Journal articles on the topic 'Al-Maqdisi Book'

This article discusses the law on the utilization of animal carcass skins after going through the tanning process. The main issues to be analyzed are: the views of Ibn Qudamah Al-Maqdisi and Imam Asy Syaukani regarding the law of purifying carcass skins by tanning; the similarities and differences of opinions regarding purifying carcass skins by tanning according to Ibn Qudamah Al-Maqdisi and Imam Asy-Syaukani. The purpose of this study is to find out the views of Ibn Qudamah Al-Maqdisi and Imam Asy Syaukani and the similarities and differences regarding the law of purifying animal carcasses by tanning them. This research uses the type of research Library Research, with qualitative research methods. In data collection techniques, the author uses secondary data, namely the book Al-Mughni Volume 1 by Ibnu Qudamah Al-Maqdisi and the book Nailul Authar Volume 1 by Imam Asy-Syaukani then these data will be compared descriptively comparatively. After going through a comparative analysis process, that the views of Ibn Qudamah Al-Maqdisi and Imam Asy-Syaukani have different views regarding the purity of animal carcass skins after being tanned, according to Ibn Qudamah Al-Maqdisi, animal carcass skins both after and before being tanned cannot become holy so they cannot be the skin is used, while Imam Asy-Syaukani believes that after going through the tanning process, the carcass skin can become holy and its uses can be utilized.

<em>The human race throughout time still declares its need for clothing. Being a need to protect from the fluctuations of nature in the heat and cold, and to cover his nakedness. It is no secret to anyone the simplicity of human clothes in the beginning, and then man became elevated, so his need for clothes differed in their quality and shapes. And human beings gradually used clothing, starting with animal skins and dressing them as clothes for them. Then civilization and the civil development of man imposed, and the textile industry developed, He weaved what he needed of clothing, in a variety and different way, until it became a dress, not only as a need to prevent the vagaries of nature, but that the clothes were taken to show adornment and make-up and gain the respect of others, rather the clothes were taken to show the position of the one who wears them, as we will see in this study. </em> <em>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; It must be mentioned that our historian Al-Maqdisi, may God have mercy on him, like other historians and Arab travelers, does not detail an accurate description of the types of clothing, In order to be able to form clear images of it when writing about it, especially since many of these clothes are no longer used in the modern era.</em>

Al-Wāfî bimā fî Shahîhain li al-Imāmaini al-Bukhārî wa Muslim by Salih bin Ahmad al-Syāmî is a secondary-contemporary hadith book that is important to study. This book is unique compared to other similar books such as 'Umdah al-Ahkām by al-Maqdisi and al-Lu'lu' wa al-Marjān by Fuad Abdul Baqi. In this article, the issues studied in al-Wāfî are their position and significance, the systematization of the arrangement of hadiths and their books, as well as the method of selecting hadiths and summarizing their books. This problem is examined by comparative-confirmative analysis and analysis of its significance-relevance in the present context. The results of the study show that the book of al-Wāfî: (1) has a very important position because the theme is relatively complete, the hadiths are concise and representative, and the presentation of the book is easy, even though the themes and hadiths are limited; (2) the hadiths are arranged thematically, with a special systematic, detailed and easily accessible. However, for the current context, many new themes do not yet exist; and (3) the method of selecting the hadiths by standard is taking the most complete and representative hadiths, even though the implementation is sometimes inconsistent.

Imam Ahmad weakened numerous hadiths mentioned by al-Khallal in his book, which Ibn Qudamah al-Maqdisi utilized in his work "Al-Muntakhab min al-Illal." In our research, we have employed an inductive and analytical approach. One of the reasons for Imam Ahmad's weakening of certain hadiths is related to their chain of transmission. Specifically, we will thoroughly examine five hadiths in this study and elucidate their rulings. It is important to note that Imam Ahmad did not explicitly state his predominant opinion regarding the rulings of some of these five hadiths, whether they are mawquf (narrations attributed to a companion) or mursal (unsupported narrations). Furthermore, scholars hold different opinions concerning these five hadiths, and some have considered them to be lifted based on subsequent investigations and evidence.

This research aims to uncover the names of thinkers who encourage the renewal of Balaghah (Arabic Islamic Rethoric), as well as to find the pioneer of the renewal of Balaghah in modern era. This research is a descriptive qualitative research. The author takes data from Munir Muhammad Kholil Nida's dissertation (1980), and other references related to the title of the discussion. Among the results of this study, it is known that Munir mentioned important names who are considered the pioneers of Balaghah reform in modern times, including: Ahmad Badawi, Mustafa Amin and Ali Jarim, Abdul Aziz Basyari, Anis Al-Maqdisi, Ali Al-Umari, Abdu Ar-Razaq Muhyiddin, Amin Al-Khuli, and Ahmad As-Syaib. And the most important pioneers of reform among them were Amin Al-Khuli and Ahmad As-Syaib. Because both of them made a special book on the principles of their renewal ideas. And Amin Al-Khuli is considered superior to Ahmad As-Syaib with a logical division of titles, and the ability to provide satisfactory explanations in the selection of titles in the new Balaghah concept.

