Relevant bibliographies by topics / Alaska, politics and government

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Alaska, politics and government'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Alaska, politics and government"

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Thomas, Clive S., Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330749.

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Haycox, Stephen, Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." Western Historical Quarterly 26, no. 2 (1995): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970241.

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Morehouse, Thomas A. "Sovereignty, tribal government, and the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act Amendments of 1987." Polar Record 25, no. 154 (July 1989): 197–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400010792.

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AbstractContemporary dimensions of a conflict over the political powers of Alaska Natives and their relationship to the larger society were set by the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA) of 1971. This granted land and money to Alaska Natives, established corporations to use these assets, and ensured that the land and the corporations would remain under Native control until at least 1991. Under 1987 amendments to ANCSA, Congress extended these special protections indefinitely. Leaders of the tribal government movement in Alaska tried unsuccessfully to use the amendments to gain increased political power and federal recognition of Native tribes and tribal governments. They were opposed by federal authorities, Alaska's US senators, the State of Alaska, non-Native political interest groups, and Native leaders of the ANCSA corporations. Although stalled in this instance, the drive toward tribal government, or ‘sovereignty’, in Alaska remains a viable political movement. It is part of a continuing evolution of Native politics which in its modern form began with land claims and now includes a much broader concern for political claims of sovereignty, or inherent self-governing powers. In pursuing this course, however, tribal leaders will need to focus more on specific requirements for Native security and welfare than on general claims of sovereignty, and avoid direct confrontations with powerful opponents.
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Korsmo, Fae L., and Michael P. Sfraga. "Churchill Peaks and the politics of naming." Polar Record 36, no. 197 (April 2000): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400016235.

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AbstractThe highest mountain in North America bears two official names. While most visitors to Denali National Park in Alaska are familiar with the mountain's official name ‘McKinley,’ and with the frequently used Athabaskan name ‘Denali,’ the mountain also has a second official name: Churchill Peaks. This article traces the history and politics of naming Alaska's famous mountain, including the events that led to the addition of Churchill Peaks. Those events began when President Lyndon Johnson was unable to attend Winston Churchill's funeral in January 1965. The resulting controversy surrounding the naming of the great mountain reflects the ambiguous and often troubled relations between the national government and the remote northern periphery of the country.
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Worl, Rosita Kaaháni, and Heather Kendall-Miller. "Alaska's Conflicting Objectives." Daedalus 147, no. 2 (March 2018): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00488.

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The formal treaty-making period between the U.S. government and Native peoples ended in 1871, only four years after the United States purchased Alaska from Russia. As a result, Alaska Natives did not enter into treaties that recognized their political authority or land rights. Nor, following the end of the treaty-making period, were Alaska Natives granted the same land rights as federally recognized tribes in the lower forty-eight states. Rather, Congress created the Alaska Native Corporations as the management vehicle for conveyed lands in 1971. The unique legal status of these corporations has raised many questions about tribal land ownership and governance for future generations of Alaska Natives. Although Congress created the Native Corporations in its eagerness to settle land claims and assimilate Alaska Natives, Alaska Native cultures and governance structures persisted and evolved, and today many are reasserting the inherent authority of sovereign governments.
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Miller, Robert A., Nolan Klouda, and Jonathan M. Fisk. "Concrete Evidence: Infrastructure Challenges and the COVID-19 Pandemic." Public Works Management & Policy 26, no. 1 (November 9, 2020): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1087724x20969163.

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The COVID pandemic has forced governments to reimagine their revenue sources and spending priorities as well as how they balance meeting increasing public health demands with other pressing challenges. As the challenges to local economies have grown, policymakers at all levels of government have debated how best to restore confidence in the economy while mitigating the pandemic’s economic fallout. One such example is the Federal Government’s CARES legislation, which covers expenses related to COVID mitigation and response for state and local governments. This short commentary examines the experiences of Anchorage, Alaska and Reno, Nevada and offers a ‘lessons learned’ on how best to stimulate growth while protecting citizens’ health.
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Tysiachniouk, Maria, Laura Henry, and Leah S. Horowitz. "Global Standards, Corporate Diagrams and Indigenous Agency: ExxonMobil in Russia and Alaska." Arctic Review on Law and Politics 13 (2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/arctic.v13.3549.

