagas disease may be as old as the human presence in the American continent. The study of the origin and dispersion of Trypanosoma cruzi infection among prehistoric human populations may help in the comprehension of the clinical and epidemiological questions on Chagas disease that still remain unanswered.

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38

Karsten, Jordan K., Sarah E. Heins, Gwyn D. Madden, and Mykhailo P. Sokhatskyi. "Dental Health and the Transition to Agriculture in Prehistoric Ukraine: A Study of Dental Caries." European Journal of Archaeology 18, no. 4 (2015): 562–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1461957115y.0000000004.

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Bioarchaeological studies have found that, in general, the adoption of agriculture is associated with deteriorating oral health, most frequently manifested as an increase in the prevalence of dental caries. However, compared to other regions of the world, bioarchaeological studies focusing on prehistoric Europe have produced more variable results, with different populations experiencing deteriorations, improvements, and stasis in oral health. This study assesses the oral health of individuals of the Tripolye culture buried in Verteba Cave, Ukraine, within the context of the transition to agriculture in Eastern Europe. We compare the rates of dental caries between Tripolye farmers with earlier hunter-fisher-gatherers from Ukraine. The Tripolye were found to have carious lesions on 9.5 per cent of teeth, while the hunter-fisher-gatherers were found to be universally free of carious lesions. A Fisher's exact test demonstrates that this difference is statistically significant, supporting the model that the transition to agriculture was detrimental to oral health in prehistoric Ukraine. This could be related to the manner in which grain was processed by the Tripolye and the needs of their relatively population-dense society.

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Nakagawa, Tomomi, Hisashi Nakao, Kohei Tamura, Yui Arimatsu, Naoko Matsumoto, and Takehiko Matsugi. "Violence and warfare in prehistoric Japan." Letters on Evolutionary Behavioral Science 8, no. 1 (April 12, 2017): 8–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5178/lebs.2017.55.

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The origins and consequences of warfare or large-scale intergroup violence have been subject of long debate. Based on exhaustive surveys of skeletal remains for prehistoric hunter-gatherers and agriculturists in Japan, the present study examines levels of inferred violence and their implications for two evolutionary models, which ground warfare in parochial altruism versus subsistence. The former assumes that frequent warfare played an important role in the evolution of altruism, while the latter sees warfare as promoted by social changes induced by agriculture. Our results are inconsistent with the parochial altruism model but consistent with the subsistence model, although the mortality values attributable to violence between hunter-gatherers and agriculturists were comparable.

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Phillips, David A. "Adoption and Intensification of Agriculture in the North American Southwest: Notes toward a Quantitative Approach." American Antiquity 74, no. 4 (October 2009): 691–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002731600049015.

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Qualitative models are unable to explain the known variability in the adoption and intensification of agriculture in the prehistoric North American Southwest. Adoption of a quantitative approach (specifically, a model based on marginal costs and benefits) better accounts for that variability.

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Thompson, Victor D., Kristen J. Gremillion, and Thomas J. Pluckhahn. "Challenging the Evidence for Prehistoric Wetland Maize Agriculture at Fort Center, Florida." American Antiquity 78, no. 1 (January 2013): 181–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.78.1.181.

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AbstractThe early evidence (2400 ± 105 B.P.) for wetland maize agriculture at the archaeological site of Fort Center, a large earth-work site in South Florida, USA, is frequently cited in discussions of the emergence of agriculture in the Eastern Woodlands of North America. The evidence for maize, however, rests on controversial pollen data; some researchers accept it, others remain skeptical of its identification or chronological placement. We present microbotanical data (pollen and phytoliths), macrobotanical data, and radiocarbon dates from recent excavations from this site. We argue that maize agriculture did not occur until the historic period at this site and that the identification of maize in earlier deposits is likely a result of contamination.

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Kennett, Douglas, Atholl Anderson, Matthew Prebble, Eric Conte, and John Southon. "Prehistoric human impacts on Rapa, French Polynesia." Antiquity 80, no. 308 (June 1, 2006): 340–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00093662.

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New excavations and survey on the island of Rapa have shown that a rockshelter was occupied by early settlers around AD 1200 and the first hill forts were erected about 300 years later. Refortification occurred up to the contact period and proliferated around AD 1700. Taro cultivation in terraced pond-fields kept pace with the construction of forts. The authors make a connection between fort-building and making pond-fields, demonstrating that the pressure on resources provoked both the intensification of agriculture and hostility between the communities of the small island.

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Sciulli, Paul W. "Dental Asymmetry in a Late Archaic and Late Prehistoric Skeletal Sample of the Ohio Valley Area." Dental Anthropology Journal 16, no. 2 (September 3, 2018): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.26575/daj.v16i2.158.

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Dental asymmetry (directional, anti-symmetry, and fluctuating) is analyzed in samples from two prehistoric Native American populations: a terminal Late Archaic population (3200-2700 BP) and a Late Prehistoric population (ca. 750 BP). Both directional and fluctuating asymmetry were found in each sample. Directional asymmetry occurs in only four teeth in the Late Archaic sample and in two teeth in the Late Prehistoric sample. Neither sample exhibits the tendency for opposing arch dominance in directional asymmetry. Fluctuating asymmetry is significantly greater than measurement error for all teeth in each sample. However, contrary to expectations the Late Prehistoric maize agriculturists do not show an overall greater degree of fluctuating asymmetry compared to their forager ancestors. This result coupled with a survey of pathological conditions in these populations suggest that stress levels in Ohio Valley populations, at least that stress which affected dental developmental stability, were not drastically increased with the introduction of maize agriculture. Spearman correlations between relative tooth size variation (coefficient of variation), the magnitude of fluctuating dental asymmetry, and duration of time (per tooth) spent in soft tissue development were obtained for each sample. Coefficients of variation and fluctuating asymmetry are significantly correlated in both samples but fluctuating asymmetry is significantly correlated with duration of soft tissue development only in the Late Prehistoric population.

