Academic literature on the topic 'Alaska vital records'

Historical film and media collections in the North contain an essential, indelible message for the future — that cultural knowledge is perishable and impermanent. Throughout the world as bearers of traditional culture pass away, much of their knowledge is lost. Film and audio collections can play a critical role in preserving living knowledge, allowing us to observe, experience, and study singular, irreproducible moments of a culture’s past. As time passes, these unique recorded moments take on a vital function; they become new conduits of knowledge, a visual and aural stand-in for real experience. This paper discusses the role of museum film and audio collections in preserving cultural knowledge and the challenges of extending this resource to the classrooms of remote communities throughout the North. The paper also discusses the collaborative cultural filmmaking initiative of Sarah Elder and Leonard Kamerling, their work with partner Alaska Native communities over a period of two decades, and their setbacks and successes in producing “authentic” records of Alaska Native life in the 1970s and 1980s, records that are now part of the Alaska Documentary Collections at the University of Alaska Museum of the North.

Disease significantly affects population abundance of Pacific herring (Clupea pallasi). Comprehensive epidemiological study of the Pacific herring population of Prince William Sound, Alaska, U.S.A., from 1994 to 2000 included complete necropsy examination of 230–500 fish each spring and 40–160 fish each fall (total n = 2983 fish). Mortality is best estimated, through modifications of an age-structured assessment model, using a disease index that combines the prevalence of viral hemorrhagic septicemia virus (VHSV) with the prevalence of ulcers. Risk factors for an epidemic include poor body condition and abundant recruitment before spawning in the spring. Prevalence of the pathogen Ichthyophonus hoferi increased as fish aged, but changes in I. hoferi prevalence were not related to changes in population abundance. Disease that caused an epidemic in 1998 (VHSV and ulcers) nearly disappeared from the population when changes in abundance were detected by traditional stock assessment methods in 1999. Disease significantly affects recruitment — the two lowest recruitment estimates on record, in 1994 and 1999, followed increased natural mortality of adults in 1993 and 1998.

AbstractPersistently poor weather in the Arctic makes traditional marine mammal research from aircraft and ships difficult, yet collecting information on marine mammal distribution and habitat utilization is vital for understanding the impact of climate change on Arctic ecosystems. Moreover, as industrial use of the Arctic increases with the expansion of the open-water summer season, there is an urgent need to monitor the effects of noise from oil and gas exploration and commercial shipping on marine mammals. During September 2013, we deployed a single Slocum glider equipped with a digital acoustic monitoring (DMON) instrument to record and process in situ low-frequency (<5 kHz) audio to characterize marine mammal occurrence and habitat as well as ambient noise in the Chukchi Sea off the northwest coast of Alaska, USA. The DMON was programmed with the low-frequency detection and classification system (LFDCS) to autonomously detect and classify sounds of a variety of Arctic and sub-Arctic marine mammal species. The DMON/LFDCS reported regularly in near real time via Iridium satellite detailed detection data, summary classification information, and spectra of background noise. The spatial distributions of bowhead whale, bearded seal, and walrus call rates were correlated with surface salinity measured by the glider. Bowhead whale and walrus call rates were strongly associated with a warm and salty water mass of Bering Sea origin. With a passive acoustic capability that allows both archival recording and near real-time reporting, we envision ocean gliders will become a standard tool for marine mammal and ocean noise research and monitoring in the Arctic.