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This paper examines how a transnational corporation (TNC) translates global standards and corporate policies into programs at sites of extraction. We explore this question through a comparative analysis of ExxonMobil’s operations in two different politico-economic contexts: the Sakhalin-1 project in Russia and the Point Thomson project on the North Slope of Alaska, with field work on Sakhalin Island in 2013–2015 and in Alaska in 2015–2018. Theoretically, we use the Deleuzian concept of “diagram” as a lens through which to examine corporate policies, and a governance generating network (GGN) approach to analyze similarities and differences in benefit-sharing programs in both localities. We show that while global commitments and corporate principles contribute to a standardized approach to community engagement, Indigenous movements and associations, the government, and other corporate actors may play important roles in influencing how corporate policies and global standards are implemented at sites of extraction. Moreover, adaptation of community engagement, benefit-sharing, and environmental monitoring in one location may shape how the company’s strategies are implemented in other sites of extraction.
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Hoss, Aila. "Federal Indian Law as a Structural Determinant of Health." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 47, S4 (2019): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1073110519898041.

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Federal Indian law is the body of law that defines the rights, responsibilities, and relationships between three sovereigns, Tribes, states, and the federal government. This area of law has defined, oftentimes poorly, the contours of treaty rights, criminal and civil jurisdiction, economic development, among other issues. Much has been documented in terms of the implications of social, legal, political, and economic systems that perpetuate inequities amongst American Indian and Alaska Native populations. There has also been substantial research on health inequalities. Yet, there has been less discussion on the role of law in perpetuating these adverse health outcomes in these populations. The social and structural determinants of health are the factors and conditions, such as housing, education, and politics, that create health disparities. For years, law has been described as a tool to promote health and even a determinant of health. And while research has explored Tribal health laws and federal Indian health policies, more needs to be analyzed in terms of the role of foundational principles of federal Indian law in perpetuating health disparities. This article argues that federal Indian law is a structural determinant of health by linking health disparities to the constructs of this body of law.
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Madden, Ryan. "Does Citizenship Matter? The Case of the Aleut Relocation During the Second World War in Alaska." Journal of Migration History 8, no. 3 (October 10, 2022): 457–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-08030006.

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Abstract In this article I argue that despite the rhetoric and activism of Aleuts, and others, the limits of citizenship during and after the relocation led to an utter failure to properly protect them. However, they were exposed to Alaska Native political action during their time away from the Islands which would give them ammunition to seek better treatment and ultimately redress and an apology from the American government. The article first explains why the relocation occurred, followed by an explanation of the Russian impacts on the Aleut and the eventual path to American citizenship, an analysis of the Aleut reactions to the conditions they encountered, and finally how Aleuts protested their plight with the sounding board of citizenship. An important component of the article are the words of Aleuts themselves which serve as a corrective history to government accounts.
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Gill, Duane, and Liesel Ritchie. "Considering Cumulative Social Effects of Technological Hazards and Disasters." American Behavioral Scientist 64, no. 8 (July 2020): 1145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764220938112.

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This article describes research designs utilized to study cumulative sociocultural and psychosocial effects of technological hazards and disasters. We apply these designs to two cases: (a) the Exxon Valdez disaster with a focus on Cordova, Alaska, and (b) the Enbridge Northern Gateway Pipeline project with a focus on the Gitga’at First Nation in Hartley Bay, British Columbia, Canada. The Exxon Valdez oil spill began in 1989 with the grounding of the supertanker on Bligh Reef in Prince William Sound, Alaska. Fisheries collapsed, key species failed to recover, and litigation languished for 19 years, creating an accumulation of impacts from the initial event. The Gitga’at First Nation serves as a case for examining cumulative effects of energy development, specifically the Enbridge Northern Gateway Pipeline project proposed in 2010. Hartley Bay’s sociocultural and psychosocial well-being are under threat from these and other ongoing development activities; they have also endured centuries of government-led subjugation. In studying each of these communities, we used mixed methods approaches that combined document review, observations, interviews, and surveys. Based on our experiences, we contend that the most effective way to examine cumulative social impacts is to employ concepts and theories drawn from existing research to support guidelines, frameworks, and methods.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Alaska, politics and government"

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Syaroni, Mizan. "The Majlisul Islamil Ala Indonesia (MIAI) : its socio-religious and political activities (1937-1943)." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21270.

