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Journal articles on the topic 'Alaska Native History'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 10 February 2022

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1

Thornburg, Steven W., and Robin W. Roberts. "“Incorporating” American Colonialism: Accounting and the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act." Behavioral Research in Accounting 24, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 203–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/bria-10177.

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ABSTRACT The history of Alaska is a colonial history (Pomeroy 1947; Haycox 2002). The purpose of this paper is to examine how the corporate form of organization and corporate accounting were used by the United States (U.S.) government to rationalize decisions, exercise control, and exploit Alaskan resources to benefit corporate America and the existing U.S. states. The Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act of 1971 (ANCSA) established Alaska Native Corporations (ANCs), whose stock was distributed to qualifying Alaska Natives in exchange for their agreement to extinguish all aboriginal land claims. Guided by prior work in accounting and postmodern colonialism, our analysis uncovers ways in which ANCSA, though lauded by the U.S. government as an innovative and generous settlement, perpetuated a historical pattern of indigenous exploitation by western economic interests, and employed corporate accounting policies and techniques to further the interests of the U.S. government and large corporations at the expense of Native Alaskans.

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2

Villegas, Malia. "The Alaska Native Reader." International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 49–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v4i1.71.

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For me, reading this volume is like coming home. As an Alutiiq/Sugpiaq (Alaska Native) researcher who recently relocated to Brisbane, Australia, it is a joy and an honor to review, The Alaska Native reader: History, culture, politics, edited by Maria Shaa Tláa Williams. This volume stands as a celebration of Alaska Native scholarship in its historical, linguistic, political, artistic, spiritual, scientific, and even culinary forms (see p. 360 for Daisy Demientieff's Best-Ever Moose Stew Recipe)! It is a treasure because it seeks to impact readers in a felt way – appealing to all of the places where knowledge lives including the mind, heart, belly, and soul. Each chapter prompted a different response ranging from pure joy to deep sadness, from rage to pride, from a sense of solidarity with other Alaska Natives to appreciation for my own particular culture, and from curiosity about what others are working toward to awe at what already has been achieved.

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3

Worl, Rosita Kaaháni, and Heather Kendall-Miller. "Alaska's Conflicting Objectives." Daedalus 147, no. 2 (March 2018): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00488.

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The formal treaty-making period between the U.S. government and Native peoples ended in 1871, only four years after the United States purchased Alaska from Russia. As a result, Alaska Natives did not enter into treaties that recognized their political authority or land rights. Nor, following the end of the treaty-making period, were Alaska Natives granted the same land rights as federally recognized tribes in the lower forty-eight states. Rather, Congress created the Alaska Native Corporations as the management vehicle for conveyed lands in 1971. The unique legal status of these corporations has raised many questions about tribal land ownership and governance for future generations of Alaska Natives. Although Congress created the Native Corporations in its eagerness to settle land claims and assimilate Alaska Natives, Alaska Native cultures and governance structures persisted and evolved, and today many are reasserting the inherent authority of sovereign governments.

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4

Wurtz, Tricia L., and Anthony F. Gasbarro. "A brief history of wood use and forest management in Alaska." Forestry Chronicle 72, no. 1 (February 1, 1996): 47–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5558/tfc72047-1.

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The Native peoples of Alaska used wood for fuel, for the construction of shelters, and for a variety of implements. Explorers, fur traders, gold miners, and settlers also relied on Alaska's forest resource. The early 20th century saw the creation of the Tongass and Chugach National Forests in coastal Alaska, where large-scale harvesting began shortly after World War II. By 1955, two 50-year contracts had been signed, committing 13 billion board feet of sawlogs and pulpwood. The commercial forest land base in Alaska has been dramatically reduced by a variety of legislative acts, including the Statehood Act of 1959 and the Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act of 1980. Key words: forest history, Alaska, aboriginal use of forests, fuelwood, stemwheeled riverboats, gold mining, land classification, National Forests, Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, Alaska National Interest Lands Conservation Act

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5

Larson, Mary Ann, Susan B. Andrews, and John Creed. "Authentic Alaska: Voices of Its Native Writers." Western Historical Quarterly 30, no. 1 (1999): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971173.