Abstract Introduction Adult T-cell leukemia/lymphoma (ATLL) is a rare, aggressive T cell neoplasm associated with a retrovirus human T cell lymphotropic virus (HTLV-1) and carries a dismal prognosis. Within the United States, New York, and Florida see the majority of cases due to the concentration of Caribbean immigrants (Zell, Assal et al. 2016, Malpica, Pimentel et al. 2018). SEER data does not include states like New York and Florida where most cases are seen and therefore a true estimate of the disease burden in this country is not known (Chihara, Ito et al. 2012, Adams, Newcomb et al. 2016). Aim We aim to study the epidemiology and clinical outcomes of ATLL in the United States particularly in the state of New York. Methods Data for New York was obtained from the New York State Cancer Registry (NYSCR). Data were also retrieved from 18 Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results (SEER) registries in the United States. Patients with ATLL (HTLV-1 positive) (includes all variants) were categorized using the International Classification of Diseases for Oncology, Third Edition codes ICD-O-3 as 9827/3. Race/ethnicity was categorized as non-Hispanic white, non-Hispanic black, all Hispanic and other/unknown in the NYSCR whereas it was categorized as non-Hispanic white, non-Hispanic black, all Hispanic, non-Hispanic American Indian/Alaska Native, non-Hispanic Asian or Pacific Islander, and non-Hispanic unknown race in SEER. ATLL patients ≥ 15 years of age were identified from 1995 to 2014 in SEER and all ages were included in NYSCR. Survival was estimated from SEER follow-up data with Kaplan Meier survival analysis. For NYSCR mean and median survival time (month) for deceased patients - cases diagnosed through death certificate only were removed. NYSCR does not conduct active patient follow-up and assumes patients are still alive if we didn't find a deathmatch through vital record or National Death Index linkages. Results Five hundred and eleven patients with ATLL were identified in SEER. These patients had a median survival of 8 months (m) which was worse than all other subtypes of peripheral T cell lymphoma. (Figure 1) Four hundred and twenty-nine patients with ATLL were identified in NYSCR and these patients had a median survival of 4.5 m. (Figure 2) Over the years from 2000 until 2014 the number of cases diagnosed within SEER registry coverage areas has not changed. In New York state however there has been a doubling in the number of cases diagnosed from 1995 to 2014. (Figure 3A, B) The non-Hispanic black population was diagnosed at a median age of 52.5 in SEER and 54 in NYSCR while the non-Hispanic whites were diagnosed at a median age of 71 in SEER and 64.5 in NYSCR. The Hispanic patients were diagnosed at a median age of 58.5 in NYSCR and 52.5 in SEER. (Figure 4A, B) There was no gender predominance with 50% males in both registries. ATLL patients in SEER were 47.2% non-Hispanic white, 31.7% non-Hispanic black, 9.8% Hispanic and 11.4% other/unknown. There were 5.5% Japanese patients (n=28) diagnosed in SEER. NYSCR had 22.4% non-Hispanic white, 59.4% non-Hispanic black, 15.9% Hispanic and 2.3% other/unknown. (Figure 5A, B) Within SEER registries most cases occurred in New Jersey, California, Connecticut and Georgia. (Figure 6) New York state had a significantly higher number of cases than these states. Seventy four percent cases diagnosed within New York state are diagnosed in New York city and only 26% of cases are diagnosed in upstate New York. Based on reported country of birth within New York state, only 27% of the ATLL cases diagnosed are born in the US whereas 49% are born in the Caribbean (most likely to be from Jamaica, Dominican Republic and Haiti). (Figure 7A, B, C) For SEER and NYSCR the age-adjusted cancer incidence rate by race year and other factors will be presented at the meeting. Conclusions ATLL has a worse prognosis than all other PTCL subtypes. New York State has a high endemicity for ATLL with a rising number of cases. The higher percentage of non-Hispanic black patients in New York compared to the rest of the country is consistent with the diverse racial demographics in this state. Survival varied significantly by race/ethnicity and disparities were evident especially for non-Hispanic blacks who were diagnosed at a younger median age and had a shorter survival. Further research into this aggressive disease is needed to improve outcomes for these patients. Disclosures No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

