Relevant bibliographies by topics / Akkadian Names

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Academic literature on the topic 'Akkadian Names'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Akkadian Names"

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Porten, Bezalel, Ran Zadok, and Laurie Pearce. "Akkadian Names in Aramaic Documents from Ancient Egypt." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 375 (May 2016): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5615/bullamerschoorie.375.0001.

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Kurtik, Gennadij, and Alexander Militarev. "Once more on the origin of Semetic and Greek star names: an astromonic-etymological approach updated." Culture and Cosmos 09, no. 01 (June 2005): 3–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0109.0203.

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The contribution is a new version of the paper "From Mesopotamia to Greece: to the Origin of Semitic and Greek Star Names" once written by a Sumerologist (L.Bobrova) and etymologist (A. Militarev), and recently revised, updated and corrected in most part by a historian of the Mesopotamian astronomy (G. Kurtik). The present paper analyzes Sumerian and Akkadian (Babylonian) names of 34 celestial bodies, and their equivalents in other Semitic languages (Arabic, Hebrew, Syrian Aramaic, and Ge`ez, or ancient Ethiopian) and in Greek and Latin. Its main goal is to demonstrate the importance of Sumerian and Babylonian celestial body names as a source of corresponding terms in other cultures, up to the conventional inventory of modern astronomy, and to reveal four strategies by which other cultures drew ideas for name-giving from the treasury of Mesopotamia's lexicon of celestial bodies. Whereas one of these strategies -- echoing, or full translation, of a Sumero-Akkadian term -- is axiomatic, the other three -- shift of meaning or interpretation of a Sumero-Akkadian term; lexical, or "material" borrowing; and, especially, folk etymology, or misinterpretation -- are understudied and practically unnoticed. The authors do not focus on such complicated matters as a historical background of Mesopotamian influence, direct or indirect, on Greek culture; a direction and routes of inter-borrowing between different speaking areas other than Akkadian and their contacts with the Greek world; a chronology of all kinds of cultural contacts and influences; probable connections between the early pre-Islamic Arabic and Babylonian traditions; or the problem of identification of Mesopotamian constellation and stars. However, the data presented may give a certain impulse to further investigation of these matters, while feasible etymologies and relations established between names can even throw some light upon debatable identification cases.
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Soltysiak, Arkadiusz. "Book Review: Sumero-Akkadian Star Names, Zvezdnoe nebo drevnei Mesopotamii: Shumero-Akkadskie nazvaniia sozvezdii i drugikh svetil [The Star Heaven of Ancient Mesopotamia: Sumero-Akkadian Names of Constellations and other Heavenly Bodies]." Journal for the History of Astronomy 40, no. 1 (February 2009): 120–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182860904000110.

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Bamberger, Avigail Manekin. "An Akkadian Demon in the Talmud: Between Šulak and Bar-Širiqa." Journal for the Study of Judaism 44, no. 2 (2013): 282–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340381.

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Abstract This article examines the resemblance between the Talmudic privy demon (“Shed Bet ha-Kise”) and Šulak, a well-known Akkadian demon. There are four considerations that point to identifying the privy demon of the Talmud with the Babylonian demon Šulak: (1) They both dwell in the privy; (2) they both are demons that cause epilepsy, strokes, or sudden falls; (3) they both seem to have the form of a lion; and (4) their names (“Šulak” and “Bar Širiqa”) are very similar. This suggestion is yet another example of the presence of beliefs and opinions from the Ancient Near East that found an echo in the Babylonian Talmud, one that may be added to a number of examples given by M. Geller.
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Ellis, Richard S. "The trouble with “Hairies”." Iraq 57 (1995): 159–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003053.

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Of all figures seen in Mesopotamian art, the naked or kilted human male figure with curls of hair on either side of his face is one of the most familiar. A form of this figure was portrayed already in the Jemdet Nasr period; he became common in Early Dynastic III, and particularly in the Akkadian period, after which he was less popular, though he was revived from time to time, probably until Achaemenid times. Since the early identification with Gilgamesh has been abandoned, he has been referred to by many names: the “six-locked hero”, “wild man”, “naked hero”, or whatever. Long ago Erich Ebeling cited evidence that his Akkadian name was talīmu, the “twin”. F. A. M. Wiggermann, in his article “Exit talim!”, and later in his valuable book Mesopotamian Protective Spirits, has argued that this familiar figure was instead referred to in Akkadian, at least in the first millennium B.C., as laḫmu, the “hairy one”, the “Hairy”. This identification has been accepted by numerous other scholars.Wiggermann presents the following evidence for his identification (listed from the most general to the most specific, rather than in Wiggermann's own order):1. Lexical evidence to show that the root lḫm means “to be hairy”, and that the noun laḫmu means “the hairy one”.2. Various citations of the noun laḫmu that in general are consistent with the identification.3. A very specific association of the term and the image in the Neo-Assyrian texts which prescribe the preparing of figurines to be buried in houses and palaces for protection against evil spirits. This evidence is the same as was used by Ebeling for his identification of the “wild man” as talīmu, which Wiggermann wishes to discredit.
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Pearce, Laurie E., and Paola Corò. "Constructing Identities: Greek names as a marker of Hellenizing identity." Studia Orientalia Electronica 11, no. 2 (May 16, 2023): 72–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.129807.

