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Journal articles on the topic 'Akkadian'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 26 July 2025

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1

Stubičar, Robert. "Prikaz drugih i drukčijih u akadskoj književnoj tradiciji, iz perspektive Emmanuela Levinasa / Portrait of the different and the others in Akkadian literary tradition, from the perspective of Emmanuel Levinas." Journal of BATHINVS Association ACTA ILLYRICA / Godišnjak Udruženja BATHINVS ACTA ILLYRICA Online ISSN 2744-1318, no. 7 (December 28, 2023): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.54524/2490-3930.2023.35.

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In the paper Portrait of the different and the others in Akkadian literary tradition, from the perspective of Emmanuel Levinas, the author will, with the help of literary and historical sources from the Akkadian literary tradition, investigate the existence of the different and the others in Akkadian scripture and in their society. The concept of otherness, within Akkadian society, will be linked to the characters of literary works, their sexual orientation, gender, race, disability, ethnic and national affiliation. Furthermore, due to the fact that this topic is socially determined, it is nec

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2

Westenholz, Joan Goodnick. "The Old Akkadian presence in Nineveh: Fact or fiction." Iraq 66 (2004): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002108890000156x.

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The goal of this article is to investigate the enigma of the Old Akkadian presence at Nineveh. After reviewing the written and archaeological evidence for such a presence, the lack of evidence at Nineveh will be compared with the comparatively richer testimony of the Old Akkadian occupation at Assur. The thesis of this paper is that Šamši-Adad's claim that Maništušu was the original builder of the temple of Ištar of Nineveh should be regarded as suspect in the absence of any other data to back up his claim. I would like to make it clear that I am not insisting that Nineveh was a desolate site

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3

K., S. A., and Richard Caplice. "Introduction to Akkadian." Journal of the American Oriental Society 111, no. 1 (1991): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603803.

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4

Stolbova, Olga V. "AKKADIAN-CHADIC COGNATES." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 4 (22) (2022): 63–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2022-4-063-067.

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5

Gibson, McGuire, and Augusta McMahon. "Investigation of the Early Dynastic-Akkadian transition: Report of the 18th and 19th seasons of excavation in Area WF, Nippur." Iraq 57 (1995): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900002965.

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The Akkadian Period has not received the archaeological attention it deserves, despite its great historical and artistic importance. Excavated remains from the period have been more extensively reported from Syria, at such sites as Tell Brak, than from the core area of southern Iraq. The artifactual assemblage is still ill-defined, in part due to delays in the final publication of crucial excavations, including our own work at Umm al-Hafriyat and Tepe al-Atiqeh. A full assessment of the Akkadian Period also has been hindered to a significant degree, however, by errors in the dating of strata a

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6

Gai, Amikam. "The Relationship between the relative clauses of Akkadian and Old Akkadian." Revue d'assyriologie et d'archéologie orientale 96, no. 2 (2002): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/assy.096.0103.

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7

Al- Juboori, Assist Lecture: Raghad Jamal Mohammed. "The evolution of political life In Mesopotamia from the period of dawn dynasties, the end of the state of Ur III (2006-2900q.m)." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 222, no. 1 (2018): 337–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v222i1.382.

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I wrote in this research brief on the system of governance How evolved, but can not give an exact time period in which originated the first asset of the governance systems and forms of the lack of archaeological sources, then About the Period of dawn the dynasties and how it originated dynasties in each statelet city and the separation of religious authority from power mundane, enables Alkotyon of the occupation of the country in the period of Akkadian after they quoted the arts of war and weapons of the Akkadians, Vdilaan case of cultural stagnation during the reign of Alkotien in the period

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8

Goldstein, Ronnie. "A Suggestion Regarding the Meaning of 2 Kings 17:9 and the Composition of 2 Kings 17:7-23." Vetus Testamentum 63, no. 3 (2013): 393–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685330-12341118.