Abstract Objective Maternal racial and ethnic disparities exist in obstetric outcomes. The contribution of paternal race and ethnicity toward obstetric outcomes has been less well documented. The objective of this study was to investigate the association between paternal race and ethnicity and several adverse pregnancy outcomes. Study Design This was a retrospective cohort of birth data from the CDC National Vital Statistics, years 2013—2017. All singleton live births were included in the analysis. Records with missing paternal race and ethnicity were excluded. The primary dependent variables were the following adverse maternal and perinatal outcomes: gestational diabetes, hypertensive disorder of pregnancy, preterm birth <37 weeks, cesarean delivery, low birth weight <2,500 g, 5-minute Apgar's score <7, admission to neonatal intensive care unit (NICU), and assisted ventilation at > 6 hours of life. The main exposure was paternal race and ethnicity, which was grouped into non-Hispanic white, non-Hispanic black, Hispanic, and other. Other race and ethnicity category included: American Indian, Alaskan Native, Asian, Native Hawaiian, or other Pacific Islander. Univariable and multivariable analyses were done to determine whether paternal race and ethnicity was independently associated with adverse pregnancy outcomes. Results A total of 16,482,745 births were included. In univariable analysis, all adverse obstetric outcomes were significantly associated with paternal race and ethnicity. In multivariable analysis, controlling for maternal and paternal demographic characteristics and maternal clinical factors, paternal race and ethnicity remained significantly associated with the majority of the adverse pregnancy outcomes. The strongest association was seen with: (1) paternal non-Hispanic black race and ethnicity, and higher rates of LBW and preterm birth (Odds ratio [OR] = 1.25, 95% CI: 1.24–1.27 and OR = 1.14, 95% CI: 1.13–1.15, respectively); (2) paternal Hispanic race and ethnicity and lower rates of 5-minute Apgar's score <7, and assisted ventilation at >6 hours of life (OR = 0.78, 95% CI: 0.77–0.79, and OR = 0.77, 95% CI: 0.75–0.78, respectively); and (3) other paternal race and ethnicity and higher rates of gestational diabetes, but lower rates of hypertensive disorder of pregnancy and assisted ventilation >6 hours of life (OR = 1.26, 95% CI: 1.25–1.27; OR = 0.79, 95% CI: 0.78–0.80; and OR = 0.80, 95% CI: 0.78–0.82, respectively). All associations were in comparison to paternal non-Hispanic white race and ethnicity. Conclusion Paternal race and ethnicity has an independent association with adverse obstetric outcomes. The pathway and the extent of the paternal racial influence are not fully understood and deserve additional research.

Introduction Presidents “define who Americans are—often by declaring who they aren’t”, and “by their very utterances […] have shaped our sense of who we are as Americans” (Stuckey, front cover). This advocacy of some groups and policies to the exclusion of others has been facilitated in the United States’ political culture by the country music industry. Indeed, President Richard Nixon said of country music that it “radiates a love of this nation—a patriotism,” adding that it “makes America a better country” (Bufwack and Oermann 328). Country music’s ardent support of American military conflict, including Vietnam, has led to its long-term support of Republican candidates. There has been a general lack of scholarly interest, however, in how country music has promoted Republican definitions of what it means to be an American. Accordingly, we have two primary objectives. First, we will demonstrate that Republicans, aided by country music, have used the theme of defence of “country,” especially post-9/11, to attempt to intimidate detractors. Secondly, Republicans have questioned the love of “country,” or “patriotism,” of their electoral opponents just as country musicians have attempted to silence their own critics. This research is timely in that little has been done to merge Presidential advocacy and country music; furthermore, with the election of a new President mere days away, it is important to highlight the tendencies toward intolerance that both conservatism and country music have historically shared. Defence of ‘Country’ After the 9/11 attacks, President George W. Bush addressed the nation before a Joint Session of Congress on 20 September 2001. During this speech, the president threatened the international community and raised the spectre of fear in Americans both while drawing distinctions between the United States and its enemies. This message was reflected and reinforced by several patriotic anthems composed by country artists, thus enhancing its effect. In his remarks before Congress, Bush challenged the international community: “Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists;” thus “advocating some groups to the exclusion of others” on the international stage (20 September 2001). With these words, the President expanded the definition of the United States’ enemies to include not only those responsible for the 9/11 attacks, but also anyone who refused to support him. Republican Senator John McCain’s hawkishness regarding the attacks mirrored the President’s. “There is a system out there or network, and that network is going to have to be attacked,” McCain said the next morning on ABC (American Broadcasting Company) News. Within a month he made clear his priority: “Very obviously Iraq is the first country,” he declared on CNN. Later he yelled