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Journal articles on the topic 'Alaska, politics and government'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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1

Thomas, Clive S., Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330749.

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2

Haycox, Stephen, Gerald A. McBeath, and Thomas A. Morehouse. "Alaska Politics and Government." Western Historical Quarterly 26, no. 2 (1995): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970241.

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3

Morehouse, Thomas A. "Sovereignty, tribal government, and the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act Amendments of 1987." Polar Record 25, no. 154 (July 1989): 197–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400010792.

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AbstractContemporary dimensions of a conflict over the political powers of Alaska Natives and their relationship to the larger society were set by the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA) of 1971. This granted land and money to Alaska Natives, established corporations to use these assets, and ensured that the land and the corporations would remain under Native control until at least 1991. Under 1987 amendments to ANCSA, Congress extended these special protections indefinitely. Leaders of the tribal government movement in Alaska tried unsuccessfully to use the amendments to gain increased political power and federal recognition of Native tribes and tribal governments. They were opposed by federal authorities, Alaska's US senators, the State of Alaska, non-Native political interest groups, and Native leaders of the ANCSA corporations. Although stalled in this instance, the drive toward tribal government, or ‘sovereignty’, in Alaska remains a viable political movement. It is part of a continuing evolution of Native politics which in its modern form began with land claims and now includes a much broader concern for political claims of sovereignty, or inherent self-governing powers. In pursuing this course, however, tribal leaders will need to focus more on specific requirements for Native security and welfare than on general claims of sovereignty, and avoid direct confrontations with powerful opponents.
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4

Korsmo, Fae L., and Michael P. Sfraga. "Churchill Peaks and the politics of naming." Polar Record 36, no. 197 (April 2000): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400016235.

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AbstractThe highest mountain in North America bears two official names. While most visitors to Denali National Park in Alaska are familiar with the mountain's official name ‘McKinley,’ and with the frequently used Athabaskan name ‘Denali,’ the mountain also has a second official name: Churchill Peaks. This article traces the history and politics of naming Alaska's famous mountain, including the events that led to the addition of Churchill Peaks. Those events began when President Lyndon Johnson was unable to attend Winston Churchill's funeral in January 1965. The resulting controversy surrounding the naming of the great mountain reflects the ambiguous and often troubled relations between the national government and the remote northern periphery of the country.
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5

Worl, Rosita Kaaháni, and Heather Kendall-Miller. "Alaska's Conflicting Objectives." Daedalus 147, no. 2 (March 2018): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00488.

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The formal treaty-making period between the U.S. government and Native peoples ended in 1871, only four years after the United States purchased Alaska from Russia. As a result, Alaska Natives did not enter into treaties that recognized their political authority or land rights. Nor, following the end of the treaty-making period, were Alaska Natives granted the same land rights as federally recognized tribes in the lower forty-eight states. Rather, Congress created the Alaska Native Corporations as the management vehicle for conveyed lands in 1971. The unique legal status of these corporations has raised many questions about tribal land ownership and governance for future generations of Alaska Natives. Although Congress created the Native Corporations in its eagerness to settle land claims and assimilate Alaska Natives, Alaska Native cultures and governance structures persisted and evolved, and today many are reasserting the inherent authority of sovereign governments.
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6

Miller, Robert A., Nolan Klouda, and Jonathan M. Fisk. "Concrete Evidence: Infrastructure Challenges and the COVID-19 Pandemic." Public Works Management & Policy 26, no. 1 (November 9, 2020): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1087724x20969163.

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The COVID pandemic has forced governments to reimagine their revenue sources and spending priorities as well as how they balance meeting increasing public health demands with other pressing challenges. As the challenges to local economies have grown, policymakers at all levels of government have debated how best to restore confidence in the economy while mitigating the pandemic’s economic fallout. One such example is the Federal Government’s CARES legislation, which covers expenses related to COVID mitigation and response for state and local governments. This short commentary examines the experiences of Anchorage, Alaska and Reno, Nevada and offers a ‘lessons learned’ on how best to stimulate growth while protecting citizens’ health.
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7

Tysiachniouk, Maria, Laura Henry, and Leah S. Horowitz. "Global Standards, Corporate Diagrams and Indigenous Agency: ExxonMobil in Russia and Alaska." Arctic Review on Law and Politics 13 (2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/arctic.v13.3549.