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This thesis investigates the activities of the Majlisul Islamil A`la Indonesia (MIAI), an Islamic federative organization of pre-independent Indonesia, elaborating in particular on the federation's socio-religious and political stance. Operating for only six years (1937--1943), the MIAI represented Muslim groups, as a counterpart to the "secularists," within the nationalist movement during both the final years of Dutch rule and the early stages of the Japanese occupation. The MIAI was established for the specific purpose of unifying the Islamic organizations---political and non-political, traditionalist and modernist alike---while at the same time reviving Muslim political and socio-religious strength after the decline of the Sarekat Islam, which had for almost fifteen years dominated the nationalist scene.
The mission of the MIAI was seen by Muslims as a response to the threat posed by external forces. It reacted in particular against Dutch policies considered discriminatory by Muslims concerning matters involving Islamic belief and practice, such as marriage and education. The federation also took a strong stand regarding Christian polemic aimed at Islam and took part in Indonesian Muslim response. That the establishment of the MIAI was favored by most Islamic organizations attested to the strong sentiment among Indonesian Muslims for a common front, regardless of their differences on socio-religious and political issues. Together with the GAPI (Gabungan Partai Politik Indonesia or the Federation of Indonesian Political Parties) and the PVPN (Persatuan Vakbonden Pegawai Negeri, or the Association of Government Employees), the MIAI took part in demanding political reform on behalf of Muslim groups. Indeed, notwithstanding its short life span, the MIAI was a pioneer for national unity in general and Indonesian Muslim unity in particular.
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Tucker, Penelope. "Government and politics : London 1461-1483." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297286.

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This thesis discusses the nature of London's governmental and political system and the part played by the city in the political, commercial and legal life of the nation in the late fifteenth century. The first three chapters examine the city's electoral processes, the backgrounds of its most senior governors, and the relationships between its governing bodies and other civic organisations, such as the city companies. From this, it emerges that Edwardian London's political system was hierarchical rather than oligarchic, even though its governors were able to secure election to high office without following a lengthy civic cursus honorum. However, change was already under way, as the aldermen came to rely less on the wards and more on the companies for political support and legitimisation. The more oligarchical style of government clearly visible in the sixteenth century can be shown to have had its roots in the late fifteenth century. Chapters Four and Five examine the effectiveness of the city's financial organisations and system of law courts. In raising revenue for both civic and royal purposes, the city was relatively efficient, though its methods were ponderous and their effectiveness was heavily dependent on individual financial officers. The city's law courts remained busy and responsive to the needs of litigants, contributing to the effectiveness and prestige of civic government by their activities. In the final chapter, London's place in national and international political events is considered. The governors' normal aim was, above all, to protect the city's interests. Although London played an important role in the wider political scene, it had that role largely thrust upon it by others. This stance helped to prevent the city from mirroring the national tumults of the late fifteenth century.
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Dorado, Maria-Cristina. "Local government politics in Pereira, Colombia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670328.

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Johnson, Michelle Albus. "Perceptions of borough incorporation held by community leaders in Delta Junction, Alaska." CONNECT TO THIS TITLE ONLINE, 2008. http://etd.lib.umt.edu/theses/available/etd-05082008-142536/.

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Alketbi, Hamad. "An evaluation of e-government effectiveness in Dubai smart government departments." Thesis, Southampton Solent University, 2018. http://ssudl.solent.ac.uk/3809/.