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6

Lanzarotta, Tess. "Ethics in retrospect: Biomedical research, colonial violence, and Iñupiat sovereignty in the Alaskan Arctic." Social Studies of Science 50, no. 5 (July 27, 2020): 778–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312720943678.

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Kaare Rodahl, a scientist with the US Air Force’s Arctic Aeromedical Laboratory, spent much of the 1950s traveling to villages in the Alaskan Arctic to conduct research on cold acclimatization. Four decades later, it was discovered that during one such study, he had administered radioactive isotopes of iodine-131 to over one hundred Alaska Native research subjects without their knowledge or consent. This news broke just as Alaska Native communities were attempting to recover from a series of revelations surrounding other instances of Cold War radiation exposure. In response, two major federal investigations attempted to determine whether Rodahl had adhered to ethical regulations and whether his actions could be expected to have a lasting health impact on former research subjects. The National Research Council, framing the study as a singular event in the Cold War past, found that research subjects had been ‘wronged, but not harmed’. The North Slope Borough, a powerful Alaska Native municipal government, countered this finding with their own investigation, which identified both the study and the subsequent federal inquiries as facets of the still-unfolding process of American settler colonialism in Alaska. In doing so, the North Slope Borough contested the authority of federal agencies to set the terms by which ethics could be retrospectively judged. This article argues that exploring how competing ethical regimes represent the relationship between violence and time can help us better understand how institutionalized bioethics reproduces settler colonial power relations.

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7

Murray, Jesse D. "Together and Apart: The Russian Orthodox Church, the Russian Empire, and Orthodox Missionaries in Alaska, 1794–1917." Russian History 40, no. 1 (2013): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04001006.

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Addressing Russian Orthodox missions in the Alaskan periphery of the Russian Empire, this article discusses the flexibility of Russian Orthodox missionaries in adapting concepts of Orthodoxy and Russianness to the circumstances of their mission in Alaska and to their individual experiences there. Consulting a range of missionary writings from 1794–1917, including reports, journals, letters, and articles in church periodicals, Murray assesses varying interpretations and methods of promoting the civilizing mission, christianization, and russification over the long nineteenth century. Efforts in education and promoting moral standards were vital to the missions but always incorporated respect for the native culture. Recognizing the importance of this periphery even after the sale of Alaska to the United States in 1867, the missionaries continued to perceive the converted Alaskan communities as tied to Russian Orthodox culture and identity and their educational and moral efforts as essential to the construction of good citizens for the new political power.

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8

Huyser, Kimberly R. "Data & Native American Identity." Contexts 19, no. 3 (August 2020): 10–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1536504220950395.

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The history of the U.S. Census is needed to understand the count and participation of American Indian and Alaska Native peoples. The challenges and lessons learned from the census reveal an opportunity for social research to collect meaningful data in Indian Country.

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9

Madden, Ryan H. "Sitka's Cottages Community in Alaska History and the Development of the Alaska Native Brotherhood." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 40, no. 2 (January 1, 2016): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicrj.40.2.madden.

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10

Jacobson, Steven A. "History of the Naukan Yupik Eskimo dictionary with implications for a future Siberian Yupik dictionary." Études/Inuit/Studies 29, no. 1-2 (November 13, 2006): 149–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/013937ar.