With the facilitation of God، I was guided to an unverified grammatical manuscript from the Al-Azhar Library in Egypt in three copies and the fourth from the State Library in Germany. It is a huge book called “Lifting the veil on the rules of rap،” replete with several aspects of Arabic , in which I found hadith، grammar، and grammar. Language، literature، and even history. This manuscript is one of the explanations for the book (The Expression of the rules of parsing)، Hisham al-Ansari (d. 761 AH)، in which its author presented the types of speech and its syntax briefly without making that at the expense of clarification. The research included two parts، the first: the biography of Sheikh Burhan Al-Din Ibrahim bin Abi Sharif Al-Maqdisi، a brief overview of him، and the second section was concerned with the investigation of paintings that included the topic of the chapter on explaining sentences that have parsing and their provisions، with a general linguistic and analytical approach in meaning، parsing، and citing all kinds of sentences.

البحث هو دراسة تاريخية اقتصادية تحليليه للنصوص الواردة في كتاب احسن التقاسيم للمقدسي البشاري والتي اجمل فيها الموارد المالية والاقتصادية للمدينة الاسلامية وجمعها تحت مسمى( جمل شؤون الاقليم) وهي موضوع الدراسة ,الهدف من الدراسة تكوين رؤية واضحة المعالم حول النظام الاقتصادي الاسلامي في العصور الوسطى وقد حددت هذه الدراسة حدود اقتصاد المدينة الاسلامية من صادرات وضرائب وانواع النقود المتداولة آنذاك, وقد دونها الرحالة المقدسي بشكل تحصيلي وهي نتاج المشاهدة والترحال انفرد بها عن باقي الرحالة والبلدانيين العرب منهم والمسلمين. جمل شؤون الاقليم هي عبارة عن نصوص اقتصادية مهمة من القرن الرابع الهجري حملت في جوهرها الحركة العملية الانتاجية لراس المال المادي والمعنوي في ضوء ما جمعه المقدسي وعرضه بأسلوب تجميعي اراد منه الايجاز والتدقيق واحصائية النشاط الاقتصادي وفق معادلة لا يزاد فيها ولا ينقص . فقد تنبه المقدسي الى اهمية العامل الاقتصادي في حياة المدينة العربية والاسلامية ذلك ان اقتصاديات المدن تعبر عن مميزات ذلك العصر من النواحي الاجتماعية والفكرية وانعكاس الواقع الاقتصادي عليها. ان جمل شؤون الاقليم هي رؤية شخصية لرحالة جاب انحاء الدولة العربية والاسلامية مدونا ما شاهده وما سمعه وما قراءة لمجمل العملية الاقتصادية لكل اقليم زاره وهي مهمة من الناحية التاريخية كذلك وقد تتبعت مصادر تدوينها ومنهجية المقدسي في ذلك.

The global spread of Salafism, though it began in the 1960s and 1970s, only started to attract significant attention from scholars and analysts outside of Islamic studies as well as journalists, politicians, and the general public following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks perpetrated by Al-Qaeda Central. After the attacks, Salafism—or, as it was pejoratively labeled by its critics inside and outside of the Islamic tradition, “Wahhabism”—was accused of being the ideological basis of all expressions of Sunni militancy from North America and Europe to West and East Africa, the Arab world, and into Asia. According to this narrative, Usama bin Laden, Ayman al-Za- wahiri, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, and other Sunni jihadis were merely putting into action the commands of medieval ‘ulama such as Ibn Taymiyya, the eighteenth century Najdi Hanbali Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, and modern revolutionary ideologues like Sayyid Qutb and ‘Abdullah ‘Azzam. To eradicate terrorism, you must eliminate or neuter Salafism, say its critics. The reality, of course, is far more complex than this simplistic nar- rative purports. Salafism, though its adherents share the same core set of creedal beliefs and methodological approaches toward the interpretation of the Qur’an and hadith and Sunni legal canon, comes in many forms, from the scholastic and hierarchical Salafism of the ‘ulama in Saudi Arabia and other Muslim majority countries to the decentralized, self-described Salafi groups in Europe and North America who cluster around a single char- ismatic preacher who often has limited formal religious education. What unifies these different expressions of Salafism is a core canon of religious and legal texts and set of scholars who are widely respected and referenced in Salafi circles. Thurston grounds his fieldwork and text-based analysis of Salafism in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country and home to one of the world’s largest single Muslim national populations, through the lens of this canon, which he defines as a “communally negotiated set of texts that is governed by rules of interpretation and appropriation” (1). He argues fur- ther that in the history of Nigerian Salafism, one can trace the major stages that the global Salafi movement has navigated as it spread from the Arab Middle East to what are erroneously often seen as “peripheral” areas of the Islamic world, Africa and parts of Asia. The book is based on extensive fieldwork in Nigeria including interviews with key Nigerian Salafi scholars and other leading figures as well as a wide range of textual primary sourc- es including British and Nigerian archival documents, international and national news media reports, leaked US embassy cables, and a significant number of religious lectures and sermons and writings by Nigerian Salafis in Arabic and Hausa. In Chapter One, Thurston argues that the Salafi canon gives individ- ual and groups of Salafis a sense of identity and membership in a unique and, to them, superior religious community that is linked closely to their understanding and reading of sacred history and the revered figures of the Prophet Muhammad and the Ṣaḥāba. Salafism as an