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This paper examines how a transnational corporation (TNC) translates global standards and corporate policies into programs at sites of extraction. We explore this question through a comparative analysis of ExxonMobil’s operations in two different politico-economic contexts: the Sakhalin-1 project in Russia and the Point Thomson project on the North Slope of Alaska, with field work on Sakhalin Island in 2013–2015 and in Alaska in 2015–2018. Theoretically, we use the Deleuzian concept of “diagram” as a lens through which to examine corporate policies, and a governance generating network (GGN) approach to analyze similarities and differences in benefit-sharing programs in both localities. We show that while global commitments and corporate principles contribute to a standardized approach to community engagement, Indigenous movements and associations, the government, and other corporate actors may play important roles in influencing how corporate policies and global standards are implemented at sites of extraction. Moreover, adaptation of community engagement, benefit-sharing, and environmental monitoring in one location may shape how the company’s strategies are implemented in other sites of extraction.
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8

Hoss, Aila. "Federal Indian Law as a Structural Determinant of Health." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 47, S4 (2019): 34–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1073110519898041.

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Federal Indian law is the body of law that defines the rights, responsibilities, and relationships between three sovereigns, Tribes, states, and the federal government. This area of law has defined, oftentimes poorly, the contours of treaty rights, criminal and civil jurisdiction, economic development, among other issues. Much has been documented in terms of the implications of social, legal, political, and economic systems that perpetuate inequities amongst American Indian and Alaska Native populations. There has also been substantial research on health inequalities. Yet, there has been less discussion on the role of law in perpetuating these adverse health outcomes in these populations. The social and structural determinants of health are the factors and conditions, such as housing, education, and politics, that create health disparities. For years, law has been described as a tool to promote health and even a determinant of health. And while research has explored Tribal health laws and federal Indian health policies, more needs to be analyzed in terms of the role of foundational principles of federal Indian law in perpetuating health disparities. This article argues that federal Indian law is a structural determinant of health by linking health disparities to the constructs of this body of law.
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9

Madden, Ryan. "Does Citizenship Matter? The Case of the Aleut Relocation During the Second World War in Alaska." Journal of Migration History 8, no. 3 (October 10, 2022): 457–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-08030006.

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Abstract In this article I argue that despite the rhetoric and activism of Aleuts, and others, the limits of citizenship during and after the relocation led to an utter failure to properly protect them. However, they were exposed to Alaska Native political action during their time away from the Islands which would give them ammunition to seek better treatment and ultimately redress and an apology from the American government. The article first explains why the relocation occurred, followed by an explanation of the Russian impacts on the Aleut and the eventual path to American citizenship, an analysis of the Aleut reactions to the conditions they encountered, and finally how Aleuts protested their plight with the sounding board of citizenship. An important component of the article are the words of Aleuts themselves which serve as a corrective history to government accounts.
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10

Gill, Duane, and Liesel Ritchie. "Considering Cumulative Social Effects of Technological Hazards and Disasters." American Behavioral Scientist 64, no. 8 (July 2020): 1145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764220938112.