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Abstract This article adduces Akkadian idioms to explain three formulations in 2 Kgs 17:9-11 which differ from the standard Deuteronomistic phraseology employed in 2 Kgs 17:7-23. The awkward Hebrew phrase ויחפאו. . . דברים is interpreted as a loan from Akkadian hepû + dibbu = “to break an agreement”, the following expression דברים אשר לא כן compared with the Akkadian dibbu ša lā kinnu = “disloyal talk”, and the ending of v. 11 understood in the light of an Akkadian idiom. On this analysis, vv. 9-11 appear to be composed of two strata, the original core—composed during the Neo-Assyrian period—a

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9

Cohen, Eran, and Guy Deutscher. "Sentential Complementation in Akkadian." Journal of the American Oriental Society 122, no. 4 (2002): 803. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3217619.

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10

Streck, Michael P. "Etymological Dictionary of Akkadian." arbeitstitel | Forum für Leipziger Promovierende 5, no. 1 (2013): 47–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.36258/aflp.v5i1.3260.

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Das keilschriftlich notierte Akkadische (Babylonisch-Assyrisch) ist die älteste überlieferte semitische Sprache und zugleich nach Dauer und Umfang der Dokumentation auch die bedeutendste altorientalische Sprache und eine der am besten belegten Sprachen der Antike. Als sprachhistorisches Reservoir ist das Akkadische bislang noch nicht umfassend erforscht und analysiert worden. Diese Aufgabe soll das Projekt erfüllen, wobei zahlreiche Erkenntnisse sprach- und kulturgeschichtlicher Art zu erwarten sind.

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11

Marcus, David, and John Huehnergard. "The Akkadian of Ugarit." Journal of Biblical Literature 109, no. 4 (1990): 695. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3267374.

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12

Rubio, Gonzalo, and John Huehnergard. "A Grammar of Akkadian." Language 74, no. 4 (1998): 877. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/417033.

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13

Al-Rawi, F. N. H., and J. A. Black. "A Rediscovered Akkadian City." Iraq 55 (1993): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4200373.

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14

Bozanic, Nick. "Translations from the Akkadian." Manoa 15, no. 1 (2003): 168–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/man.2003.0068.

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15

Piccin, Michela. "Verba Dicendi in Akkadian." DABIR 9, no. 1 (2022): 47–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497833-00901006.

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Verba dicendi are among the most widespread lexemes in Indo-European cultures, reflecting the oral matrix of the milieu. Until now, it is not clear if the ancient Near Eastern cultures also had a predilection for these lexemes. To understand the importance and function of verba dicendi, they have to be studied in a wide range of texts of different types and from different periods. The focus of this analysis is to monitor the diachrony and synchrony of lexical and semantic nuances, as well as syntactic variations, along with quantitative analyses. The article is intended as a precursor to a mor

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16

Matthews, Donald. "The Early Dynastic-Akkadian transition, Part 1. When did the Akkadian period begin?" Iraq 59 (1997): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003314.

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We may want to recognise an “Akkadian period” in archaeology for two reasons. A sequence of periods is used as a system of chronological reference, and the Akkadian period conventionally represents the time from 2334–2154 BC (Walker 1995, 234). Periods are also used to define fields of analysis in which studies of social structure or other synchronic investigations may be conducted. The Akkadian period is known as the “first empire” which saw major political and administrative innovations. In archaeology periods have to be defined from the changes in artefact types, so a concordance is needed

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17

Kudrinski, Maksim. "Hittite heterographic writings and their interpretation." Indogermanische Forschungen 121, no. 1 (2016): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2016-0009.

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Abstract All attested texts in the Hittite language along with the phonetic writings of Hittite lexemes make broad use of Sumerian and Akkadian morphemes, words and word combinations conveying the meaning of corresponding Hittite elements. This article questions the common assumption that all foreign elements were read and dictated in proper Hittite and presents evidence suggesting that in some cases word combinations underlying Sumerian and Akkadian writings cannot be interpreted as grammatical Hittite strings because of their different syntactic properties. The phenomena discussed in the art

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18

Christopher Frechette, S. J. "The Ritual-Prayer Nisaba 1 and Its Function." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 11, no. 1 (2011): 70–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921211x579588.