intellectual current, theology, and methodological approach is transmitted through this can- on which serves not only as a vehicle for proselytization but also a rule- book through which the boundaries of what is and is not “Salafism” are determined by its adherents and leading authorities. The book’s analytical framework and approach toward understanding Salafism, which rests on seeing it as a textual tradition, runs counter to the popular but problematic tendency in much of the existing discussion and even scholarly literature on Salafism that defines it as a literalist, one-dimensional, and puritani- cal creed with a singular focus on the Qur’an and hadith canon. Salafis, Thurston argues, do not simply derive religious and legal rulings in linear fashion from the Qur’an and Prophetic Sunna but rather engage in a co- herent and uniform process of aligning today’s Salafi community with a set of normative practices and beliefs laid out by key Salafi scholars from the recent past. Thurston divides the emergence of a distinct “Salafi” current within Sunnis into two phases. The first stretches from 1880 to 1950, as Sun- ni scholars from around the Muslim-majority world whose approaches shared a common hadith-centered methodology came into closer contact. The second is from the 1960s through the present, as key Salafi institutions (such as the Islamic University of Medina and other Saudi Salafi bodies) were founded and began attracting and (perhaps most importantly) fund- ing and sponsoring Sunni students from countries such as Nigeria to come study in Saudi Arabia, where they were deeply embedded in the Salafi tra- dition before returning to their home countries where, in turn, they spread Salafism among local Muslims. Nigeria’s Muslim-majority north, as with other regions such as Yemen’s northern Sa‘ada governorate, proved to be a fertile ground for Salafism in large part because it enabled local Muslims from more humble social backgrounds to challenge the longtime domi- nance of hereditary ruling families and the established religious class. In northern Nigeria the latter was and continues to be dominated by Sufi or- ders and their shaykhs whose long-running claim to communal leadership faced new and substantive theological and resource challenges following the return of Nigerian seminary students from Saudi Arabia’s Salafi scho- lastic institutions in the 1990s and early 2000s. In Chapters Two and Three, Thurston traces the history of Nigerian and other African students in Saudi Arabia, which significantly expanded following the 1961 founding of the Islamic University of Medina (which remains the preeminent Salafi seminary and university in the world) and after active outreach across the Sunni Muslim world by the Saudi govern- ment and Salafi religious elite to attract students through lucrative funding and scholarship packages. The process of developing an African Salafism was not one-dimensional or imposed from the top-down by Saudi Salafi elites, but instead saw Nigerian and other African Salafi students partici- pate actively in shaping and theorizing Salafi da‘wa that took into account the specifics of each African country and Islamic religious and social envi- ronment. In Nigeria and other parts of West and East Africa, this included considering the historically dominant position of Sufi orders and popular practices such as devotion to saints and grave and shrine visitation. African and Saudi Salafis also forged relationships with local African partners, in- cluding powerful political figures such as Ahmadu Bello and his religious adviser Abubakar Gumi, by attracting them with the benefits of establishing ties with wealthy international Islamic organizations founded and backed by the Saudi state, including the Muslim World League. Nigerian Salafis returning from their studies in Saudi Arabia actively promoted their Salafi canon among local Muslims, waging an aggressive proselytization campaign that sought to chip away at the dominance of traditional political and religious elites, the Sufi shaykhs. This process is covered in Chapter Four. Drawing on key sets of legal and exegetical writ- ings by Ibn Taymiyya, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, and other Salafi scholars, Nigerian Salafis sought to introduce a framework—represented by the canon—through which their students and adherents approach re- ligious interpretation and practice. By mastering one’s understanding and ability to correctly interpret scripture and the hadith, Salafis believe, one will also live a more ethical life based on a core set of “Salafi” principles that govern not only religious but also political, social, and economic life. Salaf- ism, Thurston argues, drawing on the work of Terje Østebø on Ethiopian Salafism, becomes localized within a specific environment.As part of their da‘wa campaigns, Nigerian Salafis have utilized media and new technology to debate their rivals and critics as well as to broad- en their own influence over Nigerian Muslims and national society more broadly, actions analyzed in Chapter Five. Using the Internet, video and audio recorded sermons and religious lectures, books and pamphlets, and oral proselytization and preaching, Nigerian Salafis, like other Muslim ac- tivists and groups, see in media and technology an extension of the phys- ical infrastructure provided by institutions such as mosques and religious schools. This media/cyber infrastructure is as, if not increasingly more, valuable as the control of physical space