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Abstract Naukan is a Yupik Eskimo language spoken now by only a few people on the Russian side of the Bering Strait, but with strong Alaskan affinities. Naukan speaker Dobrieva of Lavrentiya, linguist Golovko of St. Petersburg, and linguists Jacobson and Krauss of Fairbanks have compiled a Naukan dictionary in two parallel volumes: Naukan in a latin-letter orthography to English, and Naukan in the modified Cyrillic alphabet used for Chukotkan Eskimo languages to Russian. It was both appropriate and beneficial that this project involved people from Alaska, European Russia, and Chukotka. The dictionary was recently published by the Alaska Native Language Center of the University of Alaska Fairbanks. The Naukan dictionary in two parallel volumes can serve as a model for a new dictionary of (Central) Siberian Yupik, a language spoken, at least ancestrally, by roughly equal numbers on St. Lawrence Island Alaska and in the New Chaplino-Sirenik area of Chukotka, Russia. Such a dictionary could help to reinvigorate that language and allow it better to serve as a bridge between the two halves of a single people and culture divided only in recent decades by a boundary not of their own making.

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11

Linn, Angela J., Joshua D. Reuther, Chris B. Wooley, Scott J. Shirar, and Jason S. Rogers. "Museum cultural collections: pathways to the preservation of traditional and scientific knowledge." Arctic Science 3, no. 3 (September 1, 2017): 618–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/as-2017-0001.

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Museums of natural and cultural history in the 21st century hold responsibilities that are vastly different from those of the 19th and early 20th centuries, the time of many of their inceptions. No longer conceived of as cabinets of curiosities, institutional priorities are in the process of undergoing dramatic changes. This article reviews the history of the University of Alaska Museum in Fairbanks, Alaska, from its development in the early 1920s, describing the changing ways staff have worked with Indigenous individuals and communities. Projects like the Modern Alaska Native Material Culture and the Barter Island Project are highlighted as examples of how artifacts and the people who constructed them are no longer viewed as simply examples of material culture and Native informants but are considered partners in the acquisition, preservation, and perpetuation of traditional and scientific knowledge in Alaska.

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12

Thompson, Gregory C., Daniel F. Littlefield, and James W. Parins. "American Indian and Alaska Native Newspapers and Periodicals, 1826-1924." Western Historical Quarterly 17, no. 2 (April 1986): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/969295.

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13

Reinhardt, Gregory, Don E. Dumond, and James W. VanStone. "Pauqvik: A Nineteenth-Century Native Village on Bristol Bay, Alaska." Ethnohistory 44, no. 2 (1997): 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/483378.

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14

Bever, Michael R. "Too Little, Too Late? The Radiocarbon Chronology of Alaska and the Peopling of the New World." American Antiquity 71, no. 4 (October 2006): 595–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40035881.

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Alaska is commonly viewed as a gateway between the Old and New Worlds, and as such, figures prominently in most models of the peopling of the New World. With a growing number of archaeological sites dating to the terminal Pleistocene, Alaska might be expected to provide direct evidence bearing on the colonization of the Americas. Based on 27 site components with 114 radiocarbon dates, this paper discusses the archaeological record of late Pleistocene Alaska, organized around the characteristics and chronology of three complexes: the microblade-bearing Denali complex, the Nenana complex, and the Mesa complex. This paper shows that the archaeological record of late Pleistocene Alaska is quite diverse, and not lacking in controversy and conflicting interpretations. In addition, this period of archaeological diversity coincides with the Younger Dryas climatic event. However, none of the reliably dated sites is older than the earliest evidence of human occupation further south in the Americas. Despite this, evidence from DNA studies points strongly to a north-central Asian homeland for Native Americans, upholding Alaska as the point of entry into the New World. Suggestions are offered, then, as to why the Alaskan record remains silent about the initial peopling of the New World.

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15

Berens, John F., Daniel F. Littlefield, and James W. Parins. "American Indian and Alaska Native Newspapers and Periodicals, 1925-1970." Journal of American History 74, no. 4 (March 1988): 1417. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1894533.

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16

Watts, Michelle. "Making Sovereignty Mean Something: Native Nations and Creative Adaptation." IAFOR Journal of Cultural Studies 6, no. 1 (July 14, 2021): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22492/ijcs.6.1.01.