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The Mesopotamian ritual-prayer Nisaba 1, a monolingual text in Akkadian addressed to the goddess of grain, blends the functionality of two genres: Akkadian Šuillas and Kultmittelbeschwörungen. Like Kultmittelbeschwörungen, it is addressed to a material (here, the flour identified with Nisaba) in order to activate it for ritual use. As do other Akkadian Šuilla-prayers, it serves to gain a favorable reception from an influential deity whose powerful intercession it requests for reconciling the speaker with his or her personal god and goddess. The royal ritual bīt salā’ mê provides important cont

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19

Gibson, McGuire, and Augusta McMahon. "The Early Dynastic-Akkadian transition, Part 2. The authors' response." Iraq 59 (1997): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003326.

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Dr Matthews was kind enough to show us a draft of the preceding article before publication so that we could reply, for which we thank him. Our original article was intended as a review of the problem of the Early Dynastic to Akkadian transition and as a quick general overview of the WF excavation at Nippur, rather than the final statement on either. The point of the article was not to define the Akkadian Period but to make steps towards the identification of an assemblage of material culture (pottery, tablets, objects, and seals) found in levels which are dated to the historical Akkadian Perio

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20

Deutscher, Guy. "The rise and fall of a rogue relative construction." Studies in Language 25, no. 3 (2001): 405–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/sl.25.3.02deu.

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In the earliest attested stage of the Akkadian language, relative clauses were introduced by a pronoun which agreed in case with the head noun in the main clause, rather than with the relativized NP in the relative clause. Such a system is extremely rare across languages, is demonstrably dysfunctional, and has been termed ‘inherently disfavoured’. This article attempts to explain how Akkadian acquired this rogue relative construction, and how the language then managed to get rid of it. I argue that this construction was only an unstable way-station in the emergence of a new relative clause in

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21

Matthews, Donald. "The Early Dynastic-Akkadian Transition Part I: When Did the Akkadian Period Begin?" Iraq 59 (1997): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4200433.

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22

Azize, Joseph, та Ian Craigie. "Putative Akkadian Origins for the Greek Words Κίναιδος and Πυγή". Antichthon 36 (листопад 2002): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001337.

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The purpose of this note is to suggest Semitic, specifically Akkadian, etymologies for two Greek nouns, and thus for words derived from these. The first noun in question is κίναιδος, for a person participating in certain male homosexual acts. The authors suggest that this word is ultimately derived from the Akkadian noun ‘qinnatu’, meaning anus, or more generally, the rear. This noun was productive in Greek, and also passed into Latin as ‘cinaedus’.The second Greek noun for which we suggest an etymology is πυγή denoting buttocks. Our hypothesis is that this word is derived from the Akkadian ‘p

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23

Geller, M. J. "Babylonian Physiognomic Omens in Cryptic Hebrew Orthography." Aestimatio: Sources and Studies in the History of Science 4 (June 12, 2024): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/aestimatio.v4.42936.

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A unique text of physiognomic omens in Hebrew from the Dead Sea Scrolls (4Q186) is remarkable in that it mimics the similar Akkadian omens upon which it is based, in that it is written in a left-to-right format beginning with the column on the left. The Qumran text also avoids final letters and includes some words in Paleo-Hebrew script and Greek letters, all pointing to its Vorlage being an exemplar of Graeco-Babyloniaca (an Akkadian text in Greek transliteration), employed in order to make technical Akkadian more widely accessible. How to cite: Geller, M. J. Babylonian Physiognomic Omens in

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24

TAKAI, Keisuke. "Akkadian “Petitionary Letters to God”." Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 47, no. 2 (2004): 64–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.47.2_64.

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25

Reiner, Erica, Jeremy Black, Andrew George, and Nicholas Postgate. "A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian." Journal of the American Oriental Society 123, no. 2 (2003): 391. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3217695.