because it allows for the rapid spread of ideas beyond what would have historically been possible for local religious preachers and missionaries. Instead of preaching political revo- lution, Nigerian Salafi activists sought to win greater access to the media including radio airtime because they believed this would ultimately lead to the triumph of their religious message despite the power of skeptical to downright hostile local audiences among the Sufi orders and non-Salafis dedicated to the Maliki juridical canon.In the realm of politics, the subject of Chapter Six, Nigeria’s Salafis base their political ideology on the core tenets of the Salafi creed and canon, tenets which cast Salafism as being not only the purest but the only true version of Islam, and require of Salafis to establish moral reform of a way- ward Muslim society. Salafi scholars seek to bring about social, political, and religious reform, which collectively represent a “return” to the Prophet Muhammad’s Islam, by speaking truth to power and advising and repri- manding, as necessary, Muslim political rulers. In navigating the multi-po- lar and complex realm of national and regional politics, Thurston argues, Nigerian Salafi scholars educated in Saudi Arabia unwittingly opened the door to cruder and more extreme, militant voices of figures lacking the same level of study of the Salafi canon or Sunni Islam generally. The most infamous of the latter is “Boko Haram,” the jihadi-insurgent group today based around Lake Chad in Nigeria, Chad, and Niger, which calls itself Jama‘at Ahl al-Sunna li-l-Da‘wa wa-l-Jihad and is led by the bombastic Abubakar Shekau. Boko Haram, under the leadership first of the revivalist preacher Mu- hammad Yusuf and then Shekau, is covered at length in the book’s third and final part, which is composed of two chapters. Yusuf, unlike mainstream Nigerian Salafis, sought to weaponize the Salafi canon against the state in- stead of using it as a tool to bring about desired reforms. Drawing on the writings of influential Arab jihadi ideologues including Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi and the apocalyptic revolutionary Juhayman al-‘Utaybi, the lat- ter of whom participated in the 1979 seizure of the Grand Mosque in Mecca, Yusuf cited key Salafi concepts such as al-walā’ min al-mu’minīn wa-l-bara’ ‘an al-kāfirīn (loyalty to the Believers and disavowal of the Disbelievers) and beliefs about absolute monotheism (tawḥīd) as the basis of his revival- ist preaching. Based on these principle, he claimed, Muslims must not only fulfill their ritual duties such as prayer and fasting during Ramadan but also actively fight “unbelief” (kufr) and “apostasy” (ridda) and bring about God’s rule on earth, following the correct path of the community of the Prophet Abraham (Millat Ibrāhīm) referenced in multiple Qur’anic verses and outlined as a theological project for action by al-Maqdisi in a lengthy book of that name that has had a profound influence on the formation of modern Sunni jihadism. Instead of seeing Boko Haram, particularly under Shekau’s leadership, as a “Salafi” or “jihadi-Salafi” group, Thurston argues it is a case study of how a group that at one point in its history adhered to Salafism can move away from and beyond it. In the case of Shekau and his “post-Salafism,” he writes, the group, like Islamic State, has shifted away from the Salafi canon and toward a jihadism that uses only stripped-down elements from the canon and does so solely to propagate a militaristic form of jihad. Even when referencing historical religious authorities such as Ibn Taymiyya, Thurston points out, Boko Haram and Islamic State leaders and members often do so through the lens of modern Sunni jihadi ideologues like Juhay- man al-‘Utaybi, al-Maqdisi, and Abu Mus‘ab al-Zarqawi, figures who have come to form a Sunni jihadi canon of texts, intellectuals, and ideologues. Shekau, in short, has given up canonical Salafism and moved toward a more bombastic and scholastically more heterodox and less-Salafi-than- jihadi creed of political violence. Thurston also pushes back against the often crude stereotyping of Af- rican Islamic traditions and movements that sees African Muslims as being defined by their “syncretic” mix of traditional African religious traditions and “orthodox” Islam, the latter usually a stand-in for “Arab” and “Middle Eastern” Islam. Islam and Islamic movements in Africa have developed in social and political environments that are not mirrors to the dominant models of the Arab world (in particular, Egypt). He convincingly points out that analysis of all forms of African Islamic social and political mobi- lization through a Middle East and Egypt-heavy lens obscures much more than it elucidates. The book includes useful glossaries of key individuals and Arabic terms referenced in the text as well as a translation of a sermon by the late, revered Salafi scholar Muhammad Nasir al-Din al-Albani that is part of the mainstream Salafi canon. Extensive in its coverage of the his- tory, evolution, and sociopolitical and religious development of Salafism in Nigeria as well as the key role played by Saudi Salafi universities and religious institutions and quasi-state NGOs, the book expands the schol- arly literature on Salafism, Islam in Africa, and political Islam and Islamic social movements. It also contributing to ongoing debates and discussions on approaches to the study of the role of texts and textual traditions in the formation of individual and communal religious identity.&#x0D; Christopher AnzaloneResearch Fellow, International Security ProgramBelfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University&amp; PhD candidate, Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University