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This PhD thesis examines the E-government implementation in Dubai and examines the critical success factors and barriers to a successful E-government implementation. The study is based on primary research conducted on the subject of E-government in the United Arab Emirates. The thesis critically reviewed extant literature on E-government implementation. The methodology used for this research is a mixed-methodological design comprising of quantitative survey of 450 employees of the Dubai Smart Government Department. A survey questionnaire was designed to assess the impact of various independent and dependent variables on the effectiveness of E-government implementation. To complement the shortcomings of the high level of abstraction often associated with quantitative methodology, a qualitative methodology was used which involved in-depth interviews with 25 middle and high ranking officials in the Dubai Smart Government Department. The results of these questionnaires and interviews helped provide a theoretical framework for the postulation of standard operating procedures, which could ensure the success of E-government implementation, in Dubai. The research analyses and discusses the primary data (questionnaire and interviews) to generate insights regarding the success of E-government implementation in Dubai. The analysis also examines the various factors which limit and hinder successful E-government implementations and offers recommendations for improvement. The study finds that some of the major barriers to E-government in Dubai include: technology, security, legal, monetary and strategic. Employees surveyed also generally expressed fear of complexity, system integration, data security, and job losses. Researchers have repeatedly shown that there is need for empirical based studies to understand contextually relevant aspects of E-government implementation in non-western contexts. This PhD thesis contributes to this debate with fresh empirical data sets from Dubai on E-government implementation including the identification of critical successes factors and barriers of a successful E-government implementation. This study also contributes theoretically by challenging the popular normative stage models with a more robust theoretical framework encompassing both human centeredness and context relevance. In so doing, the study came up with a tripartite approach comprising management support, cultural change, and system design. The study concludes that dynamic interplay between internal and external forces; socio-economic and technological factors (including maturity of ICT capabilities) are all relevant for a successful implementation of E-government in Dubai. This study’s key significance lies in its contribution to improve the implementation of a successful E-government in the UAE context, thereby leading to a development of a road map for facilitating practical implementation of strategies and reversing the declining trend of E-government participation in Dubai. In addition, the study’s emphasis on the public sector, could lead to strengthening of the role of E-government for administrative and institutional reform and inclusion in the public sector. The study could provide a useful guide both for the Dubai Smart Government Department and other E-government agencies in Arab regions and for internal stakeholders in the field who wish to gain insight into the process of E-government globally.
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Lee, Ronald Arthur. "Government and politics in Scotland, 1661-1681." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295339.

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Lorman, Thomas Anselm. "The domestic politics of the Bethlen government." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269979.

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RIBEIRO, BERNARDO BARBOZA. "POLITICS OF GOVERNMENT ADVERTISING: EVIDENCE FROM BRAZIL." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=31792@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
CONSELHO NACIONAL DE DESENVOLVIMENTO CIENTÍFICO E TECNOLÓGICO
Usando uma base de dados inédita com informações sobre o gasto do governo federal brasileira com propaganda, nós lançamos luz sobre o comportamento de anunciantes do setor público a relação entre propaganda governamental e voto. Em particular, nós investigamos possíveis motivações políticas por trás da alocação do orçamento dedicado à propaganda governamental e seu impacto sobre voto. No espírito da literatura de distributive politics, primeiro nós calculamos a correlação entre gasto com anúncios por entes públicos e votos no partido do governo no nível local. Em seguida, nós exploramos a variação exógena gerada pela cobertura de sinais de rádio para testar a hipótese de que o gasto com propaganda aumenta os votos recebidos pelo partido do governo. Nossos resultados sugerem que, ainda que resultados de eleições passadas prevêem onde no território o governo anuncia, os eleitores não parecem ser persuadidos pelos anúncios a votar em favor do partido no poder.
Using a unique data set of central government expenditure on advertising in Brazil, we shed light on the behavior of public advertisers and the relation between government ads and voting. In particular, we investigate political motivations behind the allocation of the advertisement budget by the federal government and its impacts on voting. Borrowing insights from the literature of distributive politics, we first correlate ad money and votes for the government s party on the local level. Next, we exploit plausible exogenous variation on radio signal coverage to test if money spent on ads turn into votes for the government s party. Our findings show that although past presidential election outcomes predict where in the territory the government places ads, voters do not seem to be persuaded by those ads to favor the party in power.
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Hoyland, Bjorn Kare. "Government and opposition in EU legislative politics." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2902/.