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26

Greengus, Samuel. "The Akkadian Calendar at Sippar." Journal of the American Oriental Society 107, no. 2 (1987): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/602830.

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27

Hurowitz, Victor Avigdor, and Paul V. Mankowski. "Akkadian Loanwords in Biblical Hebrew." Journal of the American Oriental Society 122, no. 1 (2002): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3087687.

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28

Abdulwahed, Hassanein. "Emphasis in the Akkadian Language." Athar Alrafedain 3, no. 1 (2018): 134–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33899/athar.1970.164553.

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29

Aljuboori, Salim. "Hamzah in the Akkadian language." Athar Alrafedain 3, no. 1 (2018): 50–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.33899/athar.1970.164549.

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30

DEPUYDT, L. "On an Egyptianism in Akkadian." Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica 27 (April 1, 1996): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/olp.27.0.583535.

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31

Oates, David, and Joan Oates. "Akkadian Buildings at Tell Brak." Iraq 51 (1989): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4200303.

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32

West, M. L. "Akkadian Poetry: Metre and Performance." Iraq 59 (1997): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4200442.

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33

Millard, A. "A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian." Journal of Semitic Studies 49, no. 1 (2004): 131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/49.1.131.

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34

Kutscher, Raphael. "Akkadian śadādum / šadādum = ‘To Camp’." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie 76, no. 1 (1986): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zava.1986.76.1.1.

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35

Wilkinson, T. "Akkadian Empire Where to Look?" Science 279, no. 5355 (1998): 1283c—1283. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.279.5355.1283c.

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36

Huehnergard, John. "On Verbless Clauses in Akkadian." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 76, no. 2 (1986): 218–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-1986-760229.

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37

Kutscher, Raphael. "Akkadian sadädum / Sadädum = 'To Camp'." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 76, no. 2 (1986): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-1986-760202.

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38

Schumann, Andrew. "On the Babylonian Origin of Symbolic Logic." Studia Humana 6, no. 2 (2017): 126–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sh-2017-0016.

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Abstract The logical reasoning first appeared within the Babylonian legal tradition established by the Sumerians in the law codes which were first over the world: Ur-Nammu (ca. 2047 – 2030 B.C.); Lipit-Ishtar (ca. 1900 – 1850 B.C.), and later by their successors, the Akkadians: Hammurabi (1728 – 1686 B.C.). In these codes the casuistic law formulation began first to be used: “If/when (Akkadian: šumma) this or that occurs, this or that must be done” allowed the Akkadians to build up a theory of logical connectives: “... or…”, “… and…”, “if…, then…”, “not…” that must have been applied in their j

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39

Andrason, Alexander, and Juan-Pablo Vita. "Contact Languages of the Ancient Near East – Three more Case Studies (Ugaritic-Hurrian, Hurro-Akkadian and Canaano-Akkadian)." Journal of Language Contact 9, no. 2 (2016): 293–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552629-00902004.

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This article describes and analyzes three situations of linguistic contact in the Ancient Near East, taking as its staring point three theoretical studies on contact languages which have been developed recently: the framework of mixed languages (Bakker and Matras, 2013; Meakins, 2013), the theory of written language contact (Johanson, 2013) and the approach to contact among genetically related languages (Epps, Huehnergard and Pat-El, 2013a). The authors argue that the contact systems selected for this article (Ugaritic-Hurrian, Hurro-Akkadian and Canaano-Akkadian), although distinct from the g

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40

Baranowski, Krzysztof J. "New Light on Peripheral Akkadian from Qaṭna: Texts between Language and Writing System". Altorientalische Forschungen 45, № 1 (2018): 22–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2018-0002.

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AbstractThe linguistic status of Peripheral Akkadian is a complex question. The texts from Qaṭna help to elucidate it. The texts, which underlie these documents, were uttered in Hurrian, while Sumerian, Akkadian and Hurrian constituted complementary writing platforms to record it. Seen in this light, the question of defining the language of these texts is malapropos. Instead, it is necessary to differentiate the status of individual languages. Such an inquiry is historically feasible by adopting second language acquisition as a theoretical framework.

