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Journal articles on the topic 'Akhenaten, king of egypt'

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1

Murnane, William J., and Cyril Aldred. "Akhenaten, King of Egypt." Journal of the American Oriental Society 111, no. 2 (April 1991): 388. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604039.

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2

Redford, Donald B., and Cyril Aldred. "Akhenaten: King of Egypt." American Historical Review 96, no. 1 (February 1991): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164043.

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3

Alford, Garth. "Akhenaten: King of Egypt. Cyril Aldred." Biblical Archaeologist 52, no. 2-3 (June 1989): 151–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3210212.

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4

Bard, Kathryn A. "Akhenaten: King of Egypt. Cyril Aldred. Thames and Hudson, New York, 1991. 328 pp., figures, plates, bibliography, index. ’19.95 (paper)." American Antiquity 58, no. 3 (July 1993): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/282118.

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5

Baines, John, and Donald B. Redford. "Akhenaten: The Heretic King." American Historical Review 92, no. 4 (October 1987): 932. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1863964.

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6

Seters, John Van, and Donald B. Redford. "Akhenaten: The Heretic King." Journal of Biblical Literature 105, no. 3 (September 1986): 509. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3260516.

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7

Spalinger, Anthony. "Akhenaten: The Heretic King. Donald B. Redford." Biblical Archaeologist 49, no. 4 (December 1986): 253–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3210024.

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8

Murnane, William J. "Akhenaten: The Heretic King. Donald B. Redford." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 47, no. 1 (January 1988): 47–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jnes.47.1.3693682.

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9

Kemp, Barry, Anna Stevens, Gretchen R. Dabbs, Melissa Zabecki, and Jerome C. Rose. "Life, death and beyond in Akhenaten's Egypt: excavating the South Tombs Cemetery at Amarna." Antiquity 87, no. 335 (March 1, 2013): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00048626.

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The authors report a summary of the results of six seasons of excavation at one of the cemeteries of Tell el-Amarna, the celebrated city of the ‘monotheistic’ revolutionary, Akhenaten. The osteology shows a workforce enduring stress and injuries to bone and muscle. The burial rites indicate low investment and personal interpretations as to spiritual meaning. In this exploration of a slice of a whole Egyptian urban society, the contrast between the working lives of the elite and its workforce becomes striking.
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10

Kemp, Barry. "A model of Tell el-Amarna." Antiquity 74, no. 283 (March 2000): 15–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00065996.

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Tell el-Amarna, the short-lived capital built by the pharaoh Akhenaten around 1350 BC, remains the largest ancient city in Egypt which is still above ground. Over the last century a succession of archaeological expeditions has revealed large areas of its plan. During 1999 the Boston Museum of Fine Arts, in connection with a temporary exhibition of Amarna art, commissioned a 1:400-scale model of a major part of the city, based on the survey which, in recent years, the Egypt Exploration Society has carried out. It was designed by Mallinson Architects, with advice from Bany Kemp, field director of the EES expedition to Amarna, and built by a Clapham firm of architectural modelmakers, Tetra (Andy Ingham Associates). The completed model measures 12 x 10 feet (3.7 x 3.0 metres).
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11

Sabbahy, Lisa. "Did Akhenaten’s Founding of Akhetaten Cause a Malaria Epidemic?" Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 56, no. 1 (December 2020): 175–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5913/jarce.56.2020.a011.

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This paper presents and discusses evidence for changes in the environment that would have taken place at the site of Amarna, ancient Akhetaten, during the rapid building and populating of the city in the reign of King Akhenaten. The evidence suggests that the effect of the founding of this city, with all the consequences of a changed environment on both sides of the river, could have been responsible for a malaria epidemic. This scenario is backed up by the high prevalence of signs of malaria in the skeletal material from Amarna, as well as in the short-lived history of the city, which was deserted after about fifteen years.
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12

Ashrafian, Hutan. "Inheritance patterns and pathology of Tutankhamun, Akhenaten, and the eighteenth dynasty pharaohs of ancient Egypt." Epilepsy & Behavior 27, no. 1 (April 2013): 277. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.yebeh.2012.12.032.

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13

Stevens, Anna. "Death and the City: The Cemeteries of Amarna in Their Urban Context." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 28, no. 1 (September 25, 2017): 103–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774317000592.