to a crowd of sailors and airmen: “Next up, Baghdad!” (http://www.iht.com/articles/2008/08/17/america/mccain.php). Bush’s address also encouraged Americans at home to “be calm and resolute, even in the face of a continuing threat” (20 September 2001). The subtle “us vs. them” tension here is between citizens and those who would threaten them. Bush added that “freedom and fear” had always “been at war” and “God is not neutral between them” (20 September 2001) suggesting a dualism between God and Satan with God clearly supporting the cause of the United States. Craig Allen Smith’s research refers to this as Bush’s “angel/devil jeremiad.” The President’s emphasis on fear, specifically the fear that the American way of life was being assailed, translated into public policy including the creation of the Department of Homeland Security and the Patriot Act. This strategic nomenclature strengthened the power of the federal government and has been used by Republicans to suggest that if a candidate or citizen is not a terrorist then what does he/she have to fear from the government? The impact of Bush’s rhetoric of fear has of late been evaluated by scholars who have termed it “melodrama” in international affairs (Anker; Sampert and Treiberg). To disseminate his message for Americans to support his defence of “country,” Bush needed look no further than country music. David Firestein, a State Department diplomat and published authority on country music, asserted that the Bush team “recognised the power of country music as a political communication device” (86). The administration’s appeal to country music is linked to what Firestein called the “honky-tonk gap” which delineates red states and blue states. In an analysis of census data, Radio-Locator’s comprehensive listing by state of country music radio stations, and the official 2004 election results, he concluded that If you were to overlay a map of the current country music fan base onto the iconic red-and-blue map of the United States, you would find that its contours coincide virtually identically with those of the red state region. (84) And country musicians were indeed powerful in communicating the Republican message after 9/11. Several country musicians tapped into Bush’s defence of country rhetoric with a spate of songs including Alan Jackson’s Where Were You? (When the World Stopped Turning), Toby Keith’s Courtesy of the Red, White, and Blue (the Angry American), and Darryl Worley’s Have You Forgotten? to name a few. Note how well the music parallels Bush’s attempt to define Americans. For instance, one of the lines from Keith’s Courtesy of the Red, White, and Blue (the Angry American) speaks of those who have given their lives so that other Americans may rest peacefully. This sentiment is reiterated by the theme of Worley’s Have You Forgotten? in which he talks of spending time with soldiers who have no doubts about why they are at war. Both songs implicitly indict the listener for betraying United States soldiers if his/her support for the Iraqi war wanes or, put in Bush terms, the listener would become a supporter of “terrorism.” Country music’s appeal to middle-America’s red state conservatism has made the genre a natural vehicle for supporting the defence of country. Indeed, country songs have been written about every war in United States history; most expressing support for the conflict and the troops as opposed to protesting the United States’ action: “Since the Civil War and Reconstruction, ‘Dixie’ has always been the bellwether of patriotic fervour in time of war and even as the situation in Vietnam reached its lowest point and support for the war began to fade, the South and its distinctive music remained solidly supportive” (Andresen 105). Historically, country music has a long tradition of attempting to “define who Americans were by defining who they weren’t” (Stuckey). As Bufwack and Oermann note within country music “images of a reactionary South were not hard to find.” They add “Dixie fertilized ‘three r’s’ – the right, racism, and religion” (328). Country musicians supported the United States’ failed intervention in Vietnam with such songs as It’s for God and Country and You Mom (That’s Why I’m Fighting In Vietnam), and even justified the American massacre of noncombatants at My Lai in the Battle Hymn of Lt. Calley (328). Thus, a right-wing response to the current military involvement in Iraq was not unexpected from the industry and the honky-tonk state listeners. During the current election, Republican presidential nominee McCain has also received a boost from the country music genre as John Rich, of Big and Rich, wrote Raising McCain, a musical tribute to McCain’s military service used as his campaign theme song. The song, debuted at a campaign rally on 1 August 2008, in Florida, mentions McCain’s ‘Prisoner of War’ status to keep the focus on the war and challenge those who would question it. Scholars have researched the demographics of the country music listener as they have evaluated the massification theory: the notion that the availability of a widespread media culture would break down social and cultural barriers and result in a “homogenised” society as opposed to the results of government-controlled media in non-democratic countries (Peterson and DiMaggio). They have determined that the massification theory has only been partially demonstrated in that regional and class barriers have eroded to some extent but country music listeners are still predominately white and older (Peterson and DiMaggio 504). These individuals do tend to be more conservative within the United States’ political culture, and militarism has a long history within both country music and conservatism. If the bad news of the massification theory is that a mass media market may not perpetuate a homogenous society, there is good news. The more onerous fears that the government will work in tandem with the media to control the people in a democracy seem not to have been borne out over time. Although President Bush’s fear tactics were met with obsequious silence initially, resistance to the unquestioning support of the war has steadily grown. In 2003, a worldwide rally opposed the invasion of Iraq because it was a sovereign state and because the Bush doctrine lacked United Nations’ support. Further opposition in the United States included rallies and concerts as well as the powerful display in major cities across the nation of pairs of combat boots representing fallen soldiers (Olson). Bush’s popularity has dropped precipitously, with his disapproval ratings higher than any President in history at 71% (Steinhauser). While the current economic woes have certainly been a factor, the campaigns of Barack Obama and John McCain can also be viewed as a referendum on the Bush war. The American resistance to the Bush rhetoric and the Iraq war is all the more significant in light of research indicating that citizens incorrectly believe that the opposition to the Vietnam War was typified by protests against the troops rather than the war itself (Beamish). This false notion has empowered the Republicans and country musicians to challenge the patriotism of anyone who would subsequently oppose the military involvement of the United States, and it is to this topic of patriotism that we now turn. Patriotism Patriotism can be an effective way for presidential candidates to connect with voters (Sullivan et al). It has been a particularly salient issue since the 9/11 attacks and the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. Ironically, George W. Bush, a man whose limited military service had been the subject of debate in 2000, was able to employ the persistent patriotic themes of country music to his electoral advantage. In fact, Firestein argued that country music radio had a greater effect on the 2004 election than any ads run by issue groups because it “inculcated and reinforced conservative values in the red state electorate, helped frame the issues of the day on terms favourable to the conservative position on those issues, and primed red state voters to respond positively to President Bush’s basic campaign message of family, country, and God” (Firestein 83). Bush even employed Only in America, a patriotic anthem performed by Brooks and Dunn, as a campaign theme song, because the war and patriotism played such a prominent role in the election. That the Bush re-election campaign successfully cast doubt on the patriotism of three-time Purple Heart winner, Democratic Senator John Kerry, during the campaign is evidence of Firestein’s assertion. The criticism was based on a book: Unfit for Command: Swift Boat Veterans Speak Out Against John Kerry (O’Neill and Corsi). The book was followed by advertisements funded by Swift Boat Veterans for Truth which included unsubstantiated claims that Kerry lied or exaggerated his combat role in Vietnam in order to obtain two of his Purple Hearts and his Bronze Star; the testimony of Kerry’s crewmen and Navy records notwithstanding, these ads were effective in smearing Kerry’s service record and providing the President with an electoral advantage. As far as country music was concerned, the 2004 election played out against the backdrop of the battle between the patriotic Toby Keith and the anti-American Dixie Chicks. The Dixie Chicks were berated after lead singer Natalie Maines’s anti-Bush comments during a concert in London. The trio’s song about an American soldier killed in action, Travelin’ Soldier, quickly fell from the top spot of the country music charts. Moreover, while male singers such as Keith, Darryl Worley, and Alan Jackson received accolades for their post 9/11 artistic efforts, the Dixie Chicks endured a vitriolic reaction from country music fans as their CDs were burned, country radio refused to play their music, their names were added to an internet list of traitors, their concerts were protested by Bush supporters, and their lives were even threatened (http://www.poppolitics.com/archives/2003/04/Bandwagon). Speaking from experience at the 2008 Democratic National