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This thesis presents a model of EU legislative politics. The model sees national political parties as actors, rather than institutions, countries or trans-national party groups. The empirical focus is on the Codecision procedure after the Amsterdam reform came into effect in 1999. In essence, the thesis argues that governing parties dominate EU legislative politics. The governing parties' advantage stems from two factors. First, they are represented in the Upper House, the Council of Ministers, while opposition parties are not. Second, the shifting majority requirements in the European Parliament (EP) mean that a qualified majority in the Council can impose its preferences on the EP if the Council has the support from a blocking minority in the EP. Nevertheless, the qualified majority requirement in the Council also means that most governing parties would like to see a larger change in policy than what the Council can agree to in their common position. This has implications for the legislative strategy of both governing and opposition parties. Three hypotheses are tested. Hypothesis 1: Governing parties are more active as Codecision agenda- setters (rapporteurs) than opposition parties. Hypothesis 2: Rapporteurs from governing parties are more likely to see their initial legislative proposal being accepted by the Council of Ministers in the first reading. Hypothesis 3: The majority of governing parties and ideologically close opposition parties are more likely to support second reading amendments than other parties. The empirical evidence supports the hypotheses. Thus, there are empirical grounds for arguing that government and opposition exist in EU legislative politics. The governing coalition is the qualified majority of the governing parties and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition is the losing minority in the Council and its ideologically close parties in the EP. The opposition also includes those parties that are neither ideologically close to the minority nor close to the majority of the governing parties. The evidence shows that behaviour differences are more evident between governing and opposition parties from adversarial member states. In non-adversarial states, which often have minority or oversized coalition government, the difference between governing and opposition parties is smaller.
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Cotton, Chloe E. "A "Herculean" Task: The Voting Rights Act and Redistricting in Alaska." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/374.

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Redistricting is a challenging task in any state, and Alaska, with its vast geography, sparse population, and uneven population concentrations, presents a unique set of difficulties. The state requires that its legislative districts be contiguous, compact, and relatively socio-economically integrated. Further complicating the process are the requirements of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Alaska is one of nine states required to submit its redistricting plans to the federal government for preclearance, as a result of a history of discrimination against a minority population. Under the VRA, Alaska must avoid retrogression of the voting power of its Alaska Native population. Particularly over the last couple of decades, the requirements of the VRA have come into conflict with the requirements of the state constitution. In the following paper, I will explore the impact of the VRA on redistricting in Alaska, with a particular focus on the redistricting cycle following the 2010 Census.
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Books on the topic "Alaska, politics and government"

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McBeath, Gerald A. Alaska politics & government. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1994.

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A, McBeath Gerald, and Morehouse Thomas A. 1937-, eds. Alaska state government and politics. Fairbanks: University of Alaska Press, 1987.

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Alaska. Municipal and Regional Assistance Division., ed. Regional government in Alaska. [Juneau, Alaska?]: The Department, 1988.

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Alaska. Governor (1990-1994 : Hickel). Alaska first: Past, present and future : a special briefing. [Juneau: Office of the Governor, 1994.

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Whitehead, John S. Completing the Union: The Alaska and Hawaii statehood movements. [Anchorage]: Alaska Historical Commission, 1986.

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United States. Office of American Indian Trust., ed. American Indians and Alaska natives. Washington, D.C. (1849 C St., N.W., Washington 20240): Dept. of the Interior, Office of American Indian Trust, 1999.

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Ray, Bill. Liquor, legislation & laughter: The story of an S.O.B. (Sweet Old Bill). Anchorage, Alaska: S.O.B. Pub., 2003.

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Burch, Ernest S. Social life in northwest Alaska: The structure of Ińupiaq Eskimo nations. Fairbanks, AK: University of Alaska Press, 2007.

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Cole, Dermot. North to the future: The Alaska story, 1959-2009. Kenmore, WA: Epicenter Press, 2008.

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Cole, Dermot. North to the future: The Alaska story, 1959-2009. Kenmore, WA: Epicenter Press, 2008.

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Book chapters on the topic "Alaska, politics and government"

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Huskey, Lee. "The Government Wage Premium in Alaska." In Management, Technology and Human Resources Policy in the Arctic (The North), 277–88. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-009-0249-7_26.