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41

Butts, Aaron Michael. "The Aramaic Šap̄ˁel in Its Semitic Context". Aramaic Studies 16, № 2 (2018): 117–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-01602005.

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Abstract In Aramaic, the productive causative (= C) stem can be reconstructed as *hapˁil- (suffix-conjugation) ~ *yVhapˁil- (prefix-conjugation) with *h as the causative morpheme. There are, however, also traces in Aramaic of what seems to be a non-productive C-stem in which the causative morpheme is š (< Proto-Semitic *s1). This šap̄ˁel, as it is called, was traditionally thought to result from contact with Akkadian, which has a productive C-stem with a causative morpheme š (< *s1), i.e., šaprus (stative) ~ ušapris (preterite). Nevertheless, Rabin convincingly argued, against the tradit

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42

Blažek, Václav, and Gábor Takács. "Semitic Names of Reptilia in Their Afro-Asiatic Setting: New Etyma for ‘Snake’ and ‘Lizard’." Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 77, no. 4 (2025): 673–718. https://doi.org/10.1556/062.2024.00488.

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The present etymological study brings arguments for additionally reconstructing two new zoonyms in Proto-Semitic, (1) *ṣar«- ‘a kind of (poisonous?) snake’, which is attested in two of the most archaic Semitic languages, Akkadian and Eblaite, and perhaps in one representative of the Modern South Arabian languages, Soqotri, and one of Ethio-Semitic, Endegeň, plus indirect traces in Hebrew and Geez; (2) *ṣawr- or *ṣur-/*ṣar- ‘lizard’, attested only in Akkadian and Eblaite, but with promising external cognates within Afroasiatic, namely East Cushitic, Chadic, and maybe Egyptian.

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43

Kaczyńska, Elwira. "Greckie wyrazy βόρατον, βράθυ, βουρί jako przykłady zapożyczenia wielokrotnego". Symbolae Philologorum Posnaniensium Graecae et Latinae 33, № 1 (2023): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/sppgl.2023.xxxiii.1.13.

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The paper discusses three Ancient Greek appellatives βόρατον, βράθυ, βουρί denoting conifers from the Cupressaceae family and demonstrates a common Semitic origin of these dendronyms. They should be treated as examples of multiple borrowing, the ultimate source of which was the uniform Proto-Semitic archetype *burāṯ- ‘juniper, Juniperus L.’. It should be assumed that the ancient Greeks borrowed two synonymous terms βόρατον n. ‘stinking juniper, Juniperus foetidissima Willd.; savin juniper, Juniperus sabina L.’ and βράθυ n. ‘id.’ from two different Aramaic sources. On the other hand, the Pamphy

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44

IKEDA, Jun. "Some Linguistic Features of Emar Akkadian." Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 38, no. 1 (1995): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.38.1.

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45

Edzard, Dietz Otto, and Edward I. Greenstein. "The Phonology of Akkadian Syllable Structure." Journal of the American Oriental Society 106, no. 2 (1986): 359. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/601614.

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46

Faber, Alice. "Akkadian Evidence for Proto-Semitic Affricates." Journal of Cuneiform Studies 37, no. 1 (1985): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1359962.

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47

Robson, Eleanor. "Key to a Grammar of Akkadian." Journal of Jewish Studies 49, no. 1 (1998): 131–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2065/jjs-1998.

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48

Huehnergard, John, and Daniel Sivan. "Northwest Semitic Vocabulary in Akkadian Texts." Journal of the American Oriental Society 107, no. 4 (1987): 713. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603309.

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49

Giusfredi, Federico. "The Akkadian Medical Text KUB 37.1." Altorientalische Forschungen 39, no. 1 (2012): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/aofo.2012.0003.

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50

Stol, Marten. "Blindness and Night-Blindness in Akkadian." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 45, no. 4 (1986): 295–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373197.

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