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Scholarship regarding Native Nations has often focused on the problems of Native Nations caused by a brutal history of genocide, repression and forced assimilation. Relatively little attention has been paid to how Native Nations creatively adapt to their circumstances in a continual process of reinvention. This article provides insights into Native Nations through examples in the lower 48 states and Alaska. This study, based on 16 interviews the author conducted with Native Nations leaders in Alaska and the lower 48 states, demonstrates how Native Nations adapt to their unique circumstances to make sovereignty meaningful, because of and in spite of federal legislation that seeks to govern Nation Nations. Ultimately, I argue that many Native Nations today are purposefully modernizing by creatively adapting to their circumstances, transforming systems of governance, and leveraging economic tools, integrating their own evolving cultural practices. While modernization implies following a Western developmental path, purposeful modernization is driven by the choices of the people. While change was forced upon Native Nations in numerous, often devastating, ways since colonization, they have nevertheless asserted agency and formed governments and economic institutions that reflect and reinforce their own cultural norms. This article highlights examples of how Native Nations and the lower 48 have adapted given the very different circumstances created in part by state and federal policies such as the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act (IGRA) and Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA).

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A. French, Dr Sc Laurence, Dr Sc Haris Halilović, and Dr Sc Goran Kovačević. "Native American youth and justice." ILIRIA International Review 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2012): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v2i2.140.

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Youth and delinquency issues have long been problematic among Native Americans groups both on- and off-reservation. This phenomenon is further complicated by the cultural diversity among American Indians and Alaska Natives scattered across the United States. In address these issues, the paper begins with a historical overview of Native American youth.This history presents the long tradition of federal policies that, how well intended, have resulted in discriminatory practices with the most damages attacks being those directed toward the destruction of viable cultural attributes – the same attributes that make Native Americans unique within United States society.Following the historical material, the authors contrast the pervasive Native American aboriginal ethos of harmony with that of Protestant Ethic that dominates the ethos of the larger United States society. In addition to providing general information on Native American crime and delinquency, the paper also provides a case study of Native American justice within the Navajo Nation, the largest tribe, in both size and population, in the United States. The paper concludes with a discussion of issues specific to Native American youth and efforts to address these problems.

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18

Willis, Roxanne. "A New Game in the North: Alaska Native Reindeer Herding, 1890-1940." Western Historical Quarterly 37, no. 3 (October 1, 2006): 277. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25443371.

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19

Yahr, Jayme. "Exhibiting the Native AmericanOther: The Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition and Commodified Racism." American Nineteenth Century History 17, no. 3 (September 2016): 301–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14664658.2016.1265240.

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20

Feldstein. "American Indian/Alaska Native Alcohol-Related Incarceration and Treatment." American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research 13, no. 3 (2006): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5820/aian.1303.2006.1.

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21

Loring, P. A., and S. C. Gerlach. "Outpost Gardening in Interior Alaska: Food System Innovation and the Alaska Native Gardens of the 1930s through the 1970s." Ethnohistory 57, no. 2 (April 1, 2010): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-2009-060.

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22

Lee, Nella. "Impossible Mission: A History of the Legal Control of Native Drinking in Alaska." Wicazo Sa Review 12, no. 2 (1997): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1409209.

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23

Martha L. Slattery, Maureen A. Murtaugh, Anne P. Lanier, Khe-Ni Ma, Elizabeth D. Ferucci, Ruth A. Etzel, and Sandra Edwards. "Family Health History and Health Behaviors in Alaska Native and American Indian People." Journal of Health Care for the Poor and Underserved 20, no. 3 (2009): 678–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hpu.0.0191.

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24

Westphal. "Prenatal Alcohol Use Among Urban American Indian/Alaska Native Women." American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research 9, no. 3 (2000): 38–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5820/aian.0903.2000.38.

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25

Lefler. "ADHD Symptoms in American Indian/Alaska Native Boys and Girls." American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research 22, no. 2 (2015): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5820/aian.2202.2015.23.