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Burial grounds are increasingly being considered as components of lived urban environments in the past. This paper considers how the ancient Egyptian city of Akhetaten, built by king Akhenaten (c. 1349–1332 bc), was constructed and experienced as a space inhabited both by the living and the dead. Drawing upon results from ongoing excavations at the burial grounds of the general population, it considers how the archaeological record of the settlement and its cemeteries segue and explores how the nature of burial landscapes and the need to maintain reflexive relationships between the living and the dead in the midst of a changing religious milieu contributed to the unique character of Akhetaten as a city. It asks what kind of city Akhetaten was, and what it was like to live through the Amarna period.
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14

DAVID, A. "Akhenaten. The heretic king D. B. Redford, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1984, pp. xxvi + 255. E27.40." Religion 16, no. 4 (October 1986): 392–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0048-721x(86)90028-x.

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15

Fedyaev, A., R. Valeev, and R. Fedyaeva. "Unknown pages of the state of sheba history in the context of modern and biblical archaeology." Heritage and Modern Times 4, no. 2 (July 12, 2021): 149–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.52883/2619-0214-2021-4-2-149-159.

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In the Sheba state, 2 thousand years before the emergence of Islam, there was a monotheistic doctrine unknown to science, whose supporters were called the first Arabian prophets (hanifas) and actually equated with Muslims. This conclusion was obtained using the modern methodology of cognition — fractal approach, hermeneutics methods, logic-semantic analysis, abdication, etc. The results of the study showed, that at the end of the 15th century ВС the Egyptian religion of the Sun ('Monism) was perceived in the Sheba state, where King Yataamar ruled, and became the spiritual basis of this 157 civilization. After the conflict with the state of Israel (loth century ВС), the Queen of Sheba was forced to recognize the power of King Solomon and his religion. During the revival of this state in the VIII century ВС, Atonism was again declared the official religion until the V century ВС. This religious doctrine, which arose during the reign of Pharaoh Akhenaten (1436—1402 ВС), did not disappear shortly after his death (according to modern Egyptologists), and today is represented in the beliefs of the Mandei community (southern Iraq) and their scripture by Jinze.
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16

Coffman, William E. "A King Over Egypt, Which Knew Not Joseph." Educational Measurement: Issues and Practice 12, no. 2 (October 25, 2005): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1745-3992.1993.tb00527.x.

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17

Giménez, Javier. "Integration of Foreigners in Egypt." Journal of Egyptian History 10, no. 2 (November 17, 2017): 109–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340036.

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Abstract The relief of Amenhotep ii shooting arrows at a copper ingot target has often been considered as propaganda of the king’s extraordinary strength and vigour. However, this work proposes that the scene took on additional layers of significance and had different ritual functions such as regenerating the health of the king, and ensuring the eternal victory of Egypt over foreign enemies and the victory of order over chaos. Amenhotep ii was shooting arrows at an “Asiatic” ox-hide ingot because the ingot would symbolize the northern enemies of Egypt. The scene belonged to a group of representations carved during the New Kingdom on temples that showed the general image of the king defeating enemies. Moreover, it was linked to scenes painted in private tombs where goods were brought to the deceased, and to offering scenes carved on the walls of Theban temples. The full sequence of scenes would describe, and ritually promote, the process of integration of the foreign element into the Egyptian sphere.
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18

Johnson, W. Raymond. "Amenhotep III and Amarna: Some New Considerations." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 82, no. 1 (December 1996): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339608200112.

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The monuments of Amenhotep III at Amarna have long perplexed scholars by their ambiguous nature. In the first section of this paper the deification of Amenhotep III is examined through his votive sculpture, which appears after his Year 30 rendered in a new artistic style featuring unusual solar iconography. In the second section a new identification of a statuette group excavated by Petrie at Amarna, UC 004, is proposed, and the criteria for that identification examined. The paper concludes with a discussion of the theological relationship between Amenhotep III and Akhenaten expressed in their art, where Amenhotep III's later iconography reflects his identification with the sun's disk and the creator-god Atum-Re, while Akhenaten's iconography emphasizes his role as Atum's firstborn, Shu. It is suggested that the two kings ruled together in the ritual roles of Atum and Shu as an integral part of Amenhotep III's deification programme, and that the senior king was the original focus of his son's Aten cult.
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19

Ray, J. D. "Donald B. Redford: Akhenaten, the heretic king. xxvi, 255 pp., front. Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1984. £27.40." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 49, no. 1 (February 1986): 245–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x0004297x.