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Ottoni, Claudio, Dušan Borić, Olivia Cheronet, Vitale Sparacello, Irene Dori, Alfredo Coppa, Dragana Antonović, et al. "Tracking the transition to agriculture in Southern Europe through ancient DNA analysis of dental calculus." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 118, no. 32 (July 26, 2021): e2102116118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2102116118.

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Archaeological dental calculus, or mineralized plaque, is a key tool to track the evolution of oral microbiota across time in response to processes that impacted our culture and biology, such as the rise of farming during the Neolithic. However, the extent to which the human oral flora changed from prehistory until present has remained elusive due to the scarcity of data on the microbiomes of prehistoric humans. Here, we present our reconstruction of oral microbiomes via shotgun metagenomics of dental calculus in 44 ancient foragers and farmers from two regions playing a pivotal role in the spread of farming across Europe—the Balkans and the Italian Peninsula. We show that the introduction of farming in Southern Europe did not alter significantly the oral microbiomes of local forager groups, and it was in particular associated with a higher abundance of the species Olsenella sp. oral taxon 807. The human oral environment in prehistory was dominated by a microbial species, Anaerolineaceae bacterium oral taxon 439, that diversified geographically. A Near Eastern lineage of this bacterial commensal dispersed with Neolithic farmers and replaced the variant present in the local foragers. Our findings also illustrate that major taxonomic shifts in human oral microbiome composition occurred after the Neolithic and that the functional profile of modern humans evolved in recent times to develop peculiar mechanisms of antibiotic resistance that were previously absent.

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d’Alpoim Guedes, Jade, and Anke Hein. "Landscapes of Prehistoric Northwestern Sichuan: From Early Agriculture to Pastoralist Lifestyles." Journal of Field Archaeology 43, no. 2 (February 6, 2018): 121–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00934690.2018.1423830.

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Delcourt, Hazel R. "The impact of prehistoric agriculture and land occupation on natural vegetation." Trends in Ecology & Evolution 2, no. 2 (February 1987): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0169-5347(87)90097-8.

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Fleming, Andrew. "St Kildas: stone tools, dolerite quarries and long-term survival." Antiquity 69, no. 262 (March 1995): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00064279.

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St Kilda, the little group of islands far offshore from northwest Scotland, was known for its seabird subsistence in the period before its evacuation in 1930. Recent discoveries suggest that the importance of agriculture in the prehistoric period (before the 16th century AD) may have been underestimated.

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Jones, Glynis. "Ancient and modern cultivation of Lathyrus ochrus (L.) DC. in the Greek islands." Annual of the British School at Athens 87 (November 1992): 211–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400015124.

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A pulse from Late Minoan Knossos, Crete, is identified as cf. Lathyrus ochrus (L.) DC. L. ochrus is grown today, for food or fodder, on the islands of Karpathos and Evvia (Euboea). This paper underlines the extent of crop diversity in both prehistoric and recent Greek agriculture.

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Krasekha, Erofey. "Geographic environment and development of reproductive sector in steppe zone in prehistoric epoch." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Geography, no. 44 (November 28, 2013): 149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vgg.2013.44.1216.

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Questions of settling and development of territory of Ukraine during prehistoric time are considered. Specialities of development of agriculture and cattle breeding by different archaeological cultures in the steppe zone depending on paleogeographic stages are covered. Features of the development of agriculture in the steppe zone of Ukraine are determined primarily by physical and geographical factors and, above all, the climate, the nature of the relief, the specifics of vegetation and soil cover. At the same time the Ukrainian steppe of thousand years was arena on which arose, some time existed, and then disappeared, practically leaving nothing after itself ethnic cultures which were engaged mainly in cattle breeding. Key words: paleogeography, agriculture, cattle breeding, steppe zone.

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Kuzmin, Yaroslav V. "Radiocarbon Chronology for Prehistoric Complexes of the Russian Far East: 15 Years Later." Radiocarbon 54, no. 3-4 (2012): 727–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003382220004738x.

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The recent progress in radiocarbon dating of the prehistoric cultural complexes in the Russian Far East is discussed against the background of ancient chronologies for greater East Asia. Since 1997, the wide use of accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) radiocarbon dating along with the continuation of conventional dating has allowed us to establish the age of several key Paleolithic, Neolithic, and Paleometal sites. It has also contributed to advancing a deeper understanding of the timing for the beginning of pottery production, maritime adaptation, and agriculture, and several other important issues in prehistoric chronology for the studied region. Reservoir age correction values for the Japan and Okhotsk seas are now used to adjust the age for samples of marine origin. Some of the cultural-chronological models for prehistoric far eastern Russian complexes put forward in the last 10 yr lack a solid basis, and are critically evaluated herein.

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