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Pettitt, Robin T. "Government." In Contemporary Party Politics, 162–77. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-41264-5_9.

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Diaz-Guerrero, Rogelio, and Lorand B. Szalay. "Government, Politics." In Understanding Mexicans and Americans, 175–90. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4899-0733-2_12.

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Jones, Bill. "Local government." In British politics, 342–58. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: The basics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429199509-27.

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Game, Chris. "Local government." In Politics UK, 528–59. 10th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003028574-32.

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Forman, F. N. "Local government." In Mastering British politics, 247–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11203-6_16.

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Forman, F. N., and N. D. J. Baldwin. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 369–92. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-02159-5_17.

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Forman, F. N., and N. D. J. Baldwin. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 338–65. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-13493-9_16.

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Forman, F. N. "Local Government." In Mastering British Politics, 269–91. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-17778-3_17.

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Coxall, Bill. "Quasi-government." In Contemporary British Politics, 160–78. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19867-2_8.

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Conference papers on the topic "Alaska, politics and government"

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Kelmendi, Jeton. "GOVERNMENT�S POLITICS FOR HIGH EDUCATION IN KOSOVO." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b12/s3.060.

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Li, Boyi, and Kyung Ryul Park. "Session details: Open Government Data Policies and Politics." In dg.o '17: 18th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3247602.

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Ronzhyn, Alexander. "Social Media Activism in Post-Euromaidan Ukrainian Politics and Civil Society." In 2016 Conference for E-Democracy and Open Government (CeDEM). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cedem.2016.17.

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Zhang, Xuefeng. "Is High Housing Price the Responsibility of the Government?" In 2017 2nd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-17.2017.6.

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"The Status Quo, Opportunities and Challenges of Local Government Financing Platform Transformation." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.02.

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Nojoumian, Mehrdad, and Thomas Tran. "Computational Politics and Economy for the Establishment of an Integrated Intelligent Government." In 2006 Canadian Conference on Electrical and Computer Engineering. IEEE, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ccece.2006.277732.

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"Research on the Legal System of Government and Social Capital Cooperation (PPP) Model." In 2018 International Conference on Economics, Politics and Business Management. Francis Academic Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.25236/icepbm.2018.49.

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Chukwuere, Joshua Ebere, and Chijioke Francis Onyebukwa. "NEW MEDIA AND POLITICS: AN ASSESSMENT OF 2016 SOUTH AFRICAN LOCAL GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS." In 31st International Academic Conference, London. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/iac.2017.031.018.

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Huang, Yanxia. "Study on the Chinese Grass-roots Government on Administrative and Personnel Management." In 2017 2nd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-17.2017.57.

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Sugiyatno. "Political Law Crime Money Politics in General Elections and Regional Head Elections." In The 2nd International Conference of Law, Government and Social Justice (ICOLGAS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201209.315.

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Reports on the topic "Alaska, politics and government"

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Bassetto, Marco, and Thomas Sargent. Politics and Efficiency of Separating Capital and Ordinary Government Budgets. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, January 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w11030.

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Persson, Torsten, and Guido Tabellini. The Size and Scope of Government: Comparative Politics with Rational Politicians. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6848.

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Menes, Rebecca. The Effect of Patronage Politics on City Government in American Cities, 1900-1910. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w6975.

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de Figueiredo, John, and Brian Silverman. How Does the Government (Want to) Fund Science? Politics, Lobbying and Academic Earmarks. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13459.

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Becerra, Oscar, Eduardo A. Cavallo, and Carlos Scartascini. The Politics of Financial Development: The Role of Interest Groups and Government Capabilities. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010996.