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20

OHSHIRO, Michinori. "Did a Queen Khentkawes Became a King of Egypt?" Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 50, no. 1 (2007): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.50.173.

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21

Ryholt, Kim. "New Light on the Legendary King Nechepsos of Egypt*." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 97, no. 1 (January 2011): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751331109700104.

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22

Spencer, P. A., and A. J. Spencer. "Notes on Late Libyan Egypt." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 72, no. 1 (August 1986): 198–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338607200124.

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This article first publishes a small bronze shrine with inscriptions of the obscure king Thotemhat, British Museum EA 11015. The reading of the Horus-name of this ruler is corrected to Ḫ'-m-Wn(t). The article then considers the evidence for a Delta centre for the Twenty-Third Dynasty, and suggests that there is, as yet, no good reason to assume that this Dynasty ruled from Leontopolis as has been suggested. It is also proposed that the linking of Iuput II, mentioned on the stela of Piankhy, to this Dynasty may be erroneous.
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23

Manan, Nuraini A. "MESOPOTAMIA DAN MESIR KUNO: Awal Peradaban Dunia." Jurnal Adabiya 22, no. 1 (July 16, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22373/adabiya.v22i1.7452.

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The existence of civilization cannot be separated from the existence of human beings. Mesopotamia and Ancient Egypt were the centers of the oldest civilization in the world. Both Mesopotamia and Ancient Egypt had typical characteristics. Mesopotamian civilization was more non-physical compared to Egypt. Sciences were emphasized more in Mesopotamia, while Egypt emphasized religious aspects. Political systems in both areas were almost the same, that is, absolutism and considered the king as god. Mesopotamia was more humanist than Egypt. The effectiveness of both civilizations was determined much by political power and economy.
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24

M., Sayed,. "EGYPT AS A REWARD FOR THE KING IN PTOLEMAIC TEXTS." Egyptian Journal of Archaeological and Restoration Studies 8, no. 2 (December 30, 2018): 155–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/ejars.2018.23513.

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25

bayoumy, tarneem, and Riham Ezz El-din. "Representations of a Goddess Suckling a King in Ancient Egypt." Conference Book of the General Union of Arab Archeologists 15, no. 15 (November 1, 2012): 168–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/cguaa.2012.37343.

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26

Thornhill, Michael T. "Informal Empire, Independent Egypt and the Accession of King Farouk." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 38, no. 2 (May 12, 2010): 279–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086531003743981.

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27

Addinall, Peter. "Exodus III 19B and the Interpretation of Biblical Narrative." Vetus Testamentum 49, no. 3 (1999): 289–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853399774227994.

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AbstractGod tells Moses that the king of Egypt will not let the Hebrews go, not even by a mighty hand. It is, however, a basic theme of the Exodus narrative that the king of Egypt is in fact compelled to let the Hebrews go by the mighty hand of Yahweh. From ancient times to the present commentators and translators have in general either eliminated the contradiction by re-writing the text or adopting a forced interpretation of it. A different but by no means novel approach to the text removes the contradiction and at the same time poses a challenge to much generally accepted analysis of biblical narrative.
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28

Sherkova, T. "Ancient Egypt Focuses on “Cultural Memory”." Bulletin of Science and Practice 6, no. 7 (July 15, 2020): 393–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/56/49.

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The existence of culture is impossible without memory as a supra-individual intellectual and communicative system in synchronous and diachronic dimensions. From semiotics in pre-written (as in unwritten) cultures, all facts, phenomena, events, objects, etc., are natural and cultural texts, as they contain information encrypted in image-symbolic language, which explains the mythological consciousness of the cultures of antiquity. In this context, this article examines the forms of keeping in the collective memory of the basic spiritual values of the culture. The basis of myth-religious ideas was the idea of returning to the origins, of the great-time creation of the world. This sacred time was repeated in rituals, cementing the identity of the population of ancient Egyptian culture through centuries and millennia. The main channels of cultural memory keeping were temples and texts and rituals. The king responsible for the prosperity of society played a key role. The cult of the ruling and deceased king had a cosmogony basis. The notions of the cyclical movement of time, the victory of order over chaos were reflected at all levels and spheres of society. The central model of an orderly world with a dedicated core was a model for social structure, temple buildings, burial complexes of elite necropolises, rites, compositions on ritual objects. Cultural memory kept ancient symbols, placing them in the contexts of subsequent eras, as a reminder of the ancient, eternal foundations of culture.
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29

Zapletniuk, O. "FEATURES OF CHANGES OF AKHENATEN'S TITULARY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 136 (2018): 28–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.136.1.05.