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Even as Babylonia came under foreign rule, cuneiform documentation continued to record traditional activities. In the transition to the Hellenistic period, it is assumed that Greek practices became more prevalent, although documentary evidence for them remains limited. Cuneiform legal texts documented a narrower range of transactions. In Uruk, these were primarily real estate transactions and prebend sales, which continued to be framed in traditional Babylonian formulaic language. However, in those texts, some actors display personal attributes and/or form networks suggesting they are promoting Hellenizing identities. The attributes include the adoption of Greek names, the use of polyonymous Akkadian-Greek names, and of Hellenistic motifs in the iconography of their seals. These practices appear in the records of three groups of individuals, including members of the elite Ah’ūtu family; the Dumqi-Anu/Arad-Rēš family, which held a share in the atû (porter) prebend; and of the ēpiš dulli ša ṭīdi (clay workers) class. The evidence suggests active construction of a Hellenizing identity is most apparent among members of the ēpiš dulli ša ṭīdi, who belonged to the lowest stratum of the groups considered, while the social networks of members of the Dumqi-Anu/Arad-Rēš family often attest to individuals who bridge communities grounded in Babylonian culture and to those who adopt features of Hellenizing identities.
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Foster, Benjamin R., and Robert A. Di Vito. "Studies in Third Millennium Sumerian and Akkadian Personal Names: The Designation and Conception of the Personal God." Journal of the American Oriental Society 115, no. 3 (July 1995): 537. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606268.

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Segal, Michael. "From Joseph to Daniel: The Literary Development of the Narrative in Daniel 2." Vetus Testamentum 59, no. 1 (2009): 123–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853308x388110.

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AbstractScholars have recognized the composite nature of the narrative in Daniel 2 based upon certain contradictions within the story. Additional evidence will be marshaled to bolster this claim, including variation in the use of divine names according to the evidence of the Old Greek version. Furthermore, I suggest that a more precise division of the source material can be obtained based upon a philological analysis of the expression (v. 14), and its Akkadian cognates. The earlier stratum of the story presents Daniel as a “second” Joseph, and closely parallels both the story of Genesis 41 and the tale in Daniel 5. The secondary section is analyzed in an appendix in an attempt to identify its literary and historical context, with special attention given to the relationship between the description of God in 2:21 and the depiction of Antiochus IV Epiphanes in Daniel 7:24-26.
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Sommerfeld, Walter. "Sumerischer Widerstand gegen semitische Herrschaft Migration, Machtkämpfe und Demographie im 3. Jahrtausend v. Chr." STUDIA ANTIQUA ET ARCHAEOLOGICA 28, no. 1 (2022): 11–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47743/saa-2022-28-1-2.

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This study deals with historical and demographic aspects from the early history of Mesopotamia. 1 The history of the immigration of the Semites in the 3rd millennium B.C. is presented from the oldest evidence to the domination of the Akkadian Empire (ca. 2900-2300). Especially the names of persons and places are informative. The integration into the autochthonous Sumerian society seems to have proceeded largely without conflict. 2 After the Semitic dynasty of Akkade had gained dominance for about 150 years around 2300, there are detailed reports about several large uprisings in Sumer. Their backgrounds are analysed. 3 From the detailed data on the high numbers of victims, the question of the consequences for Sumerian society arises. Various methods of historical demography are presented, the results of research are referred to, conclusions on population density are attempted, and strategies for conflict resolution are discussed.
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Burlingame, Andrew R. "New Evidence for Ugaritic and Hittite Onomastics and Prosopography at the End of the Late Bronze Age." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 110, no. 2 (November 25, 2020): 196–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-2020-0020.

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AbstractIn this article, data appearing in recently published Akkadian letters from the House of ʾUrtēnu (Ugarit) are applied to reach solutions to several Ugaritic onomastic and prosopographic problems. The results allow for clearer etymological evaluation of several personal names and a number of plausible prosopographic identifications, including two that are arguably relevant to Hittite prosopography and chronology. They further contribute to ongoing efforts devoted to exploring the relationship between Ḫatti and Ugarit in the final decades of the Late Bronze Age.This study has been completed during the course of a research fellowship at the Collège de France and has been facilitated by the hospitality of Professor Thomas Römer (Chair, Milieux bibliques, Collège de France) and the library of the Institut du Proche-Orient ancien. The many helpful suggestions from Dennis Pardee, Robert Hawley, Petra Goedegebuure, Theo van den Hout, Ilya Yakubovich, Madadh Richey, and the anonymous reviewers of this article are also gratefully acknowledged here, though I bear sole responsibility for any shortcomings.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Akkadian Names"

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Di, Vito Roberto A. "Studies in third millennium Sumerian and Akkadian personal names : the designation and conception of the personal god /." Roma : Pontificio istituto biblico, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35587004n.