The global spread of Salafism, though it began in the 1960s and 1970s, only started to attract significant attention from scholars and analysts outside of Islamic studies as well as journalists, politicians, and the general public following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks perpetrated by Al-Qaeda Central. After the attacks, Salafism—or, as it was pejoratively labeled by its critics inside and outside of the Islamic tradition, “Wahhabism”—was accused of being the ideological basis of all expressions of Sunni militancy from North America and Europe to West and East Africa, the Arab world, and into Asia. According to this narrative, Usama bin Laden, Ayman al-Za- wahiri, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, and other Sunni jihadis were merely putting into action the commands of medieval ‘ulama such as Ibn Taymiyya, the eighteenth century Najdi Hanbali Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, and modern revolutionary ideologues like Sayyid Qutb and ‘Abdullah ‘Azzam. To eradicate terrorism, you must eliminate or neuter Salafism, say its critics. The reality, of course, is far more complex than this simplistic nar- rative purports. Salafism, though its adherents share the same core set of creedal beliefs and methodological approaches toward the interpretation of the Qur’an and hadith and Sunni legal canon, comes in many forms, from the scholastic and hierarchical Salafism of the ‘ulama in Saudi Arabia and other Muslim majority countries to the decentralized, self-described Salafi groups in Europe and North America who cluster around a single char- ismatic preacher who often has limited formal religious education. What unifies these different expressions of Salafism is a core canon of religious and legal texts and set of scholars who are widely respected and referenced in Salafi circles. Thurston grounds his fieldwork and text-based analysis of Salafism in Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country and home to one of the world’s largest single Muslim national populations, through the lens of this canon, which he defines as a “communally negotiated set of texts that is governed by rules of interpretation and appropriation” (1). He argues fur- ther that in the history of Nigerian Salafism, one can trace the major stages that the global Salafi movement has navigated as it spread from the Arab Middle East to what are erroneously often seen as “peripheral” areas of the Islamic world, Africa and parts of Asia. The book is based on extensive fieldwork in Nigeria including interviews with key Nigerian Salafi scholars and other leading figures as well as a wide range of textual primary sourc- es including British and Nigerian archival documents, international and national news media reports, leaked US embassy cables, and a significant number of religious lectures and sermons and writings by Nigerian Salafis in Arabic and Hausa. In Chapter One, Thurston argues that the Salafi canon gives individ- ual and groups of Salafis a sense of identity and membership in a unique and, to them, superior religious community that is linked closely to their understanding and reading of sacred history and the revered figures of the Prophet Muhammad and the Ṣaḥāba. Salafism as an intellectual current, theology, and methodological approach is transmitted through this can- on which serves not only as a vehicle for proselytization but also a rule- book through which the boundaries of what is and is not “Salafism” are determined by its adherents and leading authorities. The book’s analytical framework and approach toward understanding Salafism, which rests on seeing it as a textual tradition, runs counter to the popular but problematic tendency in much of the existing discussion and even scholarly literature on Salafism that defines it as a literalist, one-dimensional, and puritani- cal creed with a singular focus on the Qur’an and hadith canon. Salafis, Thurston argues, do not simply derive religious and legal rulings in linear fashion from the Qur’an and Prophetic Sunna but rather engage in a co- herent and uniform process of aligning today’s Salafi community with a set of normative practices and beliefs laid out by key Salafi scholars from the recent past. Thurston divides the emergence of a distinct “Salafi” current within Sunnis into two phases. The first stretches from 1880 to 1950, as Sun- ni scholars from around the Muslim-majority world whose approaches shared a common hadith-centered methodology came into closer contact. The second is from the 1960s through the present, as key Salafi institutions (such as the Islamic University of Medina and other Saudi Salafi bodies) were founded and began attracting and (perhaps most importantly) fund- ing and sponsoring Sunni students from countries such as Nigeria to come study in Saudi Arabia, where they were deeply embedded in the Salafi tra- dition before returning to their home countries where, in turn, they spread Salafism among local Muslims. Nigeria’s Muslim-majority north, as with other regions such as Yemen’s northern Sa‘ada governorate, proved to be a fertile ground for Salafism in large part because it enabled local Muslims from more humble social backgrounds to challenge the longtime domi- nance of hereditary ruling families