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The article examines the royal titulary of Amenhotep IV (Akhenaten), the Egyptian Pharaoh of the 18th Dynasty, from the 1st to the 12th years of his reign and its reflection of the religious preference of the young king and his role in the new solar cult of Aten. The author illustrates the transformation of the king's official titles during the all stages of his religious reform and points out to the meaning of the new titulary's epithets of Amenhotep IV and queen Nefertiti. The author analyses the reasons of king's rejection of many popular traditional titles of Egyptian pharaoh. Much attention is given to the interpretation and explanation of the meanings of some king's titles, that demonstrated the political and religious course of Amenhotep IV. The author comes to the conclusion that Amenhotep IV carried out the first steps of his future reform during the first two years of his reign. Despite the fact that at the beginning of the reign the king's titulary continued to include traditional titles, Pharaoh used the epithets: "Unique for Ra", "Living in Truth", which emphasized his exceptional role in the cult of the solar disk. Amenhotep IV also rejected the titles that were related to the expansion of the borders of the Egyptian state. Then Amenhotep IV changed his own name in favor of the god Aten, and it was an official announcement of the king's support of the new solar cult of Aten in opposition to the traditional cult of Amun. The transformation of the pharaoh's title usually reflected political and religious reality at every stage of the development of the Egyptian state. The new Amenhotep IV's titulary was aimed to demonstrate the reduction of the role of the king as a historical player in the favor of the king as a historical god.
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30

Lysaght, Tom. "Genesis in King Lear." Journal of Bahá’í Studies 29, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31581/jbs-29.3.5(2019).

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“If we tire of the saints, Shakespeare is our city of refuge.” — Ralph Waldo Emerson A luminary of fi ve religions, Joseph of Egypt looms larger than life. Bahá’u’lláh even likens Himself to “the Divine Joseph” (Gleanings 103:4). However, Joseph’s gradual unveiling as a minor prophet also renders him humanly relatable in ways a Manifestation of God can never be. In the West, Shakespeare and the Bible have each served as paths to knowledge, and their union a way to wisdom. That assertion proves especially true upon comparing Joseph’s odyssey of becoming with Edgar’s in King Lear. Both the prophet and the fictional character, each brother-betrayed, transform unjust adversity into psychological and spiritual growth. They each attain an exemplary sovereignty of self over and above their separate temporal kingships. A comparison of the two aff ords a deeper appreciation of Joseph’s prominent place in scripture, particularly in the Writings of Bahá’u’lláh.
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31

Kemp, Barry. "The First Millennium bc: Temple Enclosure or Urban Citadel?" Cambridge Archaeological Journal 14, no. 2 (October 2004): 271–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774304240161.

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The first millennium bc brought warfare to the interior of Egypt on a significant scale. We have two vivid records, one written and the other pictorial. The former is a first-person narrative of the Napatan (Sudanese) king Piankhy who, having gained control of the south of Egypt, embarked in 730 bc on a methodical subjugation of the rest of the country, then under the rule of several local families. During the seemingly irresistible northward progress of his army Piankhy makes frequent reference to walls with battlements and gates which could be countered with siege towers/battering rams and the erection of earthen ramps, although Piankhy himself preferred the tactic of direct storming. Within the circuit of these walls lay treasuries and granaries and, in the case of the city of Hermopolis in Middle Egypt, the palace of the local king Nemlut together with its stables for horses.
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32

Judd, Margaret, and Joel Irish. "Dying to serve: the mass burials at Kerma." Antiquity 83, no. 321 (September 1, 2009): 709–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00098938.

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High ranking burial mounds in Bronze Age Sudan featured burials in a corridor leading to the central burial – supposedly of a king. Were the ‘corridor people’ prisoners captured during periodic raids on Egypt, or local retainers who followed their king in death? The authors use the skeletal material to argue the second hypothesis – coincidentally that advanced by George Reisner, the original excavator.
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33

Bassir, Hussein. "Neshor at Elephantine in Late Saite Egypt." Journal of Egyptian History 9, no. 1 (June 15, 2016): 66–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18741665-12340027.