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This article describes research designs utilized to study cumulative sociocultural and psychosocial effects of technological hazards and disasters. We apply these designs to two cases: (a) the Exxon Valdez disaster with a focus on Cordova, Alaska, and (b) the Enbridge Northern Gateway Pipeline project with a focus on the Gitga’at First Nation in Hartley Bay, British Columbia, Canada. The Exxon Valdez oil spill began in 1989 with the grounding of the supertanker on Bligh Reef in Prince William Sound, Alaska. Fisheries collapsed, key species failed to recover, and litigation languished for 19 years, creating an accumulation of impacts from the initial event. The Gitga’at First Nation serves as a case for examining cumulative effects of energy development, specifically the Enbridge Northern Gateway Pipeline project proposed in 2010. Hartley Bay’s sociocultural and psychosocial well-being are under threat from these and other ongoing development activities; they have also endured centuries of government-led subjugation. In studying each of these communities, we used mixed methods approaches that combined document review, observations, interviews, and surveys. Based on our experiences, we contend that the most effective way to examine cumulative social impacts is to employ concepts and theories drawn from existing research to support guidelines, frameworks, and methods.
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11

LOZANO, ROSINA. "Vote Aquí Hoy: The 1975 Extension of the Voting Rights Act and the Creation of Language Minorities." Journal of Policy History 35, no. 1 (December 22, 2022): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030622000367.

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AbstractThe year 1975 marked a watershed year for Spanish-surnamed people in the United States and their relationship with the federal government. In that year Congress extended the Voting Rights Act to include a “language minority” category, requiring federal election officials to translate election materials under certain conditions. By validating language rights for language minorities, Congress expanded federal voting protections far beyond African Americans. Advocates for Spanish speakers took up the cause before Congress, which created a new federally protected category based on the long history of discrimination in education and society they collected in testimonies. These language protections catered largely to Spanish speakers, though the category also included Alaska Natives, Native Americans, and Asian Americans. The process of gaining a separate language minority status is explored in this article, which explains how Congress chose to create a law that included Spanish speakers by name.
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12

Huhndorf, R. M., and S. M. Huhndorf. "Alaska Native Politics since the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act." South Atlantic Quarterly 110, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 385–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-1162507.

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13

Anderson, Jonathan. "The Alaska Permanent Fund: Politics and Trust." Public Budgeting & Finance 22, no. 2 (January 2002): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1540-5850.00073.

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14

Haozous, Emily A., Carolyn J. Strickland, Janelle F. Palacios, and Teshia G. Arambula Solomon. "Blood Politics, Ethnic Identity, and Racial Misclassification among American Indians and Alaska Natives." Journal of Environmental and Public Health 2014 (2014): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/321604.

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Misclassification of race in medical and mortality records has long been documented as an issue in American Indian/Alaska Native data. Yet, little has been shared in a cohesive narrative which outlines why misclassification of American Indian/Alaska Native identity occurs. The purpose of this paper is to provide a summary of the current state of the science in racial misclassification among American Indians and Alaska Natives. We also provide a historical context on the importance of this problem and describe the ongoing political processes that both affect racial misclassification and contribute to the context of American Indian and Alaska Native identity.
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15

Bradley, David. "Government and Society: Fresher food from Alaska." Analytical Chemistry 72, no. 23 (December 2000): 735 A. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/ac002989d.

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16

McDermott, Sandra. "Frigid Embrace: Politics, Economics and Environment in Alaska." Public Historian 26, no. 1 (2004): 169–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2004.26.1.169.

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17

Nelson, Deniel, and Stephen Haycox. "Frigid Embrace: Politics, Economics, and Environment in Alaska." Environmental History 8, no. 2 (April 2003): 334. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3985729.

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18

Whitehead, John S., and Stephen Haycox. "Frigid Embrace: Politics, Economics, and Environment in Alaska." Western Historical Quarterly 34, no. 2 (July 1, 2003): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25047261.

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19

Jessup, David Eric. "Connecting Alaska: The Washington-Alaska Military Cable and Telegraph System." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 6, no. 4 (October 2007): 385–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400002218.

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In response to the Klondike gold rush, the U.S. Army established isolated forts throughout Alaska. Between 1900 and 1905, the Signal Corps connected those posts with each other and with the contiguous United States by means of the Washington-Alaska Military Cable and Telegraph System (WAMCATS). A significant logistical and technological achievement, the system of thousands of miles of suspended landlines and underwater cable included the first successful long-distance radio operation in the world. The first physical link between the United States and Alaska, the telegraph was also the first major contribution to Alaskan infrastructure provided by the federal government, marking the beginning of the government's central role in the development of Alaska.
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20

Thornburg, Steven W., and Robin W. Roberts. "“Incorporating” American Colonialism: Accounting and the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act." Behavioral Research in Accounting 24, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 203–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/bria-10177.