and the established religious class. In northern Nigeria the latter was and continues to be dominated by Sufi or- ders and their shaykhs whose long-running claim to communal leadership faced new and substantive theological and resource challenges following the return of Nigerian seminary students from Saudi Arabia’s Salafi scho- lastic institutions in the 1990s and early 2000s. In Chapters Two and Three, Thurston traces the history of Nigerian and other African students in Saudi Arabia, which significantly expanded following the 1961 founding of the Islamic University of Medina (which remains the preeminent Salafi seminary and university in the world) and after active outreach across the Sunni Muslim world by the Saudi govern- ment and Salafi religious elite to attract students through lucrative funding and scholarship packages. The process of developing an African Salafism was not one-dimensional or imposed from the top-down by Saudi Salafi elites, but instead saw Nigerian and other African Salafi students partici- pate actively in shaping and theorizing Salafi da‘wa that took into account the specifics of each African country and Islamic religious and social envi- ronment. In Nigeria and other parts of West and East Africa, this included considering the historically dominant position of Sufi orders and popular practices such as devotion to saints and grave and shrine visitation. African and Saudi Salafis also forged relationships with local African partners, in- cluding powerful political figures such as Ahmadu Bello and his religious adviser Abubakar Gumi, by attracting them with the benefits of establishing ties with wealthy international Islamic organizations founded and backed by the Saudi state, including the Muslim World League. Nigerian Salafis returning from their studies in Saudi Arabia actively promoted their Salafi canon among local Muslims, waging an aggressive proselytization campaign that sought to chip away at the dominance of traditional political and religious elites, the Sufi shaykhs. This process is covered in Chapter Four. Drawing on key sets of legal and exegetical writ- ings by Ibn Taymiyya, Muhammad ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhab, and other Salafi scholars, Nigerian Salafis sought to introduce a framework—represented by the canon—through which their students and adherents approach re- ligious interpretation and practice. By mastering one’s understanding and ability to correctly interpret scripture and the hadith, Salafis believe, one will also live a more ethical life based on a core set of “Salafi” principles that govern not only religious but also political, social, and economic life. Salaf- ism, Thurston argues, drawing on the work of Terje Østebø on Ethiopian Salafism, becomes localized within a specific environment.As part of their da‘wa campaigns, Nigerian Salafis have utilized media and new technology to debate their rivals and critics as well as to broad- en their own influence over Nigerian Muslims and national society more broadly, actions analyzed in Chapter Five. Using the Internet, video and audio recorded sermons and religious lectures, books and pamphlets, and oral proselytization and preaching, Nigerian Salafis, like other Muslim ac- tivists and groups, see in media and technology an extension of the phys- ical infrastructure provided by institutions such as mosques and religious schools. This media/cyber infrastructure is as, if not increasingly more, valuable as the control of physical space because it allows for the rapid spread of ideas beyond what would have historically been possible for local religious preachers and missionaries. Instead of preaching political revo- lution, Nigerian Salafi activists sought to win greater access to the media including radio airtime because they believed this would ultimately lead to the triumph of their religious message despite the power of skeptical to downright hostile local audiences among the Sufi orders and non-Salafis dedicated to the Maliki juridical canon.In the realm of politics, the subject of Chapter Six, Nigeria’s Salafis base their political ideology on the core tenets of the Salafi creed and canon, tenets which cast Salafism as being not only the purest but the only true version of Islam, and require of Salafis to establish moral reform of a way- ward Muslim society. Salafi scholars seek to bring about social, political, and religious reform, which collectively represent a “return” to the Prophet Muhammad’s Islam, by speaking truth to power and advising and repri- manding, as necessary, Muslim political rulers. In navigating the multi-po- lar and complex realm of national and regional politics, Thurston argues, Nigerian Salafi scholars educated in Saudi Arabia unwittingly opened the door to cruder and more extreme, militant voices of figures lacking the same level of study of the Salafi canon or Sunni Islam generally. The most infamous of the latter is “Boko Haram,” the jihadi-insurgent group today based around Lake Chad in Nigeria, Chad, and Niger, which calls itself Jama‘at Ahl al-Sunna li-l-Da‘wa wa-l-Jihad and is led by the bombastic Abubakar Shekau. Boko Haram, under the leadership first of the revivalist preacher Mu- hammad Yusuf and then Shekau, is covered at length in the book’s third and final part, which is composed of two chapters. Yusuf, unlike mainstream Nigerian Salafis, sought to weaponize the Salafi canon against the state in- stead of using it as a tool to bring about desired reforms. Drawing on the writings of