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Although financial development is good for long-term growth, not all countries pursue policies that render full financial development. This paper builds on an extensive political economy literature to construct a theoretical model showing that the intensity of opposition to financial development by incumbents depends on both their degree of credit dependency and the role of governments in credit markets. Empirical evidence for this claim is provided, and the results suggest that lower opposition to financial development leads to an effective increase in credit markets development only in those countries that have high government capabilities. Moreover, improvements in government capabilities have a significant impact on credit market development only in those countries where credit dependency is high (thus, opposition is low). This paper therefore contributes to this rich literature by providing a unified account of credit market development that includes two of its main determinants, traditionally considered in isolation.
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Schneider, Ben Ross. Institutions for Effective Business-Government Collaboration: Micro Mechanisms and Macro Politics in Latin America. Inter-American Development Bank, October 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011517.

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What makes for effective cooperation between government and business in industrial policy? Core research questions on the institutional design of arrangements for business-government interactions focus on three main functions: i) maximizing the benefits of dialogue and information exchange; ii) motivating participation through authoritative allocation; and iii) minimizing unproductive rent seeking. Countries with more experiences of public-private collaboration (PPC) tend to have more pragmatic governments and better organized and informally networked private sectors. Effective cooperation also depends on the macro context, in particular the nature of the political system and the alternative avenues it provides for business politicking, especially through parties, networks and appointments, the media, and campaign finance. Lastly, the structure and strategies of big domestic businesses -mostly diversified, family-owned business groups- affects their preferences and interest in collaborating in industrial policy.
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Mitralexis, Sotiris. Deepening Greece’s Divisions: Religion, COVID, Politics, and Science. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp11en.

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Instead of being a time of unity and solidarity, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has proven to be a time of disunity, a time for deepening Greece’s divisions after a decade of crisis — on a spectrum ranging from politics to religion, and more im-portantly on the public discourse on religion. The present article offers a perspective on recent developments — by (a) looking into how the Greek government weapon-ized science in the public square, by (b) examining the stance of the Orthodox Church of Greece, by (c) indicatively surveying ‘COVID-19 and religion’ develop-ments that would not be covered by the latter, and last but not least by (d) discuss-ing the discrepancy between these two areas of inquiry in an attempt to explain it.
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Harvey, Paul, and Habiba Mohamed. The Politics of Donor and Government Approaches to Social Protection and Humanitarian Policies for Assistance During Crises. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/basic.2022.010.

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This paper examines social protection policy processes in fragile and conflict-affected settings (FCAS). It explores what the policies of donor governments, aid agencies, and crisis-affected governments reveal about the politics of assistance during crises, and how aid agencies are navigating tensions between humanitarian and development approaches to social assistance. It finds that social protection policies are prone to conflict blindness. Commitments to state-building often ignore dilemmas inherent in supporting states that are parties to ongoing conflicts and the political rather than technical challenges involved. Government social protection policies in FCAS often make little mention of the fact that war or conflict are taking place.
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Hallerberg, Mark, and Carlos Scartascini. Research Insights: Does Politics Trump the Ability of Having Successful Tax Reforms? Inter-American Development Bank, October 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0005267.

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The probability of tax reform is higher during banking crises. Tax reform is unlikely to occur during election periodseven if the government is facing financing problemsso reforms that seek to raise taxes should be avoided at those times. The ideology of the president does not explain which taxes are reformed, or how they are changed, but the presence of an IMF program does.
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Asgedom, Amare, Shelby Carvalho, and Pauline Rose. Negotiating Equity: Examining Priorities, Ownership, and Politics Shaping Ethiopia’s Large-Scale Education Reforms for Equitable Learning. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), March 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2021/067.

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In 2018, the Government of Ethiopia committed to large-scale, donor-supported reforms aimed at improving equitable learning in the basic education system—the General Education Quality Improvement Program for Equity (GEQIP-E). In this paper, we examine the reform design process in the context of Ethiopia’s political environment as a strong developmental state, assessing the influence of different stakeholder priorities which have led to the focus on equity within the quality reforms. Drawing on qualitative data from 81 key informant interviews with federal and regional government officials and donors, we explore the negotiation and power dynamics which have shaped the design of the reforms. We find that a legacy of moderately successful reforms, and a shared commitment to global goals, paved the way for negotiations of more complex and ambitious reforms between government actors and donors. Within government, we identify that regional governments were only tokenistically included in the reform process. Given that regions are responsible for the implementation of these reforms, their limited involvement in the design could have implications for success.
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