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ABSTRACT The history of Alaska is a colonial history (Pomeroy 1947; Haycox 2002). The purpose of this paper is to examine how the corporate form of organization and corporate accounting were used by the United States (U.S.) government to rationalize decisions, exercise control, and exploit Alaskan resources to benefit corporate America and the existing U.S. states. The Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act of 1971 (ANCSA) established Alaska Native Corporations (ANCs), whose stock was distributed to qualifying Alaska Natives in exchange for their agreement to extinguish all aboriginal land claims. Guided by prior work in accounting and postmodern colonialism, our analysis uncovers ways in which ANCSA, though lauded by the U.S. government as an innovative and generous settlement, perpetuated a historical pattern of indigenous exploitation by western economic interests, and employed corporate accounting policies and techniques to further the interests of the U.S. government and large corporations at the expense of Native Alaskans.
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21

Brown, William H., Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." New England Quarterly 66, no. 2 (June 1993): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/365854.

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22

Billings, Charles E., James D. Thomas, and William H. Stewart. "Alabama Government and Politics." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 19, no. 4 (1989): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330427.

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23

Patton, Janet W., and Penny M. Miller. "Kentucky Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, no. 3 (1994): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330747.

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Barringer, Richard, Kenneth T. Palmer, G. Thomas Taylor, and Marcus A. LiBrizzi. "Maine Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 23, no. 2 (1993): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330863.

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25

Shrewsbury, Carolyn M., Daniel J. Elazar, Virginia Gray, and Wyman Spano. "Minnesota Politics and Government." CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 30, no. 3 (2000): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3331101.

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26

Dougan, Michael B., Diane D. Blair, and Jay Barth. "Arkansas Politics and Government." Arkansas Historical Quarterly 65, no. 1 (2006): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40028075.

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27

Kirmanj, Sherko. "Islam, Politics and Government." Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions 9, no. 1 (March 2008): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14690760701856382.

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28

Dempsey, D. J. "Distinguishing "Government" and "Politics"." Social Work 56, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sw/56.2.191-a.

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29

Dollinger, Marc J. "Politics, government, and business." Business Horizons 55, no. 5 (September 2012): 399–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.bushor.2012.03.005.

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30

Thornton, T. F. "Against Culture: Development, Politics, and Religion in Indian Alaska." Ethnohistory 52, no. 2 (April 1, 2005): 481–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-52-2-481.

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31

Dombrowski, Kirk. "The Praxis of Indigenism and Alaska Native Timber Politics." American Anthropologist 104, no. 4 (December 2002): 1062–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2002.104.4.1062.

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32

Dombrowski, Kirk. "Against Culture: Development, Politics and Religion in Indian Alaska." North American Dialogue 7, no. 1 (January 2004): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nad.2004.7.1.1.

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33

Nadasdy, Paul. "Against Culture: Development, Politics, and Religion in Indian Alaska." American Ethnologist 29, no. 4 (November 2002): 1027–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.2002.29.4.1027.

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34

Tarango, Angela. "Against Culture: Development, Politics, and Religion in Indian Alaska." Pneuma 31, no. 1 (2009): 150–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007409x418392.

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35

U, Karuppathevan. "Politics of Valluvam." International Research Journal of Tamil 2, no. 3 (June 29, 2020): 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.34256/irjt20318.

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The state that Valluvam insists depends on the rights of the people. To abolish slavery, demand good government otherwise to exclude. Valluvam adores good government and good king at the same time abhor the bad king, and throw such a tyrannical king away. Valluvam, which claims to be a superpower, says it will protect it from enemies. The Government and Government rule that Valluvam insists are not in the category of Monarchy, Force and republic Government. Whatever the type, the scepter government is the government that Valluvam insists. The essay for this study is in the context of Valluvam politics.
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36

Villegas, Malia. "The Alaska Native Reader." International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2011): 49–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v4i1.71.