Convention, Kerry addressed the issue of patriotism stating: This election is a chance for America to tell the merchants of fear and division: you don’t decide who loves this country; you don’t decide who is a patriot; you don’t decide whose service counts and whose doesn’t. […] After all, patriotism is not love of power or some cheap trick to win votes; patriotism is love of country. (http://www.clipsandcomment.com/2008/08/27/full-text-john-kerry-speech-democratic-national-convention/) Kerry broached the issue because of the constant attacks on the patriotism of Democratic nominee, Senator Barack Obama. At the most basic level, many of the attacks questioned whether Obama was even an American. Internet rumours persisted that Obama was a Muslim who was not even an American citizen. The attacks intensified when the Obamas’ pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, came under fire for comments made during a sermon in which he stated “God damn America.” As a result, Obama was forced to distance himself from his pastor and his church. Obama was also criticised for not wearing a United States flag lapel pin. When Michelle Obama stated for the “first time [she was] proud of her country” for its willingness to embrace change in February of 2008, Cindy McCain responded that she “had always been proud of her country” with the implication being, of course, a lack of patriotism on the part of Michelle Obama. Even the 13 July 2008 cover of the liberal New Yorker portrayed the couple as flag-burning Muslim terrorists. During the 2008 election campaign, McCain has attempted to appeal to patriotism in a number of ways. First, McCain’s POW experience in Vietnam has been front and centre as he touts his experience in foreign policy. Second, the slogan of the campaign is “Country First” implying that the Obama campaign does not put the United States first. Third, McCain’s running mate, Alaska Governor Sarah Palin, insisted in a speech on 4 October 2008, that Barack Obama has been “palling around with terrorists who would target their own country.” Her reference was to Obama’s acquaintance, Bill Ayers, who was involved in a series of Vietnam era bombings; the implication, however, was that Obama has terrorist ties and is unpatriotic. Palin stood behind her comments even though several major news organisations had concluded that the relationship was not significant as Ayers’ terrorist activities occurred when Obama was eight-years-old. This recent example is illustrative of Republican attempts to question the patriotism of Democrats for their electoral advantage. Country music has again sided with the Republicans particularly with Raising McCain. However, the Democrats may have realised the potential of the genre as Obama chose Only in America as the song played after his acceptance speech at the Democratic Convention. He has also attempted to reach rural voters by starting his post-convention campaign in Bristol, Virginia, a small, conservative town. Conclusion Thus, in the wake of 9/11, Republicans seized the opportunity to control the culture through fear and patriotic fervour. They were facilitated in this endeavor by the country music industry with songs that that would questions the motives, defence of “country,” and patriotism, of anyone who would question the Bush administration. This alliance between country music and the right is an historically strong one, and we recommend more research on this vital topic. While this election may indeed be a referendum on the war, it has been influenced by an economic downturn as well. Ultimately, Democrats will have to convince rural voters that they share their values; they don’t have the same edge as Republicans without the reliance of country music. However, the dynamic of country music has changed to somewhat reflect the war fatigue since the 2004 campaign. The Angry American, Toby Keith, has admitted that he is actually a Democrat, and country music listeners have grown tired of the “barrage of pro-troop sentiment,” especially since the summer of 2005 (Willman 115). As Joe Galante, the chief of the RCA family of labels in Nashville, stated, “It’s the relatability. Kerry never really spent time listening to some of those people” (Willman 201). Bill Clinton, a Southern governor, certainly had relatability, carrying the normally red states and overcoming the honky-tonk gap, and Obama has seen the benefit of country music by playing it as the grand finale of the Democratic Convention. Nevertheless, we recommend more research on the “melodrama” theory of the Presidency as the dynamics of the relationship between the Presidency and the country music genre are currently evolving. References Andreson, Lee. Battle Notes: Music of the Vietnam War. 2nd ed. Superior, WI: Savage Press, 2003. Anker, Elisabeth. “Villains, Victims and Heroes: Melodrama, Media and September 11th.” Journal of Communication. 