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26

Fickel, Letitia Hochstrasser. "Teachers, Tundra, and Talking Circles: Learning History and Culture in an Alaska Native Village." Theory & Research in Social Education 33, no. 4 (September 2005): 476–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00933104.2005.10473292.

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27

Kan, Sergei. "“True Heirs to a Heroic Russian Past” or “Russians in Name Only”: Sitka Creoles as Seen by the Late Nineteenth Century Russian Orthodox Clergy." Journal of Frontier Studies 5, no. 4 (December 14, 2020): 12–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/jfs.v5i4.211.

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The paper examines the criticism levelled against the Creoles of Sitka (persons of Russian and Alaska Native descent) by the Russian Orthodox priests who came to minister among them in the late 19th-early 20th century. These clergymen accused their parishioners not only of immorality but also of not being truly Russian, as far as their language and culture were concerned. By focusing on this criticism, the paper explores the symbolic significance of Alaska’s Russian colonial and missionary history and its legacy in the conservative nationalist ideology of the Russian Orthodox clergy. Particular attention is paid to the causes to which this clergy attributed the decline of the Russian culture and devotion to Orthodoxy among the Creole population of this frontier American/Alaskan town.

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28

Child, Brenda J. "The Absence of Indigenous Histories in Ken Burns's The National Parks: America's Best Idea." Public Historian 33, no. 2 (2011): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2011.33.2.24.

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Abstract The National Parks begins in 1851 and ends with Alaska in the 1970s, yet almost entirely erases Indigenous history from the landscape, allowing Native Alaskans, Indigenous Hawaiians, and American Indians no foothold or voice in the modern story of the parks. This is remarkable, considering that all of the parks were established on Indigenous homelands and that Native people and politics continue to be intertwined with the recent history of the parks. The experiences of Ojibwe people in the Great Lakes suggest that the creation of national parks in their homeland was part of a broader colonial history of appropriating Indigenous lands and resources, and extended the damaging policies of the Indian assimilation and allotment era farther into the twentieth century.

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29

Rutman. "Native Generations: A Campaign Addressing Infant Mortality among American Indians and Alaska Natives in Urban Areas." American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research 23, no. 5 (2016): 59–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5820/aian.2305.2016.59.

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30

Stewart. "Preferences for Mental Health Treatment Options among Alaska Native College Students." American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research 20, no. 3 (2013): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5820/aian.2003.2013.59.

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31

Leston, Jessica, Carolyn Crisp, Murilynn Crystal Lee, and Elizabeth Rink. "Interviews with American Indian and Alaska Native People Who Inject Drugs." American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research 27, no. 1 (2020): 64–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5820/aian.2701.2020.64.

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32

Forbes. "The State's Role in Suicide Prevention Programs for Alaska Native Youth." American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research Monograph, no. 4 (1994): 235–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5820/aian.mono04.1994.235.

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33

Cooper, H. Kory. "Innovation and Prestige Among Northern Hunter-Gatherers: Late Prehistoric Native Copper Use in Alaska and Yukon." American Antiquity 77, no. 3 (July 2012): 565–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.77.3.565.

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AbstractSeveral different ethnolinguistic groups in south-central Alaska and southwestern Yukon used native copper. This indigenous innovation diffused throughout the region with the majority of use occurring from A .D. 1000 to 1700. The relatively recent origin of this technology and its continued use long after European contact provide an opportunity to examine the process of innovation among hunter-gatherers using archaeology, metallurgy, and ethnohistory. The analysis of these data using a Behavioral Archaeology framework demonstrates that native copper was used for both practical and prestige technology among groups of varying social complexity. Northern Athabascans did not use native copper overtly as prestige technology, but its many supernatural associations suggest it was a “prestigious” material. Furthermore, native copper provided northern Athabascan aggrandizer-innovators the opportunity to acquire prestige and power through their monopolization of trade relationships and subsequent control of the movement of native copper.