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This paper represents a new publication, edition, and interpretation of the self-presentation of Neshor named Psamtikmenkhib (hereafter Neshor) found on theophorous statue Louvre A 90. Neshor and his statue date to Late Saite Egypt, and the text is rich and unique in content. Neshor’s activities at Elephantine, especially his role in the mercenaries’ revolt against King Apries early in the king’s reign are presented in light of Neshor’s related military titles and epithets. Archaeological issues surrounding the statue and text are also discussed.
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34

Ryholt, K. S. B. "Hotepibre, a Supposed Asiatic King in Egypt with Relations to Ebla." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 311 (August 1998): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357421.

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35

Christensen, Duane L. "The Identity of "King So" in Egypt (2 Kings XVII 4)." Vetus Testamentum 39, no. 2 (April 1989): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1519572.

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36

Kwiecinski, Jakub. "The Dawn of Medicine: Ancient Egypt and Athotis, the King-Physician." Perspectives in Biology and Medicine 56, no. 1 (2013): 99–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pbm.2013.0001.

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37

Orekhov, R. A. "KING PEPI’S ROLE IN FORMING MEMPHIS, THE FUTURE CAPITAL OF EGYPT." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 3 (13) (2020): 40–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-3-40-56.

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There is a common point of view in Egyptology that Memphis was a state capital since the earliest times and that its protecting gods were Ptah and his spouse Sekhmet. Arguing this concept, the author tries to find the reason why a pyramid city of Pepi I — Mennefer — became a core of the future capital. The main conclusion is following: Constructing his pyramid complex, Pepi I probably included into it a cult center of Habes where Bastet and Imhotep, a high priest of Ra, were worshiped. Imhotep, a companion of the king Djoser, was known as a priest and charmer who tamed the fiery forces of Sirius associated with Bastet, after which the great drought was over. To commemorate this, New Year celebration and the first sun calendar were established. Imhotep’s tomb became an important cult place, where ceremonies important for surviving of the Egyptian state were conducted. In the second half of the Old Kingdom period the Nile started to flood much less, which led to the decline of agriculture. Thus, the role of the cult center of Habes and Imhotep grew greatly. By including Habes, Pepi protected the dominion of his pyramid city from negative influence of Bastet and decreased flooding. The fact that Mennefer was a successor of the aforementioned cult center determined its capital functions in future.
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38

Creasman, Pearce Paul. "Tree Rings and the Chronology of Ancient Egypt." Radiocarbon 56, no. 4 (2014): S85—S92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/azu_rc.56.18324.

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A fundamental aspect of ancient Egyptian history remains unresolved: chronology. Egyptologists (and researchers in related fields that synchronize their studies with Egypt) currently rely on a variety of insufficiently precise methodologies (king lists, radiocarbon dating, etc.) from which to derive seemingly “absolute” dates. The need for genuine precision has been recognized for a century, as has the potential solution: dendrochronology. This manuscript presents a case for further progress toward the construction of a tree-ring chronology for ancient Egypt.
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Creasman, Pearce Paul. "Tree Rings and the Chronology of Ancient Egypt." Radiocarbon 56, no. 04 (2014): S85—S92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033822200050396.

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A fundamental aspect of ancient Egyptian history remains unresolved: chronology. Egyptologists (and researchers in related fields that synchronize their studies with Egypt) currently rely on a variety of insufficiently precise methodologies (king lists, radiocarbon dating, etc.) from which to derive seemingly “absolute” dates. The need for genuine precision has been recognized for a century, as has the potential solution: dendrochronology. This manuscript presents a case for further progress toward the construction of a tree-ring chronology for ancient Egypt.
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40

Koutoupas, Athanasios. "Religion and Politics under the Ptolemies (300 BCE-215 BCE)." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 39, no. 2 (May 11, 2010): 27–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.v39i2.006.

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The article examines the relation that is developed between the policy and the religion in Hellenistic Egypt during the period of the first four Ptolemies. It presents two levels of promotion of the practice of deification of the king: on the one hand the recognition of divine nature from the descendants of each king when he or she dies and on the other the recognition of divine nature from their subjects and the various civic communities during their life.
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41

Kloska, Maria Monika. "Dziecięca ikonografia księżniczek Okresu Amarneńskiego." Folia Praehistorica Posnaniensia 22 (July 31, 2018): 85–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/fpp.2017.22.05.