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Books on the topic "Akkadian Names"

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Nashef, Khaled. Rekonstruktion der Reiserouten zur Zeit der altassyrischen Handelsniederlassungen. Wiesbaden: L. Reichert, 1987.

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Simo, Parpola, Radner Karen, Mattila Raija, Schmitt Rüdiger, Zadok Ran, and Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, eds. The prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian empire. [Helsinki]: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1998.

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Zadok, Ran. Geographical names according to new- and late-Babylonian texts. Wiesbaden: L. Reichert, 1985.

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1945-, Foster Benjamin R., ed. Before the muses: An anthology of Akkadian literature. 2nd ed. Bethesda, Md: CDL Press, 1996.

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Sigrist, Marcel. Mesopotamian yearnames: Neo-Sumerian and old Baylonian date formulae. Potomac, Md: Capital Decisions Ltd., 1991.

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Lukashevych, Platon. Drevni͡ai͡a Assirii͡a i drevni͡ai͡a Rusʹ: Deshifrovka prai͡azyka. Moskva: Belye alʹvy, 2009.

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Liverani, Mario. Studies on the annals of Ashurnasirpal II. Roma: Università di Roma "La Sapienza", Dipartimento dipartimento di Scienze storiche, archeologiche e antropologiche dell'Antichità, 1992.

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Marchesi, Gianni. LUMMA in the onomasticon and literature of ancient Mesopotamia. Padova: Sargon, 2006.

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Cioè, Marcello. Le radici semitiche della Sicilia. Siracusa: Edizioni Teotókos, 1996.

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Marcel, Sigrist, ed. Concordance of the Isin-Larsa year names. Berrien Springs, Mich: Andrews University Press, 1986.

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Book chapters on the topic "Akkadian Names"

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"Index of Personal Names and Akkadian Words." In Most Probably: Epistemic Modality in Old Babylonian, 243. Penn State University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/j.ctv1bxgzbh.18.

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Melchert, H. Craig. "Naming Practices in Second- and First-Millennium Western Anatolia." In Personal Names in Ancient Anatolia. British Academy, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197265635.003.0003.

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This chapter provides a systematic survey of naming practices in the Indo-European languages of Western Anatolia in the second and first millennia, showing that essentially all types known from elsewhere in Indogermania are attested: Lallwörter, theophorics, determinative compounds of various kinds, and possessive compounds (bahuvrihis). Only Kurznamen and hypocoristica are surprisingly rare. The extent to which the above types reflect inherited usages is not addressed, but it is argued that the form of some Satznamen strongly suggests that they were initially formed on Hurrian (less probably Akkadian) models and then further adapted and extended. It is more tentatively suggested that the Apollodotos type of compound with past participle as second member, attested only in first-millennium south-eastern Anatolia, is based on Greek models.
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Tavernier, Jan. "Ur and Other Cities in Some Sumerian and Akkadian Personal Names:." In Ur in the Twenty-First Century CE, 485–502. Penn State University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/j.ctv1g80954.36.

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Owens, Jonathan. "Three types of pre- and early Islamic sources." In Arabic and the Case against Linearity in Historical Linguistics, 73–114. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192867513.003.0004.

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Abstract Chapter 4 takes a critical look at the epigraphic and papyrological sources from a linguistic stance. In order to illustrate concretely the evidential nature of these texts, samples of epigraphic (Taymanitic, Safaitic) and papyri texts and Greek orthographic segments are commented upon. Three perspectives are invoked, two of them of a cautionary nature. First the limits of texts shorn of vowels and prosodic features—the epigraphic texts—for reconstruction is discussed. Secondly, the papyri fall into Kaplony’s (2018) “documentary Arabic,” which both preceded and antedated Classical Arabic. These are interpreted as an inheritance of Wansbrough’s (1996) “juridical and cultural koine” attested in the Middle East since Akkadian times. Thirdly, the limits to the contribution ostensibly unambiguous Greek transliterations of Arabic names can make is discussed. This chapter cautions that conclusions derived solely by comparing the oldest written texts without integrating them into the longer and larger development of Arabic cannot be equated with the history of Arabic.
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Deutscher, Guy. "Akkadian." In Syntactic Change in Akkadian, 17–34. Oxford University PressOxford, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198299882.003.0003.