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34

del Hoyo-Meléndez, Julio M., and Marion F. Mecklenburg. "A survey on the light-fastness properties of organic-based Alaska Native artifacts." Journal of Cultural Heritage 11, no. 4 (October 2010): 493–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.culher.2010.01.004.

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35

Barney. "Use of Mental Health Services by American Indian and Alaska Native Elders." American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research 5, no. 3 (1994): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5820/aian.0503.1994.1.

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36

Gray. "American Indian and Alaska Native Substance Abuse: Co-Morbidity and Cultural Issues." American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research 10, no. 2 (2001): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5820/aian.1002.2001.67.

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37

Frank. "Self-Destructive Behaviors in American Indian and Alaska Native High School Youth." American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research 10, no. 3 (2002): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5820/aian.1003.2002.24.

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Rainie, Stephanie, Miriam Jorgensen, Stephen Cornell, and Jaime Arsenault. "The Changing Landscape of Health Care Provision to American Indian Nations." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 39, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicr.39.1.j1u030g668113403.

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Health service provision has been an aspect of indigenous-United States relationships for over two hundred years, yet America's First Peoples continue to suffer from poor health outcomes when compared with other racial or ethnic groups in the United States. An important change over recent decades is that more and more tribes are managing their own health care services—a realignment of administration and authority that has the potential to substantially improve American Indian and Alaska Native health in years to come. This paper describes the history of health care provision to federally recognized American Indian tribes. It continues by documenting the sparse research literature on tribal management of health care services and identifying information still needed to bring knowledge of this topic up-to-date. Five challenges for tribal management of health-care services that should be considered by tribes and policymakers in their health-care efforts and brought to bear on future research are discussed. By addressing both tribal control of health-care services and the role of tribes in changes to federally provided health care, this paper adds the lens of tribal sovereignty to current discussions of the history and policy context for American Indian and Alaska Native health.

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Grinev, A. V. "Frederica de Laguna and Her Contribution to the Study of the Native Population of Alaska." Anthropology & Archeology of Eurasia 38, no. 3 (December 1999): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/aae1061-1959380311.

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40

Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam, and Andrei A. Znamenski. "Shamanism and Christianity: Native Encounters with Russian Orthodox Missions in Siberia and Alaska, 1820-1917." American Historical Review 106, no. 5 (December 2001): 1759. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2692760.

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41

Lewis, Jordan P. "LINKAGES BETWEEN INDIGENOUS CULTURAL GENERATIVITY AND SOBRIETY TO PROMOTE ALASKA NATIVE SUCCESSFUL AGING." Innovation in Aging 3, Supplement_1 (November 2019): S347. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igz038.1256.

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Abstract The aim of this study was to explore motivating and maintenance factors for sobriety among older AN adult participants (age 50+) from across Alaska. Ten life history narratives of Alaska Native older adults, representing Alutiiq, Athabascan, Tlingit, Yup’ik/Cup’ik Eskimos, from the PA sample were explored using thematic analysis. AN older adults are motivated to abstain from, or to quit drinking alcohol through spirituality, family influence, role socialization and others’ role modeling, and a desire to engage in indigenous cultural generative activities with their family and community. A desire to pass on their accumulated wisdom to a younger generation through engagement and sharing of culturally grounded activities and values, or indigenous cultural generativity, is a central unifying motivational and maintenance factor for sobriety. The implications of this research indicate that family, role expectations and socialization, desire for community and culture engagement, and spirituality are central features to both AN Elders’ understanding of sobriety and more broadly, to their successful aging. Future research is needed to test these findings in population-based studies and to explore incorpo- ration of these findings into alcohol treatment programs to support older AN adults’ desire to quit drinking and attain long-term sobriety. Sobriety can put older AN adults on a pathway to successful aging, in positions to serve as role models for their family and community, where they are provided opportunities to engage in meaningful indigenous cultural generative acts.

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42

Trahant, Mark N. "The Story of Indian Health is Complicated by History, Shortages & Bouts of Excellence." Daedalus 147, no. 2 (March 2018): 116–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00495.