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For me, reading this volume is like coming home. As an Alutiiq/Sugpiaq (Alaska Native) researcher who recently relocated to Brisbane, Australia, it is a joy and an honor to review, The Alaska Native reader: History, culture, politics, edited by Maria Shaa Tláa Williams. This volume stands as a celebration of Alaska Native scholarship in its historical, linguistic, political, artistic, spiritual, scientific, and even culinary forms (see p. 360 for Daisy Demientieff's Best-Ever Moose Stew Recipe)! It is a treasure because it seeks to impact readers in a felt way – appealing to all of the places where knowledge lives including the mind, heart, belly, and soul. Each chapter prompted a different response ranging from pure joy to deep sadness, from rage to pride, from a sense of solidarity with other Alaska Natives to appreciation for my own particular culture, and from curiosity about what others are working toward to awe at what already has been achieved.
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37

Ika, Syahrir, Hadi Setiawan, and Sofia Arie Damayanty. "Evaluation of Indonesian Food Politics and Fiscal Politics Support." Kajian Ekonomi dan Keuangan 19, no. 1 (November 1, 2016): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31685/kek.v19i1.15.

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The Indonesian Constitution mandates the government to keep the food sovereignty in terms of availability, affordability, and the fulfillment of adequate food consumption with safety, quality, and nutritionally balanced. In food politics, the government has a number of policies and programs to achieve food self-sufficiency such as the provision of agricultural land, fertilizer, pesticides, seeds, irrigation, farmers' education, and financing supports. In terms of fiscal policy, the government annually allocates funds to support food self-sufficiency programs. Unfortunetaly, Indonesia still in the stage of below achieving a food self-sufficiency; the government still imports some strategic foodstuffs such as rice, corn, soybeans, sugar, and meat. Low production of foodstuffs bring about a decrease in agricultural sector contribution to GDP. This article aims to evaluate the effectiveness of government policy on food and fiscal policy support. Using secondary data, the study tries to describe using the approach of 'The Context, Links, and Evidence Framework". The study concludes that although the government has a strong commitment to have food sovereignty, but still difficult to achieve food selfsufficiency and food security. Therefore the authors recommend a policy package which includes nine priority programs to be considered by the government.
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38

McDermott, Sandra. "Frigid Embrace: Politics, Economics and Environment in Alaska Stephen Haycox." Public Historian 26, no. 1 (January 2004): 169–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3379377.

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39

Daley, Patrick, and Beverly James. "Warming the Arctic Air: Cultural Politics and Alaska Native Radio." Javnost - The Public 5, no. 2 (January 1998): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13183222.1998.11008674.

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40

Curtis, Judith G. "Cultural Politics and the Mass Media: Alaska Native Voices (review)." American Indian Quarterly 29, no. 3 (2005): 713–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aiq.2005.0087.

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41

Dickerson, Mark O. "Alaska State Government and Politics, edited by Gerald A. McBeath and Thomas A. Morehouse." ARCTIC 42, no. 2 (January 1, 1989). http://dx.doi.org/10.14430/arctic1945.

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42

"The Alaska Native reader: history, culture, politics." Choice Reviews Online 47, no. 08 (April 1, 2010): 47–4593. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.47-4593.

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43

"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 25, no. 2 (June 1996): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693564.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 24, no. 4 (December 1996): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693595.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 25, no. 1 (March 1996): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693626.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 25, no. 3 (September 1996): 27–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02693671.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 29, no. 3-4 (September 2000): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-000-1008-1.

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48

"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 29, no. 1-2 (March 2000): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-000-1039-7.

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"Politics and government." Women Studies Abstracts 30, no. 1 (March 2001): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-001-1008-9.

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"Politics and Government." Women Studies Abstracts 30, no. 2 (June 2001): 34–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12118-001-1032-9.

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