55.1 (2005): 22-37. Baker, Peter and David Brown. “Bush Tries to Tone Down High-Pitched Debate on Iraq.” Monday, 21November 2005, Page A04. washingtonpost.com Beamish, Thomas D., Harvey Molotch, and Richard Flacks. “Who Supports the Troops? Vietnam, the Gulf War, and the Making of Collective Memory.” Social Problems. 42.3 (1995): 344-60. Brooks and Dunn. Only in America. Arista Records, 2003. Bufwack, Mary A. and Robert K. Oermann. Finding Her Voice The Saga of Women in Country Music. New York: Crown Publishers, 1993. Dixie Chicks. “Travelin Soldier.” Home. Columbia. 27 August 2002. Firestein, David J. “The Honky-Tonk Gap.” Vital Speeches of the Day. 72.3 (2006): 83-88. Jackson, Alan. Where Were You? (When the World Stopped Turning) Very Best of Alan Jackson. Nashville: Arista, 2004. Keith, Toby. Courtesy of the Red, White and Blue (The Angry American). Nashville: Dreamworks. November 9, 2004. Olson, Scott. “Chicago remembers war dead with 500 pairs of empty boots.” 22 January 2004. http://www.usatoday.com/news/nation/2004-01-22-chicago-boots_x.htm O’Neill, John E. and Jerome L. Corsi. “Unfit for Command Swift Boat Veterans Speak Out Against John Kerry.” Washington D.C.: Regnery Publishing, 2004. Peterson, Richard A. and Peter Di Maggio. “From Region to Class, the Changing Locus of Country Music. A Test of the Massification Hypothesis.” Social Forces. 53.3 (1975): 497-506. Rich, John. Raising McCain. Production information unavailable. Sampert, Shannon, and Natasja Treiberg. “The Reification of the ?American Soldier?: Popular Culture, American Foreign Policy, and Country Music.” Paper presented at the International Studies Association 48th Annual Convention, Chicago, Illinois, United States, 28 February 2007. Smith, Craig Allen. “President Bush’s Enthymeme of Evil: The Amalgamation of 9/11, Iraq, and Moral Values.” American Behavioral Scientist. 49 (2005): 32-47. Steinhauser, Paul. “Poll: More disapprove of Bush that any other president.” Politics Cnn.politics.com. 1 May 2008. Stuckey, Mary E. Defining Americans: The Presidency and National Identity. Lawrence: UP of Kansas, 2004. Sullivan, John L., Amy Fried, Mary G. Dietz. 1992. “Patriotism, Politics, and the Presidential Election of 1988.” American Journal of Political Science. 36.1 (1992): 200-234. Willman, Chris. Rednecks and Bluenecks: The Politics of Country Music. New York: The New Press, 2005. Worley, Darryl. Have You Forgotten? Nashville: Dreamworks, 2003.

<em>Abstract.</em>—Chinook <em>Oncorhynchus tshawytscha </em>and chum <em>O. keta </em>salmon bycatch in the Bering Sea Aleutian Islands (BSAI) walleye pollock <em>Theragra chalcogramma </em>fishery has increased dramatically in recent years, reaching near record highs for both salmon species. This bycatch must either be thrown back into the water or saved for donation to food banks. Many of these salmon were bound for spawning streams in the Arctic-Yukon-Kuskokwim (AYK) region of western Alaska, where the people of the AYK region await the salmon’s return to provide for subsistence and commercial fisheries, and to fulfil a vital cultural role. To examine the interplay between the pollock fishery and western Alaska salmon stocks, this paper reviews important characteristics of the pollock fishery, western Alaska salmon stock status and origins of salmon bycatch in the pollock fishery, legal requirements to reduce bycatch, past and present bycatch management measures, and discusses possibilities for change and improvement to ensure that salmon bycatch and the impacts to western Alaska salmon are reduced. Current management under the voluntary rolling hot spot system provides an adaptive approach to bycatch management, but has not reduced salmon bycatch overall. To be effective, this system needs to be combined with a total cap on salmon bycatch. Technical approaches to reduce salmon bycatch, such as salmon excluder devices, should be developed and implemented. Social devices such as labelling regimes for sustainably caught fish could also play a role in reducing salmon bycatch.

Historically and ethnographically dogs have played a prominent role in the lifeways and lifeworlds of many Arctic and sub-Arctic peoples, and are considered to be a vital aspect of adaptation to living in these regions. Excavations at the precontact site of Nunalleq in the Yukon-Kuskokwim (Y-K) Delta in coastal Western Alaska have uncovered a significant proportion of dog bones among the faunal assemblage. The presence of discontinuous permafrost at the site has resulted in the excellent preservation, not only of bone, but also of dog fur and even dog lice in deposits at the site, along with vast organic and inorganic material culture assemblages. Here we present a multi-stranded, cross-disciplinary study of the bioarchaeology and zooarchaeology of dogs at Nunalleq, combining their remains, with the study of material culture, soils and other bodies of evidence, and the ethno-historic record. We go “beyond domestication” and examine the utilitarian role of dogs at Nunalleq, the role in foodways, and in social and symbolic space at the site, providing new insights into this vital aspect of Precontact animal-human relationships in the Y-K Delta.