influential Arab jihadi ideologues including Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi and the apocalyptic revolutionary Juhayman al-‘Utaybi, the lat- ter of whom participated in the 1979 seizure of the Grand Mosque in Mecca, Yusuf cited key Salafi concepts such as al-walā’ min al-mu’minīn wa-l-bara’ ‘an al-kāfirīn (loyalty to the Believers and disavowal of the Disbelievers) and beliefs about absolute monotheism (tawḥīd) as the basis of his revival- ist preaching. Based on these principle, he claimed, Muslims must not only fulfill their ritual duties such as prayer and fasting during Ramadan but also actively fight “unbelief” (kufr) and “apostasy” (ridda) and bring about God’s rule on earth, following the correct path of the community of the Prophet Abraham (Millat Ibrāhīm) referenced in multiple Qur’anic verses and outlined as a theological project for action by al-Maqdisi in a lengthy book of that name that has had a profound influence on the formation of modern Sunni jihadism. Instead of seeing Boko Haram, particularly under Shekau’s leadership, as a “Salafi” or “jihadi-Salafi” group, Thurston argues it is a case study of how a group that at one point in its history adhered to Salafism can move away from and beyond it. In the case of Shekau and his “post-Salafism,” he writes, the group, like Islamic State, has shifted away from the Salafi canon and toward a jihadism that uses only stripped-down elements from the canon and does so solely to propagate a militaristic form of jihad. Even when referencing historical religious authorities such as Ibn Taymiyya, Thurston points out, Boko Haram and Islamic State leaders and members often do so through the lens of modern Sunni jihadi ideologues like Juhay- man al-‘Utaybi, al-Maqdisi, and Abu Mus‘ab al-Zarqawi, figures who have come to form a Sunni jihadi canon of texts, intellectuals, and ideologues. Shekau, in short, has given up canonical Salafism and moved toward a more bombastic and scholastically more heterodox and less-Salafi-than- jihadi creed of political violence. Thurston also pushes back against the often crude stereotyping of Af- rican Islamic traditions and movements that sees African Muslims as being defined by their “syncretic” mix of traditional African religious traditions and “orthodox” Islam, the latter usually a stand-in for “Arab” and “Middle Eastern” Islam. Islam and Islamic movements in Africa have developed in social and political environments that are not mirrors to the dominant models of the Arab world (in particular, Egypt). He convincingly points out that analysis of all forms of African Islamic social and political mobi- lization through a Middle East and Egypt-heavy lens obscures much more than it elucidates. The book includes useful glossaries of key individuals and Arabic terms referenced in the text as well as a translation of a sermon by the late, revered Salafi scholar Muhammad Nasir al-Din al-Albani that is part of the mainstream Salafi canon. Extensive in its coverage of the his- tory, evolution, and sociopolitical and religious development of Salafism in Nigeria as well as the key role played by Saudi Salafi universities and religious institutions and quasi-state NGOs, the book expands the schol- arly literature on Salafism, Islam in Africa, and political Islam and Islamic social movements. It also contributing to ongoing debates and discussions on approaches to the study of the role of texts and textual traditions in the formation of individual and communal religious identity.&#x0D; Christopher AnzaloneResearch Fellow, International Security ProgramBelfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University&amp; PhD candidate, Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University

This research aims to describe and compare the methods of Imam Ghazali in writing his book al-Mustashfa and the methods of Imam Ibn Quddamah al-Maqdisi in writing his book Rawdah al-Nazir. In addition, this study aims to compare their thought, in expressing the opinions of scholars proposing jurisprudent in disputed issues. This research uses inductive and analytical methods by analyzing the opinions of Imam Ghazali in his book al-Mustashfa and comparing it with the thoughts of Ibn Quddamah's jurisprudent in his al-Rawdah, as well as comparisons of the methods of drafting the book. This research belongs to the research of literature, so that researchers did not use interview techniques, but relied on sources of literature including books of jurisprudent proposals, dictionaries, and hadith books. Among the main findings in the study are that Raudhah al-Nazir's book had a close relationship with the book of al-Mustashfa and that Ibn Quddamah was deeply affected by it.

Quran and Hadith are the primary resources of guidance for mankind which complement each other to develop a sound understanding of Islam. A great number of Muslim scholars have devoted their lives for preservation of Prophet's hadith (narrations) and have set principles to distinguish between strong and weak hadith. Imam Daraqutni is one of those prominent personalities who had complete expertise in Hadith sciences, particularly in the field of "Ilal". He authored many precious books in this field, one of them is "Al Gharaib wal Afrad", in 100 volumes. However, this book is difficult to understand, and its chapters are not organized. That is why Imam Ibn e Tahir Maqdisi reorganized this book in order to make it easy for students of Hadith. This article aims to offer a review of these two works.