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This article explains the characteristic style of princesses representations in Amarna Period art. This high essential aspect (in literally way) shows full of love relations between family members from Akhetaten. Children iconography in ancient Egypt remained rather persistent, however, pictures showing Meritaten, Maketaten, Ankhesenpaaten, Neferneferuaten, Neferneferure and Setepenre stand alone not only by details, but also by scenes in which princesses have been presented. The royal daughters are often shown naked or in robes looking like delicate tied with sash in waist or under bust dress belonging to their mother Nefertiti. Though girls – regardless of age – have always been portrayed with the sidelock of youth. The reliefs representing Amarna princesses and their parents deviate significantly from fixed and formal style of iconography which is characteristic for periods before and after Akhenaten’s reigns. The girls have been shown not only in family scenes enjoying a good time with their parents, but also accompanying the royal couple in scenes of tribute from Nubia and Syria, in the scenes of killing enemies of Egypt and in the heart-touching mourning scenes. The representations of the six daughters of Akhenaten and Nefertiti, besides being the symbol of the spouses’ fertility, also performed an important religious function – the girls together with their parents and the god Aten created the divine Ennead just like the model of the nine gods from Heliopolis. The reliefs showing Amarna family seem to present real feelings and emotions of the royal couple and their children, although it could have a propagandist character.
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42

Cacace, Nicolas. "King Osiris and Lord Sarapis." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 18-19, no. 1 (September 26, 2017): 285–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2016-0015.

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Abstract Osiris and Sarapis find their common origin in the funeral field. The articulation between the two gods has been demonstrated through another osirian form, Osiris-Apis. However, the two gods are not separated from each other following the cultural context of evocation. According to the bilingual funeral documentation of Greco-Roman Egypt, they appear jointly: Osiris can be pictured and listed, Sarapis only called. From these specific sources, it is possible to understand the link between Osiris and Sarapis, in particular through their divine sovereignty. This royal function is particularly linked with the osirian rites of Khoiak, the celebration of the divine burial of Osiris, and the renewal of his sovereign power over the world. Nevertheless, if “King Osiris” and “Lord Sarapis” are jointly present and can reach each other through some common ways, the relationships established between them in Coptos, Abydos and Terenouthis, appear as factors of separation. The living and the dead wished to reach the eternity, following Osiris’ example, or requested the divine justice; but using Egyptian or Greek vocabulary, they could not unite them. Osiris and Sarapis are jointly present, but always separated, because their cultural expressions reveal two dynamics opposed.
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43

Takacs, Gabor. "Note on the name of king Narmer." Linguistica 37, no. 1 (December 1, 1997): 53–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.37.1.53-58.

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The name of Narmer (n'r-mr), king of Upper Egypt in the late predynastic period (ab. 3000 B. C.), has remained a mystery for long millennia. The first component of the name is clearly identical with n'r "Weis (catfish)" (OK, Med., Gr., Wb II 209, 2-6). But the second element -mr has so far been lacking a reliable and convincing etymological explanation on the Egyptian lexical material. In this brief paper we attempt to give a solution for the second component of the name in the Common Afrasian (Semito-Hamitic) lexical material. First, we can also admit that the Egyptian vocabulary does not help too much to clarify -mr, as there is no Egyptian word to fit in the name.
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44

عبد السلام إبراهيم, عبد الواحد. "بسجل الدخول بالمتحف المصري بالقاهرة 43649 ملاحظات على لوحة پا-سر رقم (Observations on Paser Stela no. 43649 in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo)." Abgadiyat 7, no. 1 (2012): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138609-00701007.