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Abstract Akkadian is the earliest known Semitic language. It was spoken in ancient Mesopotamia, the ‘land between the rivers’ (the Tigris and the Euphrates), an area which roughly corresponds to today’s Iraq. Akkadian is one of the earliest and longest attested languages, with a history spanning more than two thousand years. The first written attestations of Akkadian are from around 2500 BC, and the language was spoken until around 500 BC, when it was displaced by Aramaic. Nevertheless, texts in Akkadian continued to be written even until the time of Christ. The ancient name of the language, Akkadum, derives from the city of Akkad, founded by King Sargon as his capital around 2300 BC. From the second millennium BC, two distinct dialects of Akkadian emerged, Babylonian and Assyrian. Babylonian was spoken in the southern part of Mesopotamia, an area which was dominated by the city of Babylon (Babili). Assyrian was spoken in the northern part of Mesopotamia, which was likewise dominated by the city of Assur (or Assur).
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"3. Akkadian Personal Name Lists." In Elementary Education in Early Second Millennium BCE Babylonia, 103–26. Penn State University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781646021802-016.

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Dalley, Stephanie. "Ishtar-of-Nineveh and her Feasts." In Esther’s Revenge at Susa, 137–62. Oxford University PressOxford, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199216635.003.0007.

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Abstract To what extent the character and actions of Ishtar-of-Nineveh correspond to those of Esther in the Hebrew story, and whether similarities imply a direct connection or are coincidental, require investigation. Biblical Esther is ostensibly a mortal heroine whose name is a Hebrew form of Akkadian Ishtar, the name of the goddess. But the word iˇstar can mean simply ‘goddess’ as a generic term, and can take a plural form, iˇstara¯te, ‘goddesses, ishtars’. So the first task is to find out which of the many Mesopotamian Ishtars she is, and how to distinguish between the different goddesses who bear the same name.
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Podany, Amanda H. "A Conqueror and a Priestess." In Weavers, Scribes, and Kings, 143—C6.F5. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190059040.003.0006.

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Abstract The seal impression of a scribe named Kitushdu introduces the Akkadian period (c. 2300–2200 bce), during which he lived. Kitushdu worked for the priestess Enheduana, who was the daughter of Sargon of Akkad, the first king to unify Mesopotamia. Sargon was later the hero of legends, but few records survive from his reign. Sargon may have been inspired by Lugalzagesi, king of Umma and Uruk, who preceded him and who had conquered a number of Sumerian city-states. Sargon in turn conquered Lugalzagesi and took over his realm, and seems to have campaigned from the Persian Gulf to the Mediterranean. He also promoted trade with lands as far away as the Indus Valley, and had scribes use the Semitic language of Akkadian for administration, in place of Sumerian. His daughter Enheduana was chosen, through omens, to be the high en-priestess of the moon god in the city of Ur. She was not only responsible for performing rituals and offerings in the temple, she also wrote hymns and poetry, which were preserved by later scribes who copied them in school. (The same is true of Sargon’s inscriptions, which are known only from scribal copies.) When Sargon’s grandson, Naram-Sin, became king, a widespread rebellion caused Enheduana to be expelled from her position, inspiring her to write her best-known hymn, appealing for help to the goddess Inana. When Naram-Sin defeated the rebellion, he restored Enheduana to her role, and also deified himself, even portraying himself wearing a horned helmet normally reserved for the gods.
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Steinkeller, Piotr. "The Sargonic and Ur III Empires." In The Oxford World History of Empire, 43–72. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197532768.003.0002.

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This chapter surveys the history of arguably the two earliest empires on record, both of which originated in Mesopotamia (ancient Iraq). The first of them was founded, ca. 2350 BCE, by Sargon of Akkade, reaching the apex of its power under Sargon’s grandson Naram-Suen. The Akkadian rulers conquered an area extending from eastern Iran to Anatolia, a feat that was not to be replicated until the times of the Neo-Assyrian Empire in the first millennium BCE. However, the Sargonic Empire, which lasted roughly 150 years, never developed an articulated system of imperial control over the conquered territories, its basic raison-d’être rather being the control and exploitation of trade routes. After a passage of roughly one century, another imperial experiment was undertaken, ca. 2050 BCE, by a king of Ur named Šulgi. The empire of Ur had clearly been inspired by the Sargonic example, as it was motivated by similar economic and ideological objectives. While the extent of Ur’s territorial expansion was much more limited, Šulgi and his successors were able to create an exquisitely designed mini-empire, whose operations were guided by a characteristically self-limiting (and largely defensive) strategy, and which was much more internally cohesive and better organized than Sargon’s creation. In spite of its seeming perfection, this—equally brief—imperial experiment also failed, even more resoundingly than the Sargonic one. The causes of the collapse of the two empires are considered in detail.
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