Praise be to Allah, owner of the day of judgment, and may blessings and peace be upon his Messenger, who was sent as a mercy to the worlds, our prophet and imam, our master Muhammad, the trustworthy, and upon his family and companions, and those who followed the right path and were guided by his guidance to the day of judgment. As for after... The research is summarized in studying a part of the specific interpretive narrations from the book of Dhikr Al-Narr the Mention of Fire by Imam Al-Hafiz Abdulghani Al-Maqdisi, in which he mentioned the horrors of the Day of Judgment in general and mentioned the horrors of Hell in particular...The researcher began by studying the biography of the narrator by mentioning his name, his birth, his sheikhs, his students, his doctrine, his scientific effects, his political and social era and his death. And by adopting the assigned hadith books and approved interpretation books. In addition; The study of biography was made for the men of chain of transmission cited by Ibn Hajar, the verses cited were attributed, the name of the surah and the verse number was mentioned, and the strange words in the narrations were explained. In conclusion, the research contained a conclusion in which the most prominent results reached by the researcher by this study and the most important recommendations emanating from it were mentioned. Keywords: (Narrations, Abdulghani Al-Maqdisi, Al-Takhreej - Biography of men - Surat Al-Mutaffifin)

<strong>First:</strong> His name: He is the scholar, scholar, jurist, and hadeeth Ahmad bin Ahmad bin Muhammad bin Awad al-Hanbali. ^{( ^[1]}) <strong>Secondly:</strong> His lineage: Al-Mardawi, then Al-Nabulsi^{( ^[2]}) Then the Egyptian Al-Azhari^{( ^[3]}) . &nbsp;<strong>Third:</strong> His title: Imam Allama - may God Almighty have mercy on him - was known as (Al-Maqdisi) and (Ibn Awad Al-Jun( &nbsp;^{( ^[4]}). <strong>Fourth:</strong> His works: and many works, the most prominent of which are (Fatah Mawla al-Mawahib Ali Hidayat al-Raghib ^{( [5]}) . And (a footnote to the Student Handbook)^{( [6])}. &nbsp; ([1]) Ibn Awad&rsquo;s footnote on the student&rsquo;s guide to achieving the demands called Fath Wahhab al-Ma&rsquo;arib, the scholar Ahmed bin Ahmed bin Awad al-Maqdisi al-Hanbali (he was alive in 1180 AH), investigation: Faisal Yusuf Ahmed Al-Ali, Lataif for Publishing Books and Scientific Theses, State of Kuwait, 1st Edition, 1434 AH-2013 AD , p.:36. ([2]) &nbsp;Clouds of rain over the tombs of the Hanbalis, Muhammad bin Abdullah bin Hamid al-Najdi, then al-Makki (d.: 1295 AH), achieved and presented to him and commented on: Bakr bin Abdullah Abu Zaid, Abd al-Rahman bin Suleiman al-Uthaymeen, Al-Resala Foundation for Printing, Publishing and Distribution, Beirut - Lebanon, I, 1, 1416 AH - 1996 AD, 1/239; Introduction to the doctrine of Imam Ahmed bin Hanbal, Abdul Qadir bin Ahmed bin Mustafa bin Abdul Rahim bin Muhammad Badran (T: 1346 AH), investigation: d. Abdullah bin Abdul Mohsen Al-Turki, Al-Risala Foundation - Beirut, 2nd edition, 1401 AH, 6p. 22. ([3])See: Fath Wahhab al-Maarib on the student&rsquo;s guide to obtaining the demands, Ahmed bin Muhammad bin Awad Al-Mardawi (T: 1140 AH), investigation: Ahmed bin Abdul Aziz Al-Jammaz, Dar Al-Khadraa Atlas for publication and distribution, 1st edition, 1432 AH-2001 AD, p.: 14. ([4])See: Ibn Awad&rsquo;s footnote, p. 36 ([5])See: Umdat al-Talib to obtain the goals, Mansour bin Yunus bin Salah bin Hassan bin Idris al-Bahuti al-Hanbali (T.: 1051 AH), presented to him by: Sheikh Muhammad bin Abdul Rahman, and Sheikh Adnan bin Salem al-Naham, investigated and taken care of by: Mutlaq bin Jasir bin Mutlaq al-Faris Al-Jasser, Al-Jadeed Al-Nafi&rsquo; Foundation for Publishing and Distribution, Kuwait, 1st edition, 1431 AH, 2010 AD, p: 25. ([6])Unveiling the Books of the Companions, Suleiman bin Abd al-Rahman bin Hamdan (d.: 1397 AH), investigation: Abd al-Ilah bin Othman al-Shayea, Dar Al-Sumaie for publication and distribution, Riyadh - Saudi Arabia, 1st edition, 1426 AH - 2005 AD, p. 340.