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The stela of Paser, which the Cairo Museum possesses (JdE 43649), is one of the most important religious documents ever found in Egypt. It was unearthed in Abydos, but the exact provenance is unknown. The stela is a limestone of very mediocre quality, and measures 54×35 cm. It was purchased in Balliana, the market town of the Abydos region. The inscriptions and representations are somewhat carelessly incised. It is the single document which provides the greatest information on the cult of King Nebhepetre Ahmose I at Abydos. A good photograph is reproduced of G. Legrain “Un miracle d‘Ahmes Ier a Abydos sous le regne de Ramses II.”, in ASAE 16, 1916. It describes a land dispute put before the barque oracle of the deified Nebpehtyre Ahmose I, in the Year fourteen of the King Ramses II of the Nineteenth Dynasty, some two-hundred-and-thirty- five years following the death of Nebpehtyre Ahmose I. The names and titles of the priests and priestesses serving the cult of King Nebpehtyre Ahmose I are found on a variety of objects from Abydos, spanning the period from the early Eighteenth Dynasty into the reign of King Ramses II of the Nineteenth Dynasty. The activity of an oracle cult of the deified King during the Ramesside Period implies that significant transformations to the nature and practice of Ahmose‘s worship had taken place over time at Abydos. Perhaps the oracles are the best illustrations of the interest which the deity was believed to take in human affairs. The oracles also show how the Egyptians almost forced their gods to abandon a passive attitude towards men and to reveal their will, advice or knowledge. This was through the intermediary of the statue of the god which was asked questions, though more than one case is related where the initiative was from the god himself. Strangely enough, the practice of approaching the god and consulting him appears relatively late in Egypt, the first known instances dating from the New Kingdom. It is not necessary to conclude from this, as has sometimes been done, that the practice was originally unknown to Egypt, and was introduced from abroad. On the contrary, consultation with the god is the natural outcome of man‘s reasoning, and the rather original technique which the Egyptians devised for this purpose suggests that oracles in Egypt were of native origin. The first reference to the divine being manifested is probably that made by King Tuthmosis III, who relates how, when he was still a boy, the god Amun, in the course of a procession of his statue round the temple, noticed him and halted. (Please note that this article is in Arabic)
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45

Leprohon, Ronald J., and K. A. Kitchen. "Pharaoh Triumphant: The Life and Times of Ramesses II, King of Egypt." American Historical Review 91, no. 5 (December 1986): 1167. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1864393.

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46

Hungshik Oh. "The origin of the Eleusinian Mysteries: Erechtheus the Athenian king and Egypt." Journal of Classical Studies ll, no. 48 (April 2017): 53–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.20975/jcskor.2017..48.53.

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47

Christensen, Duane L. "The Identity of "King So" in Egypt (2 Kings Xvii 4)1." Vetus Testamentum 39, no. 2 (1989): 140–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853389x00020.

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48

Day, John. "The Problem of "So, King of Egypt" in 2 Kings Xvii 4." Vetus Testamentum 42, no. 3 (1992): 289–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853392x00341.

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49

Sherkova, T. "Iconography and Attributes of Predynastic and Early Dynastic Kings as a Socio-Cultural Phenomenon." Bulletin of Science and Practice, no. 9 (September 15, 2022): 588–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/82/66.

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Established in Hierakonpolis, as well as in other strong politarchies: in Nagada and Abydos of the predynastic time, headed by a leader, vested with sacred and military functions, in a historical perspective, formed the basis of the institution of royal power and the state structure of the Egyptian territorial state. The structuring of the physical space of the historically established local territories corresponded to the centric socio-political structure of society headed by a leader, later a regional king, and in the dynastic era, the king of Egypt. Knowledge of the model of the world, its origin and the place of man in it occupied a central place in the mythology of predynastic Egypt. The ritual was the most important evidence of the role of cosmologic principles in their earthly incarnation. It played a primary role in the mythopoetic model of the world. At the same time, the main figure during the ritual, the holiday was the leader of society as a participant in the cosmological action - the creation of the universe. Hence the belief in the divinity of the sacred king, for he was considered the bearer of order, fighting chaos. Ritual items associated with the cult of the king, found in sanctuaries and royal tombs, provide important information about the iconography, attributes and insignia of power. The image-symbolic language of visual texts allows us to interpret the functions of the supreme power.
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Sherkova, T. "Sacrifice of God in Ancient Egypt: Myth and Ritual." Bulletin of Science and Practice 5, no. 11 (November 15, 2019): 382–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/48/48.

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Mythological beliefs about the first victim are archetypal for ancient cultures. According to ancient Egyptian mythology it is the god Osiris — the first mythical king of Egypt — who became the first victim having been killed by his twin brother Seth. Binary logic of the mythological consciousness based on the beliefs about conflicts and reconciliation of opposites has solved the problem of overcoming death through the sacrifice of Osiris. The image of Osiris based on the cult of ancestors, twin motive and sacrifice of bull. Osiris personified the spirit cosmogony of Ancient Egyptian culture.
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