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One of the primary goals of the U.S. government's entry into health care was to protect soldiers by isolating tribal populations and inoculating them against infectious disease. When tribes signed the legally binding treaties, the United States promised them doctors, nurses, facilities, and basic health care. Yet this promise has never been fully funded by Congress. The Indian Health Service, which includes tribal and nonprofit health agencies, is tasked with defying gravity, and this has led to a regular cycle of heartbreaking stories about a system that fails American Indian and Alaska Native patients. Yet, at the same time, the Indian health system has achieved remarkable innovation and excellence.

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43

Abbott. "American Indian and Alaska native Aboriginal Use of Alcohol in the United States." American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research 7, no. 2 (1996): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5820/aian.0702.1996.1.

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44

Islam-Zwart. "Investigation of Factors Contributing to Diabetes Risk in American Indian/Alaska Native Youth." American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research 14, no. 3 (2007): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5820/aian.1403.2007.49.

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Swift. "The Influence of an Alaska Native Accent and Reputation on Perceived Therapist Credibility." American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research 22, no. 1 (2015): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5820/aian.2201.2015.27.

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Giles, Sadie. "A Confluence of Policy Inequality: Health Disparities in Old Age Among American Indian and Alaska Native Populations." Innovation in Aging 4, Supplement_1 (December 1, 2020): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igaa057.120.

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Abstract Racial health disparities in old age are well established, and new conceptualizations and methodologies continue to advance our understanding of health inequality across the life course. One group that is overlooked in many of these analyses, however, is the aging American Indian/Native Alaskan (AI/NA) population. While scholars have attended to the unique health inequities faced by the AI/NA population as a whole due to its discordant political history with the US government, little attention has been paid to unique patterns of disparity that might exist in old age. I propose to draw critical gerontology into the conversation in order to establish a framework through which we can uncover barriers to health, both from the political context of the AI/NA people as well as the political history of old age policy in the United States. Health disparities in old age are often described through a cumulative (dis)advantage framework that offers the benefit of appreciating that different groups enter old age with different resources and health statuses as a result of cumulative inequalities across the life course. Adding a framework of age relations, appreciating age as a system of inequality where people also gain or lose access to resources and status upon entering old age offers a path for understanding the intersection of race and old age. This paper will show how policy history for this group in particular as well as old age policy in the United States all create a unique and unequal circumstance for the aging AI/NA population.

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Brayboy, Bryan McKinley Jones, and K. Tsianina Lomawaima. "Why Don't More Indians Do Better in School? The Battle between U.S. Schooling & American Indian/Alaska Native Education." Daedalus 147, no. 2 (March 2018): 82–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00492.

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American Indian/Alaska Native education – the training for life of children, adolescents, and adults – has been locked in battle for centuries with colonial schooling, which continues to the present day. Settler societies have used schools to “civilize” Indigenous peoples and to train Native peoples in subservience while dispossessing them of land. Schools are the battlegrounds of American Indian education in which epistemologies, ontologies, axiologies, pedagogies, and curricula clash. In the last century, Native nations, communities, parents, and students have fought tenaciously to maintain heritage languages and cultures – their ways of being in the world – through Indigenous education and have demanded radical changes in schools. Contemporary models of how educators are braiding together Indigenous education and Indigenous schooling to better serve Native peoples provide dynamic, productive possibilities for the future.

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Reynolds. "Unemployment, Drug Use, and HIV Risk Among American Indian and Alaska Native Drug Users." American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research 9, no. 1 (2000): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5820/aian.0901.2000.17.

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Fisher. "Alaska Native Drug Users and Sexually Transmitted Disease: Results of a Five-Year Study." American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research 9, no. 1 (2000): 47–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5820/aian.0901.2000.47.

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Kaufman. "Circle of Life HIV/AIDS-prevention Intervention for American Indian and Alaska Native Youth." American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research 19, no. 1 (2012): 140–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5820/aian.1901.2012.140.

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